This report presents the synthesis of household level surveys in five intervention countries (Angola, Malawi, Mozambique, Zambia, and Zimbabwe) of the Drought Tolerant Maize for Africa (DTMA) project designed and implemented by the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Center (CIMMYT), International Institute for Tropical Agriculture (IITA) and national research and extension institutions in 13 countries of Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). In each of the study countries, two districts were randomly selected provided that the districts fall in predetermined categories (20-40%) of probability of failed season (PFS). A total sample of 1108 households was randomly drawn with sample sizes varying country to country. The report has different sections that focus, in order, on description of the sample households, extent and determinants of poverty and inequality among the sample population, characteristics of maize production, perception and management of drought risk, and determinants of likelihood and intensity of adoption of improved maize varieties. The distribution of the age of the sample population shows that the population below the age of 16 years is 54% in Zambia, 47% in Malawi and more than 42% in the other three countries. Most of the sample households in each of the countries are headed by males. Only, Malawian sample has about one third of the households headed by women. The literacy level of household heads is considerably high by African standards. The proportion of literate household head ranges from 67% in Angola to 97% in Zimbabwe. The details of the literacy level show that about 48% of Zimbabweans have attended secondary school or higher followed by 32% in Zambia and to 28% in Angola. Most of the literate household heads in Malawi and Mozambique fall in the primary school category. The farming systems in the study areas are predominantly traditional and semi-subsistence oriented. The plough culture is an important feature of the systems and hence the traction power of draft animals is indispensable. Nonetheless, only Zambian (44%) and Zimbabwean (42%) farmers use draft animals. No sample household in Angola and Malawi owns a draft animal. The livestock owned per household, in tropical livestock units (TLU), ranges from 0.41 in Malawi to 2.9 in Zambia. Accordingly, the current value in US$ of the livestock owned by a typical household ranges from 102.7 in Malawi to 1051 in Zambia. The average farm land holding is highest in Mozambique where a typical household owns nearly 8 hectares of land, followed by Zambia at 6.63 hectares, and Zimbabwe at 3 hectares. The smallest average farmland was observed in Malawi with a typical household owning 1.25 ha. Wealth indices were computed based on asset holdings to look into the relative welfare distribution of the sample communities. Forty four percent of the sample households in Angola have negative wealth index. The households with negative indices can generally be considered as poor. Nearly 55% Malawian, 57% Mozambican, and 54% Zambian sample households do have negative wealth indices. Sixty two percent of the sample households in Zimbabwe have negative wealth indices, which is higher than any other country in the study.Asset wealth based rough classification of the households has shown that most of the sampling households are poor. A more detailed analysis of poverty and inequality was done based on reported income and expenditure. Household level determinants of poverty were identified using quantile regression. Generally, sample households in Mozambique and Zambia were found to be poorer than the sample households in Angola and Malawi. The poverty profiles show that the absolutely poor households in four of the countries (Angola, Malawi, Mozambique, and Zambia) do have significantly smaller family size, smaller number of illiterate household members, less number of important assets such as phones and radio, livestock and smaller farm sizes. An important observation is that the proportion of total land allocated to maize by absolutely poor households is significantly higher than that of better-off households. The study has also detailed the extent and determinants of poverty and inequality in the countries. The importance of maize technology use and resource allocation to the crop in determining magnitude of poverty and inequality is an important finding in view of the fact that the sample population is essentially semi-subsistent with limited market orientation. This finding also justifies the effort being exerted on development and deployment of maize and maize related technologies in rural communities of the study countries. Maize production in the region has peculiar characteristics with important distinctions across countries. The land allocated to maize ranges from 45.9% in Mozambique to 69.8% in Malawi of the whole farmland. In Angola, Malawi and Mozambique, most of the maize land is covered with land races; whereas in Zambia and Zimbabwe, hybrid maize covers most of the maize area. All the sample farmers in Zimbabwe are aware of the difference between improved Open pollinated varieties (OPVs) and hybrid maize varieties. On the contrary, about 95% of the sample farmers in Angola do not know the difference between OPV and hybrid maize. Most of the sample farmers in Malawi (72.0%), Mozambique (98.0%), and Zambia (78.0%) are in fact aware of the difference between OPVs and hybrid maize varieties. Regarding recycling of hybrid seeds, it was found out that Zimbabweans hardly recycle, whereas Mozambicans do on average recycle 1.5 times. This pattern of recycling also applies to improved OPVs. Despite considerable number of farmers depending on the market to fetch maize seeds, 90.7% of the farmers in Angola purchased and planted only local maize varieties. Malawian and Zambian farmers, followed by Mozambicans and Zimbabweans, do mostly purchase and grow improved seeds. In terms of the proportion of seed types used, Zimbabwe stands out well-above others with 94.6% of the seed used being improved, followed by Zambia (64.3%) and Malawi (24.8%). In Malawi, the most preferred varieties, in order of preference are: local, MH36, Kanyani, and Makolo. In Mozambique, Ndau ou Chindau, Matuba, SC513, Laposta, and Pan 67 were indicated to be the most preferred varieties in that order. In Zambia, the four most preferred varieties were identified to be Gankata, SC513, Pool 16, and Obatampa. In Zimbabwe, SC513 is the most preferred variety followed by ZM521 and the local Heckory King variety. Drought was reported to be the most important challenge on the livelihoods of people in Malawi, Zambia and Zimbabwe, whereas it was indicated to be second, next to sickness and mortality of a family member, in Angola and Mozambique. Maize varieties in general and improved OPVs and hybrids in particular are being considered very risky in terms of predictability and reliability of yields. Given the importance of maize and the vulnerability of the farming communities in the region, drought and risks associated with it will have paramount and potentially irreversible consequences on the poor sections of the region. The decisions regarding level and intensity of improved maize adoption have also been investigated to show that gender based intra-household division of labor was an important factor considered in deciding to adopt or not improved maize varieties. Asset endowments such as farm size and livestock wealth were found to be important determinants of level and intensity of adoption in the region. Similarly, membership in social groupings and engagement of off-farm activities influenced adoption decisions. Access to extension services has universally been identified as an important factor in determining the level and, when relevant, the intensity of adoption of improved maize varieties in the region. As important as this service is, however, the extent to which farmers are getting the service is not that encouraging according to respondents. It is, therefore, imperative to underline again the need for investment in the agricultural extension system and the effort that shall be exerted in enabling the private sector to engage in generation and deployment of agricultural information. In designing and implementing any intervention that aims at contributing to the risk coping ability of farmers, it is essential to take into account heterogeneity of the farming communities. Due consideration of this heterogeneity shall be made while assessing the importance of drought risk and while analyzing the effectiveness of the contributions to be made with the intention of strengthening drought risk coping strategies. The trait preferences of farmers are for instance an important indicator of the heterogenous demand structure. This study has shown that despite the fact that yield size is among the most preferred traits, farmers' strong reference to maize as a risky crop urges refocusing breeding activities to generation of germplasms with reliable yield distribution. Farmers have also shown strong interest in traits such as drought tolerance, early maturity, and good performance under poor rainfall implying the need for multi-trait focused breeding schemes. Public agricultural extension institutions and public mass media are by far the two most important sources of agricultural information in the region. Despite the political importance of agriculture in general and maize in particular, there is always a lack of incentive in publicly owned institutions to deliver the information as timely and as adequately it is needed. Agricultural extension efforts in the region should in fact be accompanied by comprehensive microfinance institutions to relieve farmers of the seasonal cash shortage which almost all of them experience every year. So far, except in Zimbabwe, access to rural credit and finance seems to be farfetched.
Dealing with the climate crisis requires tackling three challenges regarding the production, integration and efficient use of energy, addressed in the three chapters of this dissertation. First, energy efficiency is widely recognised as an effective means to reduce the consumption of fossil fuels, as well as a cost-efficient solution towards the decarbonisation of the economy. However, impact evaluations of existing energy efficiency policies are rare. Second, vast amounts of renewable energy are needed in order to replace fossil fuels in the energy mix. As renewable energies are being expanded, concerns about social acceptance of renewables become more pressing, especially for technologies like onshore wind power. On the other hand, policies intended to increase social acceptance may harm the expansion of renewable energy. Third, renewable energy needs to be integrated into the current energy systems using flexibility options such as demand response. However, a set of barriers needs to be overcome in power markets, in order to move from an inelastic demand side to flexible loads. Chapter 1 evaluates the impact of energy efficiency networks, an instrument designed to boost energy efficiency in industry. In energy efficiency networks, groups of firms exchange experiences on energy conservation in regular meetings over several years. The companies implement energy efficiency measures in order to reach commonly agreed energy savings and CO2 reduction goals. Energy efficiency networks exist in several countries, such as Germany, Sweden and China. Existing evaluations of such voluntary regional networks in Germany claim that participants improved energy efficiency at twice the speed of the industry average. Based on comprehensive data from the German manufacturing census, chapter 1 examines whether participation in energy efficiency networks has a causal impact on energy conservation and CO2 emissions. I demonstrate that for the average participant there is no statistically significant effect on energy productivity or CO2 emissions due to the network activities. While a small network effect may exist, power calculations show that this effect would be smaller than predicted by the previous literature. However, there is some indication that exporters may have benefitted from the networks by reducing their CO2 emissions. Chapter 2 shows that strict minimum distances have detrimental consequences for onshore wind power. The chapter evaluates the causal effect of the introduction of minimum distance regulation in Bavaria on construction permits for wind turbines. In order to increase public acceptance of wind power, several countries and regions have introduced mandatory minimum distances of wind turbines to nearby residential areas. Germany's largest federal state Bavaria introduced such separation distances of ten times the height of new wind turbines in 2014. We construct a novel monthly district-level dataset of construction permits for wind turbines constructed in Germany between 2010 and 2018. We use this dataset to evaluate the causal effect of introducing the Bavarian minimum distance regulation on the issuance of construction permits for wind turbines. We find that permits decreased by up to 90 percent. This decrease is in the same order of magnitude as the reduction of land area available for wind turbines. The results are in line with findings indicating that minimum distances do not increase the public acceptance of wind power, but harm the expansion of onshore wind power. Alternative policies are better suited to facilitate acceptance without hampering the expansion of wind power. Chapter 3 analyses the role of aggregators – intermediaries between consumers and energy markets – in facilitating industrial demand response. Based on the results from semi-structured interviews with German demand response aggregators, as well as a wider stakeholder online survey, we examine the role of aggregators in overcoming a set of barriers to industrial demand response. We find that central roles for aggregators are to raise awareness for the potentials of demand response, as well as to support implementation by engaging key actors in industrial companies. Demand response aggregators thus drive organisational change. Moreover, we develop a taxonomy that helps analyse how the different functional roles of aggregators create economic value. We find that there is considerable heterogeneity in the kind of services that aggregators offer, many of which do create significant economic value. However, some of the current aggregator roles may become obsolete once market barriers to demand response are reduced or knowledge on demand response becomes more diffused. ; Die Auseinandersetzung mit der Klimakrise bringt drei Herausforderungen bezüglich der Produktion, der Integration und der effizienten Nutzung von Energie mit sich. Diese Herausforderungen werden in den drei Kapiteln dieser Dissertation analysiert. Erstens wird Energieeffizienz weithin sowohl als ein effektives Mittel zur Reduzierung des Verbrauchs fossiler Energien als auch als kosteneffiziente Lösung zu einer Dekarbonisierung der Wirtschaft anerkannt. Es gibt jedoch nur wenig empirische Analysen der Auswirkungen bestehender Effizienzpolitiken. Zweitens werden große Mengen erneuerbarer Energien benötigt, um fossile Energieträger im bestehenden Energiemix zu ersetzen. Mit der Ausweitung erneuerbarer Energien werden allerdings auch Fragen nach der Akzeptanz von Erneuerbaren wichtiger, insbesondere bei Technologien wie der Windkraft an Land. Politikmaßnahmen, die auf eine Erhöhung der Akzeptanz abzielen, können jedoch gleichzeitig auch dem Ausbau erneuerbarer Energien schaden. Drittens müssen erneuerbare Energien durch eine Nutzung von Flexibilitätsoptionen wie Demand Response in bestehende Energiesysteme integriert werden. Um von einer unelastischen zu einer flexiblen Nachfrage zu kommen, müssen jedoch eine Reihe von Barrieren in Strommärkten überwunden werden. In Kapitel 1 werden die Auswirkungen von Energieeffizienz-Netzwerken evaluiert. Das Ziel dieser Netzwerke ist die Förderung von Energieeffizienz in der Industrie. In den Netzwerken werden über mehrere Jahre in regelmäßigen Treffen innerhalb von Gruppen von Unternehmen Erfahrungen über Energieeinsparungen ausgetauscht. Die beteiligten Unternehmen führen Energieeffizienz-maßnahmen durch, um gemeinsam vereinbarte Energie- und CO2-Einsparziele zu erreichen. Energieeffizienz-Netzwerke gibt es in mehreren Ländern, wie z.B. Deutschland, Schweden und China. Bisherige Auswertungen dieser freiwilligen regionalen Netzwerke in Deutschland kamen zu dem Schluss, dass die Teilnehmer ihre Energieeffizienz doppelt so schnell steigern konnten wie der Industriedurchschnitt. Basierend auf amtlichen Mikrodaten des Verarbeitenden Gewerbes wird in Kapitel 1 untersucht, ob die Teilnahme an einem Energieeffizienz-Netzwerk einen kausalen Einfluss auf die Energieeinsparung und die CO2-Emissionen der Teilnehmer hatte. Für den durchschnittlichen Netzwerkteilnehmer lässt sich aufgrund der Netzwerkaktivitäten kein statistisch signifikanter Effekt auf Energieproduktivität und CO2-Emissionen der Teilnehmer feststellen. Obwohl möglicherweise ein kleiner Netzwerkeffekt existiert, zeigen Berechnungen zur Teststärke, dass dieser kleiner wäre als die Vorhersagen in der bisherigen Literatur. Es gibt jedoch einige Hinweise, dass Exporteure durch eine Reduzierung ihrer CO2-Emissionen von den Netzwerken profitiert haben. In Kapitel 2 wird gezeigt, dass universelle Mindestabstände verheerende Konsequenzen für die Windenergie an Land haben. In dem Kapitel werden die kausalen Effekte der Einführung gesetzlicher Mindestabstände auf die Genehmigungen von Windenergieanlagen in Bayern untersucht. Mehrere Länder und Regionen haben solche verpflichtenden Mindestabstände zu nahe gelegenen Wohngebieten eingeführt, um die Akzeptanz der Windenergie an Land zu erhöhen. In Deutschlands größtem Bundesland Bayern wurden 2014 gesetzliche Mindestabstände von der zehnfachen Höhe neuer Windräder eingeführt. Wir erstellen ein neues monatliches Panel der Genehmigungen von Windrädern in Deutschland von 2010 bis 2018. Mithilfe dieses Datensatzes evaluieren wir den kausalen Effekt der Einführung der bayerischen Mindestabstandsregel auf die Ausstellung von Baugenehmigungen für Windräder. Die Genehmigungen sinken aufgrund der Einführung der Mindestabstandsregel um bis zu 90 Prozent. Dieser Rückgang ist ähnlich groß wie die Reduktion der für die Windenergie ausgewiesenen Flächen. Die Ergebnisse stimmen mit anderen wissenschaftlichen Erkenntnissen überein, dass Mindestabstände die Akzeptanz von Windenergie nicht steigern, deren Ausbau aber hemmen. Andere Politikmaßnahmen sind besser geeignet, die Akzeptanz der Windenergie an Land zu erhöhen, ohne den Ausbau zu bremsen. In Kapitel drei wird die Rolle von Aggregatoren – Intermediäre zwischen Verbrauchern und den Energiemärkten – bei der Förderung von Demand Response in der Industrie analysiert. Basierend auf den Ergebnissen von semistrukturierten Interviews sowie einer breiteren Online-Umfrage unter Stakeholdern untersuchen wir die Rolle von deutschen Demand Response-Aggregatoren bei der Überwindung einer Reihe von Barrieren für Demand Response in der Industrie. Unsere Ergebnisse zeigen, dass das Erhöhen der Aufmerksamkeit für die Potenziale von Demand Response sowie die Unterstützung von deren Implementierung durch das Einbinden wesentlicher Akteure in den Unternehmen zentrale Rollen von Aggregatoren sind. Demand Response-Aggregatoren tragen somit zu organisatorischem Wandel bei. Wir entwickeln außerdem eine Taxonomie, mithilfe derer wir analysieren, wie die verschiedenen funktionalen Rollen der Aggregatoren ökonomischen Wert schaffen. Es gibt eine deutliche Heterogenität in der Art der durch die Aggregatoren angebotenen Leistungen, von denen viele erhebliche ökonomische Werte schaffen. Einige der derzeitigen Rollen von Aggregatoren könnten jedoch obsolet werden, wenn Marktbarrieren für Demand Response reduziert werden oder die Unternehmen zunehmend eigene Kompetenzen zu Demand Response aufbauen.
Published interview of Brooks Hays in Nation's Cities (American Municipal Association) ; refers to three "levels" of government—federal, state, and local. Should there be a fourth—metropolitan? Well, the intergovernmental aspect of metropolitan area government is one good example of what Senator Muskie of Maine calls "the fourth dimension" of government. Cities like Philadelphia and New York have an impact on a large area—parts of three states, in their cases—and on all levels of government. Do you see this as bringing about another level of government to handle problems of urban areas which are on rivers which form state boundaries, such as Kansas City or Memphis? It could be an exciting new experiment in government. What account should we take of a city that straddles a state line? The lives of many people are properly affected by that, even when their area isn't large enough to be defined as metropolitan. However, it seems to me that the most pressing problems brought about by urban growth would continue to be in the great metropolitan areas. In the Chicago area, Wisconsin and Indiana are affected. St. Louis laps over into Illinois, and Chattanooga actually extends into two other states besides Tennessee. You can point to Los Angeles and say that only one state is involved but even there the water supply comes from the Colorado River and this becomes an interstate matter in part. Federal agencies seem to be taking into account the metropolitan scope of their progress, aren't they? To some extent. I mentioned the President's instructions about notifying states of federal actions in advance. That's one approach. But other federal efforts can do only so much. I remember the problems of carrying out federal policy with the Office of Price Administration. The administrator had to realize that it could not be controlled without unified approval from the states. And we never got unified approval. We're not getting it today in regard to many of these programs which are directed at our localities. Does this mean that federal agencies which reflect some concern about metropolitan problems are doing it because the states have left a vacuum on the subject? I think there is a certain absence of concern in the state governments, but I don't think it is a vacuum. And what the federal administrator does is in terms of "reciprocity," he can't afford to be high-handed. We do it with the spirit of cooperation between levels of government. James Madison said, "This Federal system will work as long as there is reciprocal forbearance." That is a choice quotation. The kind of government we have launched is unique—we don't expect it to be a perfect mechanism. Human systems have to be resilient. Perhaps for this reason, allocations to states don't adhere rigidly to formulas. Do governors have need for staff positions such as yours and people such as the Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations? For neat and effective functioning, we've got to avoid proliferation of offices. Governors—a good many of them, at least—are aware of the magnitude of developing problems. Each has to become something of a specialist himself; it's almost necessary because there is so much interest in this area now. Having expert advice in his office might well serve a useful purpose, however. This is a matter for each state to decide. Do you care to comment on proposals that the President create a White House staff unit to coordinate federal urban programs which are administered by many different agencies? The present view at the White House is that we have established sufficient procedures between the President and individual agencies. We would much prefer the establishment of a Department of Urban Affairs so that the administration of each federal program could be better related to the others. As a general assessment, how do you feel the Administration's programs will fare at the hands of the new Congress? In broad terms, we do think that the Administration's programs will be treated more sympathetically. Looking ahead to 1964's elections, a lot of Congressmen will want to be able to point to their support of the President. Since the Republicans picked up additional seats in the South and showed surprising strength in close races, what meaning do you think this has for the future of a two-party South? Well, you must remember that there were a lot of changes and not just in the South. When voters in New England elect as many Democrats to state and national office as in recent elections, you have a different two-party picture there, too. In both places, however, the real meaning is very hard to define in actual terms. It does prove the independence of the American voter, regardless of where he lives. And, as I said before, maybe the remarkable mobility of our people will mean a better competition between parties in all regions, states, and districts. I hope so because I believe in the two-party system. When I was running for office, I was on record as favoring it. You know, I want every good thing in life for the Republicans except public office. At the same time, if the Southern Republicans are going to run on the idea that "we're more against integration than you Democrats," they are not building up a foundation for a real party organization. I suppose that the national Republican party will have to decide whether to push for such a foundation, or whether to accept whatever kind of candidates happen to come down the pike in the South. With your responsibilities combined with the staff work of the Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations and the legislative role of the House and Senate Subcommitees dealing with the subject, where do you think the biggest impact on this "jungle" will be felt? One of the greatest contributions will be to promote the new professionalism and broader outlook which must go into the workings of all levels of government in our time. There may be a long delay in getting through the steps of fact-finding, suggested remedies, debate on them, and decision-making eventually, but all of our effort is aimed at improving each of these vital parts of the democratic process. I think our governmental leaders at all levels will ultimately recognize that their government's decision will always influence the other fellow's, and that expert advice is needed to determine just what that impact will be and what to do about it, in the interest of good government. 14 NATION'S CITIES • WINTER 1962
La grave situación de las áreas de montaña, su despoblación, aislamiento, déficits de infraestructuras y de equipamientos, han provocado, en la mayoría de países europeos, la intervención del Estado, que ha elaborado políticas específicas tendentes tanto a mantener la población de estas zonas, como a eliminar sus déficits. En esta línea, el Parlament de Catalunya aprobó el 23 de febrero de 1983 la "Llei d'Alta Muntanya", marco específico para la política de Montaña que, entre diversos objetivos, pretende frenar la regresión demográfica de la zona. Como primer paso en la consecución de este objetivo, el Centre d'Estudis Demogràfics fue el encargado de elaborar el estudio demográfico de las nueve comarcas del área (Alt Urgell, Berguedà, Cerdanya, Garrotxa, Pallars Jussà, Pallars Sobirà, Ripollès, Solsonès y Val d'Aran), así como de las tres zonas de montaña (Prades-Montsant, Montsec y Montseny-Guilleries-Lluçanès) que definía la Llei d'Alta Muntanya. El esquema seguido para cada uno de estos estudios comprende siete grandes apartados: 1. Estudio del poblamiento; 2. La evolución de la población; 3. La evolución de las viviendas y familias; 4. El movimiento natural de la población; 5. El movimiento migratorio; 6. La estructura de la población; 7. Conclusiones: Balance de la situación demográfica y perspectivas. Finalmente, se realizó un estudio conjunto de todas las zonas y comarcas de montaña que se proponía, en primer lugar, investigar las relaciones entre la evolución de la población y factores físicos y económicos básicos; en segundo lugar, desarrollar una cartografía adecuada a la escala del estudio; y, por último, realizar una tipología de áreas, profundizando en aquellos aspectos teóricos y metodológicos que permitían avanzar en el conocimiento de las áreas de montaña. Los primeros resultados del estudio permitieron extraer ciertas conclusiones que, aunque provisionales, daban ya una idea, más o menos ajustada, sobre las características del área que se estaba estudiando: A. Existe una variedad de situaciones pero, en conjunto, el crecimiento poblacional es y ha sido muy bajo. En el período 1950-1981, sólo tres comarcas (Berguedà, Cerdanya y Garrotxa) han aumentado de población. B. La estructura de la población de montaña es muy desfavorable para su crecimiento futuro, tanto demográfico como económico (envejecimiento importante, población mayoritariamente masculina, elevado índice de soltería). C. Hay una gran conexión entre dinámica poblacional, estructura demográfica y tamaño de la población: El crecimiento natural y el migratorio son tanto más negativos cuanto menor es el tamaño del municipio, el grado de envejecimiento es inversamente proporcional al tamaño, también la relación de masculinidad crece al disminuir éste y el potencial de crecimiento de la población activa varía en proporción directa al tamaño. D. Las tendencias en el poblamiento son bastante parecidas en el conjunto de las comarcas y zonas: la capital gana peso demográfico, se reduce el peso del poblamiento disperso y prosigue la disminución de la población en los núcleos pequeños. E. Algunos resultados son menos clásicos que los reseñados hasta aquí, como los siguientes: A) Pese al estancamiento o decrecimiento del número de habitantes, el número de familias aumenta. B) El número de viviendas muestra un crecimiento espectacular, muy superior al del numero de familias, traduciendo una magnitud inesperada en la importancia de la segunda residencia o, quizás también, de otros factores como un posible fraccionamiento de los núcleos familiares. C) El número, en términos absolutos y relativos, de jóvenes de 15 a 24 años, era en 1981 superior al de cualquier otro momento desde 1950. D) A partir de 1975, el decrecimiento de la población de las zonas de montaña se ha reducido de forma inequívoca. ; In most European countries, the critical situation in mountain areas, their depopulation, isolation and lack of infrastructure and facilities amongst other things, has led the State to intervene with policies specifically aimed at maintaining the population level and improving the lot of these zones in general. On 23rd Frebruary, 1983, the Catalonian parliament passed a "High Mountains Law" on which Catalan policy regarding mountainous regions is based and which, as one of its objectives, aims to arrest demographic decline throught the area involved. As a first step in fulfilling this objective, the Centre d'Estudis Demogràfics was engaged to carry out a population study of 9 regions (Alt Urgell, Berguedà, Cerdanya, Garrotxa, Pallars Jussà, Pallars Sobirà, Ripollès, Solsonès and Vall d'Aran) along with three mountainous zones (Prades-Montsant, Montsec and Montseny-Guilleries-Lluçanès) which are all covered under the "High Mountains Law'. The format followed for each of these areas consists of four major sections: 1. Study of settlement. 2. Population development. 3.The growth of homes and families. 4. Natural population movements. 5. Migration. 6. The structure of population. 7. Conclusions: Summary of demographic situation and future outlook. Finally, an overall study of all mountainous regions and areas was carried out which aimed firstly, to investigate the relationship between populations development and physical and economics factors ; secondly, to work out a system of mapping to suit the scale of the study and; finally, to classify the areas, thus deepening in points of theory and methodology which will help to advance our knowledge of mountainous areas. Certain conclusions can be drawn on the basis of the first results which, although provisional, do provide a more or less correct picture of characteristics of the area being studied: 1. There are so many different situations but, overall, growth has been very low. During the 1950-81 period, the population increased in only three districts (Berguedà, Cerdanya and Garrotxa). 2. The population structure in mountainous areas is highly unfavourable where future demographic and economic growth is concerned (significant aging, a pre-dominantly male population, large number of single people, .). 3. Dynamics, demographic structure and size of population are all closely linked: -the smaller the town is, more negative is the natural increase and migratory movements; aging is inversely proportional to town size; the predominance of males is greater than smaller is the size of the town; the working population's growth potential is directly proportional to town size. 4. Population trends are similar for all areas and districts: the capital is gaining in demographic importance, the population is becoming less disperse. 5. Not all of the results are as classical as those already outlined thus, for instance: In spite of the halt or decrease in the number of inhabitants, the number of families is on the increase in general; the number of houses is growing at a spectacular rate - far greater than the number of families - something undoubtedly due to the undexpectedly high demand for second homes but also, perhaps, to other factors (such as a possible splitting up of family units); In absolute, relative terms, the number of young people between the ages of 15 and 24 was higher in 1981 than it had ever been since 1950; Since 1975, population decrease in mountain areas has clearly reduced. ; La grave situation des zones de haute montagne -leur dépeuplement, leur isolement, leur déficit d'infrastructure et d'équipement entre autres- a conduit dans la plupart des pays européens à l'intervention publique tendant au maintien sur place de leurs population et à la réduction de ces déficits. Dans ce cadre, le Parlement Catalan a approuvé la Loi de Haute Montagne du 23 février 1983, cadre spécifique d'intervention publique dans les zones de montagne catalanes visant à freiner leur régression démographique. Dans le cadre des études préalables à la consécution de cet objetif, le Centre d'Estudis Demogràfics fut chargé de l'étude démographique des zones de montagne telles que définies par cette loi (les neuf "comarques" pyrénéennes de l'Alt Urgell, du Berguedà, de la Cerdanya, de la Garrotxa, du Pallars Jussà, du Pallars Sobirà, du Ripollès, du Solsonès et du Val d'Aran, ainsi que les trois zones de montagne de Prades-Montsant, Montsec et Montseny-Guilleries-Lluçanès) Le schéma suivi pour chacune des études de zone est le suivant: étude du peuplement, évolution de la population, évolution du logement et des ménages, mouvement naturel, mouvement migratoire, structure de la population, conclusions sur le bilan démographique et les perspectives futures. De plus une étude globale de toutes ces zones a été réalisée avec comme objectifs d'étudier en premier lieu les rapports entre l'evolution démographique et l'environnement physique et la structure economique, deuxièmement la mise au point d'une méthode de cartographie adaptée et finalement la réalisation d'une typologie spatiale avec une orientation méthodologique et théorique qui permette de faire progresser nos connaissances sur ces zones. Les premiers résultats de l'étude permettent de formuler certaines conclusions, qui bien que de nature provisoire permettent de se faire déja une idée globale des caractéristiques des zones étudiées: malgré une grande variété des situations, la tendance générale est plutôt à la stagnation (trois zones sur douze seulement ont vu augmenter leur population entre 1950 et 1981); la structure démographique est très défavorable pour l'acroissement futur tant démographique qu'économique (vieillissement, manque de femmes, fort célibat, .); il y a une forte relation inverse entre la taille des agglomérations et leur dynamisme démographique; on observe des tendances comparables dans toutes les zones à la concentration de la population vers la capitale de la zone et corrélativement à la réduction du poids de la population éparse et à l'isolement croissant de celle-ci; quelques notes contradictoires pourtant: l'augmentation du nombre de ménages malgré la régression démographique, l'augmentation spectaculaire du nombre de logements bien supérieur à celle des ménages, cette dernière évolution devant sans doute être attribuée à un développement quelque peu inattendu des résidances secondaires des habitants des autres zones, et peut-être aussi à un fractionnement des ménages traditionnels. D'autre part, le chiffre des jeunes de 15 à 24 ans est plus fort en 1981 qu'à tout autre date depuis 1950, tant absolument que relativement et depuis 1975 la régression démographique s'est ralentie de façon inéquivoque dans ces zones de haute montagne.
Almost two years since his election, as Obama's popularity continues to sink, many are left wondering what went wrong with his presidency. But before that question can be answered, a more careful consideration of the situation he inherited seems in order: two unwinnable wars, the Guantánamo legal limbo, a badly damaged international reputation and an economic crisis of a magnitude not seen since the Great Depression, during which close to ten million jobs were lost. That was the state of the country when he came to power in 2008. In two years Obama has not solved any of these problems completely, but has made headway in many of them. In the context of a slow and jobless economic recovery, and faced with a vociferous opposition which has turned down every chance at bipartisan cooperation, the question should perhaps then be how Obama's level of support among the population remains this high (43%).The President still has the backing of Democratic voters, but has lost the support of Independents. Even those who would never consider abandoning him are suffering from an "enthusiasm gap" that may affect their turnout in the November 2 mid-term elections. With unemployment still hovering around 9.5% and with little prospect of change in the near future, the disillusionment of the electorate is understandable (43% support Obama today, compared with 60% in early 2009). But it is worth pondering how much of this discontent against the party in power is derived from the failure of policy and how much from the divisive political game played by the opposition.In all fairness to Obama, shrill accusations of socialism and big government were raised against him as soon as he came to power and had to immediately address the banking, mortgage and automobile meltdowns. Acerbic Republican opposition to any measure adopted by the Executive since then, has dominated the political discourse and made it almost impossible for the Administration to present evidence that, without its actions, the economic recovery would have taken even longer. It is hard to prove a negative proposition. Republicans have had a receptive audience in the low, mostly white middle class, many of who have taken to the streets under the Tea Party banner, to fight in one voice both against government "take over" of health care and (incongruously) in defense of Medicare (the government-sponsored health program for senior citizens).There is rich irony in hearing the word "socialist" hurled as the ultimate insult to a President who has bailed out the big financial institutions and the two largest automobile industries without nationalizing them, and who has signed a health care reform bill that does not include the controversial public option, which had been the centerpiece of his planned reform but was deemed too liberal by members of his own party. But reason and logic have no role to play in the polarized political atmosphere that we are experiencing today. Emotion and fear are much more productive in the views of the opposition, to help them re-take the House and perhaps even the Senate in this fall election.Timid Democrats in the House and Senate, afraid to lose their newly acquired seats in states and districts that voted for McCain in the 2008 presidential election are also abandoning the president. A posse of four or five of Senate "Blue Dog" Democrats has helped dilute the health care legislation by removing the public option from the bill, and have taken off the table legislation to curb carbon emissions and promote green energy sources. There are different hypotheses of why Obama has been unable to maintain high support rates in spite of having had important legislative victories (TARP, Stimulus spending package, extension of unemployment benefits, health care and financial reform). Former (Clinton's) Labor Secretary Robert Reich and NY Times columnist and Nobel Prize winner Paul Krugman argue that Obama's stimulus was ridiculously small, given the state of the economy in January 2009. They blame the President for not using the majorities in the House and Senate to pass bolder legislation. By compromising, Obama disappointed the liberal wing of his party, but more importantly, lost the Independents at the center, who simultaneously believed the Republican rhetoric about "Big government Socialist take over" but resented Obama's bailout of Wall Street. Contrary to the fear-mongering claims of the deficit hawks about the debt, Krugman points out that "far from fleeing US debt, investors are eagerly buying it, driving interest rates to historic lows". Reich insists that Obama missed an opportunity to push the limits of politics, establish a new framework of redistributive policies and regulations, and become a transformative president. Although this view undoubtedly has some merit, it ignores the brutal backlash against government spending that affected every Democrat in the House and Senate and made them fear for their jobs. A larger stimulus would have faced even stronger opposition from among the party's own ranks and seen some defectors. Obama is a pragmatic leader who governs as best he can, given the huge constraints of the current political context.Jay Cost from Real Politics offers a different explanation: Obama's geographic coalition was never broad enough because he failed to win the hearts and minds of middle and rural America. It is from those sectors that Independents have abandoned support for the administration in droves. In other words, Obama's major constituencies were in the major cities on the two seaboards and from the suburbs, and included Blacks, youth and university educated white professionals. Even in those cases in which they voted for Obama, white rural America, and blue collar workers never were quite convinced that he would fight for them, and the Wall Street bailout confirmed their suspicion. Underlying it all, there is, of course, the prevalent racism that permeates most sectors of American society and emerges in the form of distrust toward the Commander in Chief: Obama has to prove his loyalty to the country in ways not demanded from others. He has to pay the price of being the first Black president.A third hypothesis that is circulating among pundits is that Obama's focus on health care was misplaced, that he should have concentrated all his attention on economic recovery and job creation instead. Indeed, it was during the 2009 summer of discontent that the electorate became irreconcilably divided and that Republican-launched corrosive ads dominated the airwaves, and rumors about death panels and "pulling the plug on grandma" pervaded City Hall meetings. A general distrust of the federal government and of all incumbents inside the DC belt, while nothing new among the American electorate, re-emerged with new virulence.It is in this context that the Tea Party movement cut its teeth and started dominating the headlines. Spurred by the GOP with the intention of mobilizing the population around anti-tax, anti-federal government sentiments, the Tea-partiers launched national campaigns against all incumbents, and in the process became a voice for the profound anger, fear and frustration that the poor state of the economy and the sustained unemployment rate has caused in the population. Pleased at the frenzy stirred up by the movement, Republicans have complacently let it lead the way, exercising no restraint on their wildest propositions (see below) and allowing it to do the work for them as the voice of the opposition. This is already having unwanted consequences, as extremist Tea-party –fielded candidates from outside party ranks are challenging party insiders in gubernatorial as well as Congressional primary races.Like the eponymous rebellion that took place in Boston in 1773, the Tea Party's main philosophical thrust is against taxes, centralization of power and government overreach. Unlike it, it is also anti-immigrant. Because of the prevalent uncertainty about the economy, their discourse resonates with the electorate. To fight the federal government initiatives, they are finding their best institutional allies in the State governments, courts and legislatures. Indeed, judging by the poisonous political environment, the polarization of the electorate, and the state-based challenges to the federal government, at times it seems that only a Lincolnian figure can save America from another civil war.The so- called "States Revolution" is visible in many fronts. Five states have passed legislation against parts of the federal health reform law, and around 20 states are challenging its constitutionality through the court system. Several states legislatures are getting ready to pass laws modeled after the anti-immigration law in Arizona, which was deemed unconstitutional by a district court but has broad support in the population. It will probably end up in the Supreme Court, as challenges and counter-challenges continue. Interestingly, Obama is in fact deporting more undocumented workers than any of his predecessors, but his reform proposal would give a pathway to citizenship to these workers if they have a job, register with the US government, and pay a fine and back taxes. Immigration has been a thorny issue, with allies and foes on both sides of the aisle. After all, it was Ronald Reagan who gave amnesty to all illegal immigrants in 1986, and George Bush's proposal in 2006 was very similar to Obama's. This is hardly a philosophical issue on which the two parties diverge; it is just a populist cause that is being used by Republicans to stoke the flames of right-wing populism and racism prevalent in main sectors of the population.The backlash against undocumented workers is of such magnitude that it has come to encompass all immigrants. It has now taken the unlikely form of a movement to abolish or amend the 14th Amendment, a foundational provision dating from 1868 which grants citizenship to all born in the United States. The changing of the birth right rule is "worth considering" according to House Minority leader John Boehner (R-Ohio) because "it gives an incentive for people to come to the United States illegally to give birth here." This is outrageous pandering by the Republican Party who has always fathomed itself to be the staunchest defender of the Constitution, which they consider a sacred text to be read literally, with minimal interpretation. Such is the spirit of the times. Republican Senators Lindsay Graham and John McCain, the two most important and moderate voices on Immigration Reform have changed their positions (Mc Cain because he is facing a tough primary in his state of Arizona, against, who other, but a Tea Party candidate!) and have both agreed that it is worth a debate. This is not only unprincipled on their part, but also terrible long-term politics, since by taking this stance on immigration they are removing the possibility of regaining the support of the largest growing group of voters, namely the Hispanic or Latino population for years to come.Given the strong anti-incumbent and anti-Washington sentiment prevalent in the population, the results of the mid-term election are hard to predict because some Republicans may lose seats, too. However, the current projections of the Center for Politics at the University of Virginia give the Republicans a net win of 32 seats in the House, 7 seats in the Senate (they would need 10 to become the majority) and 6-7 governor seats. The coming mid-term election is being compared to the 1994 "revolution" led by Newt Gingrich which gave Republicans a majority in both the House and Senate. Just like Obama, Clinton was an "outsider" who was handed the presidency partly thanks to his charisma, but mainly because people were disappointed at George Bush Senior, and did not re-elect him. Clinton made health care reform the centerpiece of his first term but failed to get it through Congress. He did manage to pass a controversial crime bill that included a ban on assault weapons, which the Right traditionally opposes. He also raised taxes. Republicans attacked him with an abrasive campaign in favor of lower taxes, second amendment rights and smaller government, and won. Two years later, however, with a brighter economic outlook and a pledge to balance the budget, Clinton was re-elected.But the parallel should not be exaggerated since there are many differences as well. First, Obama did pass health care reform, and that should count have some weight among his supporters, hopefully enough weight to bring them to the polls November 2. Second, the Republican Party's image was not as tarnished in 1994 as it is today, mainly because they hadn't had a majority in Congress for a long time. A New York Times/CBS News poll this past February found that 57% of those polled has negative views of the Republicans this time. The anger is aimed at Washington as a whole and this may help Democrats. The main concern of Democrats in the House and Senate today is the demographics of mid-term elections: older (over 60) white voters, who are the core group of the Tea Party movement and the most outspoken against Obama and this Congress, are also the most likely to vote in mid-term elections. And the "enthusiasm gap" on the Left may induce many Obama supporters to stay home. On the other hand, the Democratic Party learned the lesson of 1994 and is better prepared for the fight: they have been raising money from early on, setting up voters' registration campaigns and trying to mobilize the same base that brought Obama to power two years ago. They stress his activist legislative agenda and its accomplishments: financial reform, health care, extension of unemployment benefits, an energy bill that came short of cap and trade but will meet some green energy goals. More importantly, they are framing the election as a choice between going back to the policies that got the country into the Great Recession, or moving forward with the new policies of corporate responsibility, accountability and more federal supervision of financial institutions in order to avoid similar crises.However, what is clear is that the anemic state of the economy and the high and sustained unemployment rate make all other tactics irrelevant. Uncertainty rules supreme in the minds of the electorate and with it, a fear of what the future may bring and a lack of confidence in the federal government. The Republican opposition is united and vociferous and its message simple and clear: no more taxes, no more deficits, no more government intervention, close borders to immigrants and focus on private job creation through tax cuts; what the federal government won't do, states will. The President should probably counterattack in kind and engage in this ideological battle, but he is not temperamentally suited for it. He dislikes ideological arguments because he wants to be the President of all Americans, as he pledged during his campaign. The next big decision Obama needs to make is whether to let the Bush tax cuts expire after Labor Day or to extend them for two or three years. He has announced his intention to maintain them for the middle class but to end them for the wealthiest individuals, those in the highest 2% income bracket. It would bring their income tax up from 35% to 39%, not a dramatic raise but one that will be resisted strongly by the opposition. Although Obama has a good argument to make (that the $700 billion dollars thus raised would help him reduce the deficit dramatically), there is fear in Congress Democrats that a two- week debate about tax cuts will help Republicans. In a perversely cynical way, perhaps a Republican win in the congressional elections may not be a bad thing after all, and may yet help Obama: let the Republicans make his case for him, that he himself is reluctant to make. Let them stand the public scrutiny and let the public judge if they can provide better, more novel solutions to job creation, to Afghanistan, to immigration reform. A weak performance by a Republican-dominated 112th Congress, an economy that is bound to recover as it enters its next cycle, and a Palin-Huckabee ticket may still get Obama re-elected in 2012.Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia
El agua es un recurso natural, a menudo escaso en cantidad y calidad, susceptible de ser analizado desde una perspectiva económica. El valor económico total del agua tiene su origen en los distintos servicios ambientales que proveen los ecosistemas hídricos, los cuáles tiene la capacidad de producir bienestar de forma activa y pasiva. A pesar del interés social en preservar y proteger estos servicios ambientales, las presiones e impactos generados por la actividad humana ha deteriorado el estado de los ecosistemas hídricos. Para hacer frente a esta situación, en la Unión Europea han sido desarrolladas diferentes normativas, de las cuáles la más ambiciosa de todas es la Directiva Marco del Agua (DMA). El objetivo de la DMA es alcanzar el buen estado ecológico de las aguas europeas en el año 2015. Sin duda, una de sus contribuciones más relevantes para la política de aguas es el papel dado al Análisis Económico. Aunque dicho papel está claramente establecido, todavía existen aspectos que necesitan ser desarrollados de una manera más operativa: (i) la estimación de costes ambientales y del recurso y de los beneficios ambientales resultantes del buen estado ecológico, (ii) la selección de medidas coste-efectivas para conseguir los objetivos de la DMA, y (iii) la evaluación de la proporcionalidad de los costes de los Programas de Medidas. El objetivo general de esta Tesis Doctoral es contribuir al desarrollo y perfeccionamiento de métodos de Análisis Económico para la implementación de la DMA. Esta investigación parte de la hipótesis de que existe una demanda social de servicios ambientales producidos por los ecosistemas hídricos que debe ser internalizada en la evaluación de políticas, planes, programas y proyectos de conservación y mejora del estado ecológico de las masas de agua. Así, las decisiones que se tomen a este respecto disfrutarán de una mayor aceptación social cuanto más se ajusten a las preferencias de los diferentes agentes implicados. Esta hipótesis es contrastada mediante la aplicación de métodos y técnicas de Análisis Económico para el caso de la Demarcación Hidrográfica del Segura. Con este propósito, esta investigación se desarrolla a través de dos etapas sucesivas y complementarias que se corresponden con dos momentos clave de la Directiva Marco del Agua. La primera etapa consiste en valorar en términos monetarios cambios en el estado ecológico de las masas de agua, con el fin de estimar los beneficios o costes ambientales de dichos cambios, así como costes del recurso. En el primer caso de estudio, se estima el valor económico total de las aguas del acuífero del Gavilán. El Método de la Función de Producción es utilizado para calcular el valor de esta agua subterránea en su uso en regadío, y el Método de la Valoración Contingente es aplicado para estimar el valor de los servicios de recreo y de soporte del ecosistema. En el segundo caso de estudio, se ha simulado un mercado hipotético a través de un Modelo de Elección (Ranking Contingente) para el caso del río Segura. Así, este método ha sido utilizado para la valoración económica de los beneficios ambientales de la mejora de la calidad del agua del río y para conocer las preferencias sociales acerca de las actuaciones de recuperación ambiental que en él se están ejecutando. El último escenario de valoración económica tiene como objetivo valorar los beneficios ambientales de la mejora de la calidad del agua en el Mar Menor mediante el Método de la Valoración Contingente. La segunda etapa metodológica de esta investigación consiste en la evaluación de Programas de Medidas. Este trabajo propone un enfoque novedoso para seleccionar medidas coste-efectivas que combina, en un procedimiento de dos etapas, Análisis Coste-Eficacia y la participación activa de stakeholders, basado en caso del Mar Menor. Primero, se llevan a cabo entrevistas personales para involucrar activamente a los stakeholders. En esta etapa, la eficacia y el impacto relativo de un conjunto de medidas son evaluados mediante la técnica de la Comparación por Parejas. En segundo lugar, la eficacia relativa de cada medida es comparada con sus costes para analizar su coste-efectividad. Finalmente, el Programa de Medidas propuesto para el Mar Menor es evaluado utilizando diferentes enfoques de Análisis Coste Beneficio (ACB) (Convencional, Extendido y Extendido Dual), para determinar si su implantación es económica y socialmente viable. Los principales resultados de esta investigación se pueden resumir en los siguientes. (i) El valor económico total de las aguas subterráneas del acuífero del Gavilán ha sido estimado en 0,45 €/m3. Si el recurso fuera modificado o eliminado y, por tanto, no pudiera cumplir con sus funciones, este valor actuaría como coste de la actividad causante del cambio del estado original. El coste del recurso incluiría el valor de agua para riego, mientras que el valor ambiental y de recreo de las aguas se incluiría en la categoría de costes ambientales. (ii) En cuanto al caso del Río Segura, desde el punto de vista social, la prioridad de gestión es mejorar la calidad del agua, seguida de las medidas de restauración de su entorno. El valor económico del caudal ecológico en el tramo estudiado es de 0,45 €/m3, y su pérdida daría lugar a un coste ambiental de esa magnitud. (iii) Los beneficios ambientales de mejorar el estado ecológico del Mar Menor han sido estimados en 17,4 millones de euros, de los cuales 7,7 se corresponden con un incremento en los valores de uso del ecosistema y 9,7 con valores de no uso. (iv) De acuerdo con las opiniones de los stakeholders entrevistados, la medida más coste-efectiva para mejorar la laguna costera del Mar Menor es construir humedales artificiales para la retención de nutrientes a modo de zonas tampón o filtros verdes. También arguyeron que los beneficios de mercado y no mercado generados por dicha mejora justificarían incluso la ampliación del Programa de Medidas. (v) El valor actual neto de mejorar el Mar Menor mediante las medidas ya propuestas ha sido estimado en 275 (ACB Extendido) y 363 (ACB Extendido Dual) millones de euros. Estos resultados también confirman la viabilidad socioeconómica de ampliar el número de medidas a aplicar. Como conclusión, una política de aguas, basada en la DMA, eficiente desde el punto de vista económico debe prestar atención a aspectos intangibles. Por un lado, no debe ignorar la existencia de valores de uso indirecto, no uso o de opción, pues también contribuyen de manera significativa al bienestar social. De otro lado, el compromiso con las generaciones actuales y futuras debe estar reflejado en los procesos de toma de decisión. En el caso de la Demarcación Hidrográfica del Segura, este trabajo ha demostrado que hay una demanda social de la mejora y conservación de los ecosistemas hídricos. Por esta razón, los gestores deben ser conscientes de los múltiples beneficios que el buen estado de los ecosistemas hídricos genera, que van más allá del simple uso consuntivo del recurso. Los casos de estudio aquí presentados constituyen un buen ejemplo de las potencialidades positivas de la apuesta por una política de conservación de los ecosistemas hídricos. En definitiva, el actual marco institucional y territorial favorece un cambio en la política de aguas, tradicionalmente basada en un modelo de oferta de recursos, hacia un paradigma basado en la concepción del agua como un activo ecosocial. Water is a natural resource – frequently scarce in terms of quantity and quality - that can be analysed from an economic perspective. The total economic value of water is due to the different ecosystem services that aquatic ecosystems provide, which are able to generate social welfare actively and passively. Despite the social interest in preserving and protecting aquatic ecosystems services, the pressures and impacts of human activities have damaged them. Being aware of this, the European Union has created many laws to protect and preserve aquatic ecosystems. The most ambitious measure for the protection of the aquatic environment is the Water Framework Directive (WFD, 2000/60/CE). The objective of the WFD is to achieve a good ecological status of European water bodies by 2015. One of the most important contributions of the WFD for water policy is the crucial role given to Economics. Although such role is established clearly in the WFD, there are three main questions that still need to be operationalized: (i) the estimation of environmental and resource costs as well as the environmental benefits resulting from the good ecological status, (ii) the selection of cost-effective measures for achieving the WFD targets, and (iii) the assessment of the proportionality of Programmes of Measures. The overall objective of this PhD dissertation is to contribute to the development and improvement of economic analysis methods for implementing the main economic aspects of the WFD. The hypothesis underlying this work is that there is a social demand of aquatic environmental services that must be internalized in the decision-making processes to evaluate policies, plans, programmes and projects related to the management of water bodies. Thus, final decisions will have high acceptance if they are adopted taken into account social preferences of the different societal actors. This hypothesis is contrasted by the application of economic methods and techniques for the case of the Segura River Basin District. For this purpose, this research is developed through two successive and complementary stages that correspond to two key moments of the WFD. The first stage consists in valuing changes in the ecological status of water bodies in order to estimate environmental benefits or cost as well as resource costs. In the first case study, the total economic value of the groundwater of the Gavilán aquifer is estimated. The Production Function Approach is used to calculate the value of this groundwater for irrigation and the Contingent Valuation Method is applied to estimate the value of recreation and supporting services. In the second one, a hypothetical market is simulated through the Choice Modelling Method (via Contingent Ranking). This method is used for the economic valuation of the environmental benefits of the improvement on water quality and for knowing the social preferences about projects related to the recovering of a stretch in the Segura River. The last economic valuation scenario is aimed at valuing the benefits of the improvement of the water quality in the Mar Menor by means of the Contingent Valuation Method. The second methodological stage of this PhD dissertation deals with the evaluation of Programmes of Measures. This work proposes a novel approach to select cost-effective measures by combining Cost-Effectiveness Analysis and stakeholder participation in a two-stage procedure based on the Mar Menor case study. Firstly, face-to-face interviews are conducted to actively involve stakeholders. In this stage, relative effectiveness and relative impacts of a set of measures are estimated by means of the Pairwise Comparison Technique. Secondly, relative effectiveness is compared with costs to obtain cost-effectiveness ratios. Finally, the Programme of Measures proposed for the Mar Menor is evaluated using different schemes of Cost-Benefit Analysis (CBA) such as Classical, Extended and Dual Extended approaches in order to determine whether its implementation is economic and socially feasible. The main findings of this research can be summarised as follows. (i) The total economic value of the groundwater of the Gavilán Aquifer has been estimated in 0.45 €/m3. If the resource was modified or eliminated, and, therefore, their functions were not fulfilled, this value would act as costs for the activity responsible for the change of the original status. The resource cost would include irrigation use value, whereas both the environmental value and recreational use value would have to be included in the environmental cost category. (ii) Regarding the Segura River case study, the management priority for the society is to ensure the river water quality, followed by the restoration measures of its surroundings. The economic value of its ecological flow value is 0.45 €/m3 and its lost would lead to an environmental costs. (iii) The environmental benefits of improving ecological status in the Mar Menor have been estimated at 17.4 million euros, of which 7.7 and 9.7 are related to the increase in the use and non-use values, respectively. (iv) As stakeholders agreed, the most cost-effective measure to improve the Mar Menor coastal lagoon is to construct wetlands as buffer zones or "green filters". They also argued that market and non-market benefits generated by the improvement of this lagoon would justify even the extension of the Programme of Measures. (v) The net present value of improving the Mar Menor by such set of measures has been estimated in 275 (Extended CBA) and 363 million of euros (Dual Extended CBA). These results also confirm the socioeconomic feasibility of extending the number of measures to be applied. To conclude, we believe that an economically efficient water policy, based on the Water Framework Directive, must pay attention to intangible aspects. On one hand, it must not ignore the existence of indirect, non-use or option values, because they also contribute meaningfully to social welfare. On the other hand, the commitment with the current and future generations must be reflected in the decision-making processes. In the case of the Segura River Basin District, this work has demonstrated that there is a social demand for improving and preserving aquatic ecosystems. For that reason, practitioners must be aware of the multiple benefits that the good ecological status of water ecosystems generates, which go beyond consumptive uses. Finally, we believe that the current institutional and territorial framework facilitates an outright shift in water policy, traditionally based on a resource supply approach, towards a paradigm based on the conception of water as an eco-social asset.
Mercurial, the metaphor for volatile unpredictable behavior, aptly reflects the complexities of one of the most insidiously interesting and scientifically challenging biogeochemical cycles at the Earth's surface. At the base of this toxic metal cycle there is the conversion between the different Hg chemical species, in which the balance between the reduced and oxidized forms depends primary on redox system conditions. The potential risks of human exposure to Hg, especially in the form of monomethylmercury (MMHg), particularly prenatally, and the potential deleterious ecological consequences from localized to global scale Hg pollution, have given much impetus to mercury studies and regulatory activities at international level. Much of this advancement has come since the early 1970s, and the growth in mercury research continues at breakneck pace. The menace of this item for environment and human health deserves further information concerning the geochemistry of mercury, especially in coastal marine system. The Augusta Bay is a semi-enclosed marine area, located in the SE of Sicily (southern Italy), well-known because of the high Hg pollution. The area indeed has experienced, since the early 60s, a significant industrialization phase that put in several chemical and petrochemical plants and oil refineries resulting in a severe pollution of the surrounding environment. In particular, the petrochemical district of Augusta Bay hosted one of the most important chlor-alkali plant in Italy, that produced chlorine and caustic soda by electrolysis of sodium chloride aqueous solution in electrolytic cells with a graphite anode and metallic mercury cathode. Uncontrolled chemical discharge of Hg occurred in the Augusta Bay until 1978, when restrictions were imposed by the Italian legislation. For this reason, in the last decade, several studies have provided detailed information on the pollution levels and risks for human health of resident populations of Augusta Bay. The effects of this indiscriminate Hg discharge include the alarming high concentrations of the element recently measured in sediments of the basin, prompting the Italian government to include the Augusta basin in the National Remediation Plan. The "Augusta case" menaces to not remain confined to a "local problem", but to became a large-scale threat. Indeed, the effects of meso-scale circulation of the Ionian Sea create a higher potential risk for HgT contamination of the basin, being affected by the transit and transformation of the major water masses, which regulate the general thermohaline circulation in the upper, intermediate and deep layers, respectively. Owing to the geographical location of the Augusta basin, its outflowing shelf waters are immediately intercepted by the surface Atlantic Ionian Stream (AIS) and mixed with the main gyres of the eastern Mediterranean Sea, thus representing a risk for the large-scale marine system. This complex water circulation system, together with the closeness with the steep continental slope (part of the Malta escarpment), make the area a potential point sources of mercury for the entire Mediterranean sea, as previously speculated by Sprovieri et al. (2011). All this features make the Augusta Bay an ideal natural laboratory for deeper insights on the biogeochemical cycle of mercury in a coastal marine environment and the need to investigate the large-scale effect of Augusta Bay pollution has become imperative! With the aim to fill this requirement, an integrated model on the biogeochemical cycle of Hg has been created. Hg cycle is a very articulated topic. Once introduced in the aquatic system environment the fate of Hg in the marine system is affected by sorption/ desorption processes onto suspended particulate matter and, based on associated kinetics, it may be partially transferred from surface waters to bottom sediments. Microorganisms, at the water/sediments interface such as sulfate reducing bacteria (SRB), mediate the transformation of inorganic Hg to MMHg with high rates of methylation favored by the presence of high content of organic matter under reducing environmental conditions. Therefore, sediments are considered key contributors of MMHg to the marine ecosystem. Clearly, this analysis stresses the necessity for better knowledge of the specificity of the mercury biogeochemical cycle in this particular environment through the gathering of more data on the distribution and fluxes among the various compartments including the water column, sediment, atmosphere and biota. This multidisciplinary approach offers a nice opportunity to explore the biogeochemical dynamic of mercury in highly complex coastal areas under important anthropic impact and the potential on larger scale diffusion. Multiple oceanographic cruises, realized during 2011-2012 period, permitted to collect samples of sediments, seawaters and fishes inside and outside the Augusta Bay. Furthermore in order to trace the entire chain, from sources (polluted sediments) to sink (man), analysis of Hg in fishes (the main route of Hg uptake for humans), and toxicological aspects have been addressed. Analysis of THg in muscles and liver of some pelagic, demersal and benthic species captured inside and outside the semi-enclosed area, has been analysed in order to explore the effects of HgT pollution on fish compartment and to assess the potential health risks associated with the consumption of contaminated fish. THg content of fishes shows a wide range of concentration (range: 0.02 - 2.71 μg g-1and 0.03 -9.72 μg g-1 in muscles and in livers respectively), with highest values measured in benthic species and the lowest in pelagic ones. This increasing trend along the habitat depth suggests an active release mechanism of mercury from polluted sediments to the water column, with consequent effects of bioaccumulation in the trophic web. Anomalous THg content measured in pelagic species captured in the external zone of the bay confirms the role of the Augusta marine environment as pollutant source of Hg for the surrounding area and underscores the crucial risk associated with contaminant transfer from the basin to the open sea. Finally, values of hazard target quotient (THQ) and estimated weekly intake (EWI) demonstrate that consumption of fishes caught inside the bay represents a serious risk for human health and suggests caution in consuming demersal and benthic fishes from outside the Augusta Bay, definitively demanding for appropriate social actions. Hg distribution in sediments (range: 1.77 - 55.34 mgKg-1; mean: 13.78 ±10.72 mgKg-1) clearly divides the area into three parts, with the lowest values recorded in the northern Augusta Bay, intermediate value in the center and the highest HgT concentrations recorded in the southern part of the Augusta basin (from the Pontile Cementeria down to the dam) with decreasing values from the coastline. Despite sequential extraction procedure (SEP) documented that the most part of HgT in sediments consists of strong complexes (~80% of HgT as strong complex, ~15% of Hg as less strong forms and ~ 2% of HgT as more soluble and bioavailable forms), some anaerobic microorganisms can manage these stable Hg trapped in minerals structures as substrate for their metabolism, making Hg more easily bioavailable for the environment. Analysis of THg and DHg content at different quote of the water column, provided significant information on Hg distribution along space and depth. The HgT distribution in seawaters (range: 0.45 - 129.27 ngL-1 and >0.01 - 21.3 ngL-1 for THg and HgD respectively), putted in light an evident increasing trend of Hg content toward the southern and more contaminated part of the Augusta Bay, where waste spillage from chlor-alkali plant occurred. A clear trend was also observed on the vertical, with Hg concentration increasing near the bottom and reducing in surface water, strengthening the role of Augusta sediments as sources for the overlying water. Moreover the unexpected THg concentrations measured in seawater outside the bay (range: 2.62-11.95 ng L-1; mean: 6.46±2.95 ngL-1), confirmed the hypothesis of transport of Hg from Augusta harbor to the open sea representing a vehicle of contamination for the entire Mediterranean basin through the complex circulating currents affecting the western Ionian. In this scenario, fluxes assessment at the interface sediments-seawater-air became crucial in order to create a mass balance of Hg in the study area and to determine the net outflow for the Mediterranean sea. Detailed information on the mobilization processes from sediment to seawater and consequent escape to the atmosphere has been investigated. For this reason, for the first time in this area, a benthic chamber and a dynamic accumulation chamber, have been employed in order to evaluate fluxes at the interfaces sediments/seawater and seawater/air and to recognize equilibrium of exchanges among phases. Using in situ accumulation chamber Bagnato et al., 2013 reported an estimated sea–air Hg evasion for the entire Augusta basin (~23.5 km2) of about 9.7 ± 0.1 g d-1 (~0.004 t yr-1), accounting for ~0.0002% of the global Hg oceanic evasion (2000 t yr-1). Simultaneously using in situ benthic chamber, a total flow from sediment to seawater for the whole Augusta Bay has been estimated in 0.22 kmol y-1 in 2011 (0.05 ty-1) and 0.38 kmol y-1 in 2012 (0.11 ty-1). The mass balance calculation permitted to estimate a HgT output from the Augusta basin to Ionian surface waters (O) corresponding to an average of 1.29 kmol y-1. Analysis of Hg isotopes in sediments and fishes of the Augusta Bay, provided unique information on Hg sources in the environment and processes influencing Hg cycling. The success of such an approach strongly depends on two factors. First, different natural and anthropogenic Hg sources must have analytically discernible Hg isotope signatures. Second, the processes that transport and transform emitted or discharged Hg into the environment must not obscure the original Hg source isotope signatures. This requires that fractionation of Hg isotopes after release is either small relative to source differences or is predictable enough to be corrected for, allowing estimation of the source isotopic composition. The magnitude of mass-dependent (MDF) and mass-independent fractionation (MIF) has been described primarily as δ 202Hg and Δ201Hg. The positive MIF fractionation in fishes, especially in pelagic one, demonstrated photochemical reaction of Hg(II) prior of the intake in the marine food web. Sediments isotopes fractionation demonstrated reaction of methylmercury production biological mediated. A geographic pattern in δ202Hg and Δ199Hg values suggests that the sources of Hg to the sediment are locally controlled. Hairs exhibit positive MIF fractionation, suggesting reaction of photochemical reduction of MeHg in presence of organic matter. The overlapping δ 202Hg values of both sediments and fishes suggested sediments represent the source of Hg for fish. The positive relationship obtained by plotting Δ201Hg vs. Δ199Hg of both hairs and sediments demonstrate fish consumption represents the first pathway of exposure for human. Difference of 2‰ between δ 202Hg in fishes and values, could be due to could suggest that substantial MDF takes place during MMHg human metabolism Rare Earth Elements (REEs) are important because their geochemical properties enable them to be powerful tracers of chemical processes. Their distribution has been investigated in seawater of the Augusta Bay in order to verify if anthropogenic sign can also transpire through the investigation of REE. The REEs distribution along the water column suggests that the high dissolved organic matter created ideal condition for an increasing of REE in dissolved phases, much to hide the negative Ce anomaly usually recorded in the oligothropic water. Gd anomaly, expressed as Gd/Gd*>1, suggests significant contributions of the petrochemical industries, using gadolinium, in the form of gadolinium oxide, as petroleum cracking catalyst. A common thread, started from the evaluation of Hg in the key component of the cycle, the study of fluxes at the interfaces, the evaluation of Hg isotopic fractioning and the REE distribution in water column, permitted to evaluate the fate of Hg in the Augusta Bay and the main processes rule the Hg biogeochemical cycle.
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This is a special guest post by Kal Munis, a Ph.D. candidate at the University of Virginia. Kal is a lifelong Montanan, and is an alum of both Montana State and the University of Montana. I expect to feature his work often here.
With the 2018 midterm elections just a little over seven months away, candidates have begun to ramp up efforts to distinguish themselves from one another. In addition to the various typical dimensions on which we might expect those aspiring to represent us to stress their unique qualifications—such as prior political experience, policy positions and past accomplishments—there is another conspicuous characteristic upon which political candidates in Montana attempt to out-maneuver one another: successfully conveying that they possess an authentic Montanan identity.
Typically, candidates try to signal to voters that they share with them various attachments to the customs, values, and lived experiences particular to their geographical constituency. They do so in numerous ways including in video advertisements, mailers, press releases, emails, social media postings and other campaign media. It should be noted that these activities don't stop at election day—indeed, many politicians will continue to cultivate their image of place-based authenticity as a component of what political scientists refer to as their "home-style."
Candidates in Montana and elsewhere clearly engage in this behavior cycle after cycle due a belief in the campaign community that it is an effective practice. In a content analysis of all video based advertisements that were paid for by campaigns during the 2012 and 2014 U.S. Senate elections, I found that these types of ads are widespread throughout the country, with the highest level of usage being clustered in Western states such as Montana. Despite their seeming ubiquitousness, it remains unknown whether campaigns' decisions to deploy these appeals are evidence based or the product of folk-wisdom based inertia.
Irrespective of their effectiveness, however, some pundits (and voters—see the comments on this ad) have remarked that excessive hand-wringing over which candidate is the most Montanan borders on xenophobic, particularly when such concerns are tied to place of birth. At the same time, however, it seems widely accepted that the success of many candidates in Montana, particularly Democrats Senator Jon Tester and Governor Steve Bullock (as well as former Governor Brian Schweitzer), has been largely predicated on their ability to connect with voters on the basis of place.
In large part, the mechanism through which this connection has been fostered in Montana, as well as that upon which many campaign appeals based on place identity are made, is the candidate's birthplace. For successful Democratic candidates in Montana, it seems that part of the litmus test has been whether they're a native of the state. For a recent example, look no further than Governor Bullock's successful 2016 reelection bid against then Republican gubernatorial candidate and current U.S. Representative Greg Gianforte. In that race, the Bullock campaign was able to successfully paint Gianforte as an outsider with deep connections to California and New Jersey. So out of touch with Montana was Gianforte, according to Bullock's campaign, that he was willing to try to run roughshod over that which many Montanans hold to be most sacred: public lands. The narrative was simple: Bullock, a native Montanan, respects and maintains Montana values, whereas Gianforte—a Californian multi-millionaire by way of New Jersey—does not. The result, meanwhile, was shocking, as returns revealed that Bullock defeated Gianforte by 4 points, all while Gianforte's co-partisan in the presidential race, Donald Trump, crushed his Democratic foe by a staggering 22 points.
As part of the 2018 midterm elections, Tester will defend his Senate seat and multiple Republicans are competing in their party's primary to challenge him. Currently, most observers regard Matt Rosendale as being the front runner among these challengers. And, if recent advertisements are any indication, it would seem that several left-aligned groups, including the Montana Democratic Party, consider him to be the front-runner as well.
In a recent advertisement, the MTDP makes an overtly place identity charged indictment of "Maryland Matt" Rosendale, namely that he is an outsider who "doesn't share our Montana values." In the ad, the MTDP takes a 'don't just take our word for it' strategy by relying mostly upon statements made by (or on behalf of) prominent Montana Republicans, as well as upon a compilation of footage of Rosendale himself butchering the pronunciation of the state he is running to represent in Washington. The statements (which are attributed variously to current U.S. Senate primary opponent Russ Fagg, former U.S. House primary opponent and current Secretary of State Cory Stapleton, and to a PAC that supported Ryan Zinke in the 2014 Republican primary for the U.S. House of Representatives) all suggest that Rosendale's non-native born status should be viewed as a deficiency in the eyes of voters. Of these statements, Stapleton's makes the case against Rosendale's non-native status most powerfully, stating "we don't need that East Coast value here in Montana, we don't need somebody from the East Coast representing us in Montana, we need a Montanan representing us on the East Coast."
This theme, though in decidedly less antagonistic tone, was on display yet again a few weeks ago in Bozeman at the Republican U.S. Senate candidate forum (not a debate!) put on by the College Republicans at Montana State University. The forum, which featured Rosendale and his three opponents, Troy Downing (a fellow non-native from California), Albert Olszewski, and Russel Fagg, saw all candidates take pains to stress their connections to Montana and demonstrate their embrace of Montana values. Rosendale and Downing (the non-native candidates) did so in decidedly apologetic fashion, with the following statement by Downing being emblematic of the tone: "I've always been a Montanan, it just took me 31 years to get here." Fagg and Olszewski (the native candidates), meanwhile made their born and raised Montanan bonafides front and center from the outset, with Fagg, for example, noting that he "has the Montana roots, the Montana endorsements, (and) the Montana donations."
It was a portion of Fagg's closing statement as well as Rosendale's that followed, however, that really drew my attention. In his last appeal to the crowd in Bozeman that night, Fagg made his case that his native Montana roots would be critical to defeating native Jon Tester in 2018. "I'm a fourth generation Montanan…and (my family) has live and loved Montana since before Montana was a state," he said "[…] and the reason that's important, I appreciate everyone that has moved to Montana because they love Montana, but the Democrats are going to unmercifully beat up two of my opponents because they moved here nine years ago (Downing) and fifteen years ago (Rosendale). It may not be fair, but it's the truth. If you put me on that ticket, that takes that argument away from Senator Tester." Fagg then went on to note that he has to date collected the lion's share of endorsements from prominent Montana Republicans from well-known names such as Marc Racicot and Denny Rehberg (Rosendale, meanwhile, has the support of prominent national Republicans such U.S. Senators Rand Paul and Mike Lee) before passing the mic to Rosendale.
Fagg's point was brought into stark relief just moments later when Rosendale mispronounced "Montana" so badly that even I, a social scientist who studies the role of place-based identities in politics, couldn't help but to find it grating. In my defense, it was the contrast of Rosendale's mispronunciation and Fagg's ominous message regarding the importance of Montana roots in eyes of Montana voters that made the moment so powerful. And, apparently I wasn't the only one to notice—the MTDP released the "Maryland Matt" ad just a few days later and appeared to indirectly reference the forum in a short blurb accompanying the ad's posting.
Do voters care about where candidates were born? To begin to investigate this question, I draw upon data from three different surveys that I have fielded (one in Autumn 2015, one in Spring 2017, and another in early fall 2017) utilizing Mechanical Turk samples. All respondents in these surveys reside in the United States. Within each survey, I included a question asking whether and how important respondents thought it was that candidates running for Congress in their state had been born there. In the most recent two surveys, an additional question was asked regarding whether respondents felt that candidates born in their state were more likely to understand the values and needs of people in their state.
Table 1: How important do you think it is for candidates running for Congress
in your state to have been born in your state?
Fall 2015
Spring 2017
Fall 2017
Extremely Important
25
(5%)
200
(11%)
130
(11%)
Very Important
117
(25%)
368
(20%)
255
(22%)
Moderately Important
136
(29%)
496
(28%)
300
(26%)
Slightly Important
87
(18%)
320
(18%)
232
(18%)
Not at all important
111
(23%)
423
(23%)
229
(23%)
N
476
1,807
1,146
Results for the first question are remarkably stable across all three samples, as can be seen in Table 1. In the most recent sample, one third of respondents indicated that they felt candidate place of birth to be highly important (including both the "extremely important" and "highly important" categories). A little over a quarter of respondents indicated candidate place of birth to be moderately important. Meanwhile, a minority of respondents (41%) indicated that candidate place of birth is only slightly important or not important at all to them.
Table 1: In general, do you think that candidates born in your state are better
at understanding the values and needs of people in your state?
Spring 2017
Fall 2017
Yes
853
(47%)
554
(48%)
No
287
(16%)
144
(13%)
Unsure
667
(37%)
450
(39%)
N
1,807
1,146
As for respondents' perceptions regarding whether native born candidates are more likely to better understand the values and needs of their constituency, a large plurality in both samples (an average of 47.5%) indicated that they felt this was the case, with a small minority (an average of 14%) of respondents saying this wasn't likely to be the case. A large number of respondents in both samples indicated that they were unsure regarding this question (38%). These results are presented in Table 2.
To further explore responses to these questions, I use various methods (including ANOVA, OLS, and logistic regression) to model the relationship between responses to these questions and respondents' partisanship.[1] First, I estimate the association between how important respondents rated candidate birthplace and respondents' partisanship while controlling for the influence of other background characteristics. Results show that, on average, the place of birth of political candidates is significantly more important to Republicans (by about 25%) than it is for Democrats even after controlling for the influence of respondents' level of educational attainment, gender, self-reported recent voting history, and whether the respondent lived in a rural area. Moreover, further analysis reveals that Republicans' average importance rating of candidate place of birth is significantly higher than that of independents as well, though Democrats and independents do not differ significantly from one another in this respect. Finally, I model the association between partisanship and perceptions of whether being born in state imparts upon candidates a special constituency related knowledge (all while again controlling for a number of other related factors). Results indicate that Republicans are 4.5 times more likely on average to indicate that candidates born in their state typically better understand the values and problems associated with that state.
Taken together, these results suggest that many Americans see candidate place of birth as being an important attribute of political candidates. More specifically, a majority of people in my sample indicated that it is at least moderately important that candidates be born in the state that they seek to represent in Congress, with a full third indicating that they feel it is highly important. Moreover, a plurality of respondents indicated that they believe that candidates born in the state they are running in are more likely to understand the needs and values of their constituency. Results also indicate a significant association between these considerations and partisanship, with Republicans endorsing both to a greater extent than non-Republicans on average. All of this is especially noteworthy considering that these results are derived from a sample comprising survey respondents from all across the United States. And, in terms of demographic characteristics, the sample skews slightly younger, more liberal, and more educated than the American population as a whole—as well as Montana. So, if anything, I would expect the patterns and statistical associations described above to increase in magnitude if the sample were one perfectly representative of Montana.
Finally, in relating all of this back to Montana politics, the results presented here seem to lend some credence to Republican candidate Russ Fagg's (as well as many others) warning to Republican primary voters that (in)congruence between where candidates are born and the district they hope to represent is important to voters—and, at least in this sample, especially amongst self-identified Republicans. And, since Tester will almost certainly have to win over a considerable percentage of voters who recently voted for our Republican president, these results suggest that one fruitful path for him to do so would be to continue to appeal to voters on the basis of shared Montana values and identity (as Bullock did in his successful 2016 reelection bid). Whether and to what degree he is able to do so could very well be moderated by whether a native-born Republican, such as Fagg or Olszewski, is at the top of the Republican ticket.
B. Kal Munis is, amongst other things, a 6th generation Montana native and alumnus of both Montana State University and the University of Montana. He is currently a PhD candidate in the Woodrow Wilson Department of Politics at the University of Virginia. You can follow him on Twitter @KalMunis.
[1] If you want more specifics on the data and my analyses, please send me an email or leave a comment below.
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Loet Leydesdorff on the Triple Helix: How Synergies in University-Industry-Government Relations can Shape Innovation Systems
This is the sixth and last in a series of Talks dedicated to the technopolitics of International Relations, linked to the forthcoming double volume 'The Global Politics of Science and Technology' edited by Maximilian Mayer, Mariana Carpes, and Ruth Knoblich
The relationship between technological innovation processes and the nation state remains a challenge for the discipline of International Relations. Non-linear and multi-directional characteristics of knowledge production, and the diffusive nature of knowledge itself, limit the general ability of governments to influence and steer innovation processes. Loet Leydesdorff advances the framework of the "Triple Helix" that disaggregates national innovation systems into evolving university-industry-government eco-systems. In this Talk, amongst others, he shows that these eco-systems can be expected to generate niches with synergy at all scales, and emphasizes that, though politics are always involved, synergies develop unintentionally.
Print version of this Talk (pdf)
What is the most relevant aspect of the dynamics of innovation for the discipline of International Relations?
The main challenge is to endogenize the notions of technological progress and technological development into theorizing about political economies and nation states. The endogenization of technological innovation and technological development was first placed on the research agenda of economics by evolutionary economists like Nelson and Winter in the late 1970s and early 1980s. In this context, the question was how to endogenize the dynamics of knowledge, organized knowledge, science and technology into economic theorizing. However, one can equally well formulate the problem of how to reflect on the global (sub)dynamics of organized knowledge production in political theory and International Relations.
From a longer-term perspective, one can consider that the nation states – the national or political economies in Europe – were shaped in the 19th century, somewhat later for Germany (after 1871), but for most countries it was during the first half of the 19th century. This was after the French and American Revolutions and in relation to industrialization. These nation states were able to develop an institutional framework for organizing the market as a wealth-generating mechanism, while the institutional framework permitted them to retain wealth, to regulate market forces, and also to steer them to a certain extent. However, the market is not only a local dynamics; it is also a global phenomenon.
Nowadays, another global dynamics is involved: science and technology add a dynamics different from that of the market. The market is an equilibrium-seeking mechanism at each moment of time. The evolutionary dynamics of science and technology nowadays adds a non-equilibrium-seeking dynamics over time on top of that, and this puts the nation state in a very different position. Combining an equilibrium-seeking dynamics at each moment of time with a non-equilibrium seeking one over time results in a complex adaptive dynamics, or an eco-dynamics, or however you want to call it – these are different words for approximately the same thing.
For the nation state, the question arises of how it relates to the global market dynamics on the one side, and the global dynamics of knowledge and innovation on the other. Thus, the nation state has to combine two tasks. I illustrated this model of three subdynamics with a figure in my 2006 book entitled The Knowledge-Based Economy: Modeled, measured, simulated (see image). The figure shows that first-order interactions generate a knowledge-based economy as a next-order or global regime on top of the localized trajectories of nation states and innovative firms. These complex dynamics have first to be specified and then to be analyzed empirically.
For example, the knowledge-based dynamics change the relation between government and the economy; and they consequently change the position of the state in relation to wealth-retaining mechanisms. How can the nation state be organized in such a way as to retain wealth from knowledge locally, while knowledge (like capital) tends to travel beyond boundaries? One can envisage the complex system dynamics as a kind of cloud – a cloud that touches the ground at certain places, as Harald Bathelt, for example, formulated.
How can national governments shape conditions for the cloud to touch and to remain on the ground? The Triple Helix of University-Industry-Government Relations can be considered as an eco-system of bi- and tri-lateral relations. The three institutions and their interrelations can be expected to form a system carrying the three functions of (i) novelty production, (ii) wealth generation, and (iii) normative control. One tends to think of university-industry-government relations first as neo-corporatist arrangements between these institutional partners. However, I am interested in the ecosystem shaped through the tri- and bilateral relationships.
This ecosystem can be shaped at different levels. It can be a regional ecosystem or a national ecosystem, for instance. One can ask whether there is a surplus of synergy between the three (sub-)dynamics of university-industry-government relations and where that synergy can generate wealth, knowledge, and control; in which places, and along trajectories for which periods of time – that is, the same synergy as meant by "a cloud touching the ground".
For example, when studying Piedmont as a region in Northern Italy, it is questionable whether the synergy in university-industry-government relations is optimal at this regional level or should better be examined from a larger perspective that includes Lombardy. On the one hand, the administrative borders of nations and regions result from the construction of political economies in the 19th century; but on the other hand, the niches of synergy that can be expected in a knowledge-based economy are bordered also; for example, in terms of metropolitan regions (e.g., Milan–Turin–Genoa).
Since political dynamics are always involved, this has implications for International Relations as a field of study. But the dynamic analysis is different from comparative statics (that is, measurement at different moments of time). The knowledge dynamics can travel and be "footloose" to use the words of Raymond Vernon, although it leaves footprints behind. Grasping "wealth from knowledge" (locally or regionally) requires taking a systems perspective. However, the system is not "given"; the system remains under reconstruction and can thus be articulated only as a theoretically informed hypothesis.
In the social sciences, one can use the concept of a hypothesized system heuristically. For example, when analyzing the knowledge-based economy in Germany, one can ask whether more synergy can be explained when looking at the level of the whole country (e.g., in terms of the East-West or North-South divide) or at the level of Germany's Federal States? What is the surplus of the nation or at the European level? How can one provide political decision-making with the required variety to operate as a control mechanism on the complex dynamics of these eco-systems?
A complex system can be expected to generate niches with synergy at all scales, but as unintended consequences. To what extent and for which time span can these effects be anticipated and then perhaps be facilitated? At this point, Luhmann's theory comes in because he has this notion of different codifications of communication, which then, at a next-order level, begin to self-organize when symbolically generalized.
Codes are constructed bottom-up, but what is constructed bottom-up may thereafter begin to control top-down. Thus, one should articulate reflexively the selection mechanisms that are constructed from the bottom-up variation by specifying the why as an hypothesis. What are the selection mechanisms? Observable relations (such as university-industry relations) are not neutral, but mean different things for the economy and for the state; and this meaning of the observable relations can be evaluated in terms of the codes of communication.
Against Niklas Luhmann's model, I would argue that codes of communication can be translated into one another since interhuman communications are not operationally closed, as in the biological model of autopoiesis. One also needs a social-scientific perspective on the fluidities ("overflows") and translations among functions, as emphasized, for example, by French scholars such as Michel Callon and Bruno Latour. In evolutionary economics, one distinguishes between market and non-market selection environments, but not among selection environments that are differently codified. Here, Luhmann's theory offers us a heuristic: The complex system of communications tends to differentiate in terms of the symbolic generalizations of codes of communication because this differentiation is functional in allowing the system to process more complexity and thus to be more innovative. The more orthogonal the codes, the more options for translations among them. The synergy indicator measures these options as redundancy. The selection environments, however, have to be specified historically because these redundancies—other possibilities—are not given but rather constructed over long periods of time.
How did you arrive where you currently work on?
I became interested in the relations between science, technology, and society as an undergraduate (in biochemistry) which coincided with the time of the student movement of the late 1960s. We began to study Jürgen Habermas in the framework of the "critical university," and I decided to continue with a second degree in philosophy. After the discussions between Luhmann and Habermas (1971), I recognized the advantages of Luhmann's more empirically oriented systems approach and I pursued my Ph.D. in the sociology of organization and labour.
In the meantime, we got the opportunity to organize an interfaculty department for Science and Technology Dynamics at the University of Amsterdam after a competition for a large government grant. In the context of this department, I became interested in methodology: how can one compare across case studies and make inferences? Actually, my 1995 book The Challenge of Scientometrics had a kind of Triple-Helix model on the cover: How do cognitions, texts, and authors exhibit different dynamics that influence one another?
For example, when an author publishes a paper in a scholarly journal, this may add to his reputation as an author, but the knowledge claimed in the text enters a process of validation which can be much more global and anonymous. These processes are mediated since they are based on communication. Thus, one can add to the context of discovery (of authors) and the context of justification (of knowledge contents) a context of mediation (in texts). The status of a journal, for example, matters for the communication of the knowledge content in the article. The contexts operate as selection environments upon one another.
In evolutionary economics, one is used to distinguishing between market and non-market selection environments, but not among more selection environments that are differently codified. At this point, Luhmann's theory offers a new perspective: The complex system of communications tends to differentiate in terms of the symbolic generalization of codes of communication because this differentiation among the codes of communication allows the system to process more complexity and to be more innovative in terms of possible translations. The different selection environments for communications, however, are not given but constructed historically over long periods of time. The modern (standardized) format of the citation, for example, was constructed at the end of the 19th century, but it took until the 1950s before the idea of a citation index was formulated (by Eugene Garfield). The use of citations in evaluative bibliometrics is even more recent.
In evolutionary economics, one distinguishes furthermore between (technological) trajectories and regimes. Trajectories can result from "mutual shaping" between two selection environments, for example, markets and technologies. Nations and firms follow trajectories in a landscape. Regimes are global and require the specification of three (or more) selection environments. When three (or more) dynamics interact, symmetry can be broken and one can expect feed-forward and feedback loops. Such a system can begin to flourish auto-catalytically when the configuration is optimal.
From such considerations, that is, a confluence of the neo-institutional program of Henry Etzkowitz and my neo-evolutionary view, our Triple Helix model emerged in 1994: how do institutions and functions interrelate and change one another or, in other words, provide options for innovation? Under what conditions can university-industry-government relations lead to wealth generation and organized knowledge production? The starting point was a workshop about Evolutionary Economics and Chaos Theory: New directions for technology studies held in Amsterdam in 1993. Henry suggested thereafter that we could collaborate further on university-industry relations. I answered that I needed at least three (sub)dynamics from the perspective of my research program, and then we agreed about "A Triple Helix of University-Industry-Government Relations". Years later, however, we took our two lines of research apart again, and in 2002 I began developing a Triple-Helix indicator of synergy in a series of studies of national systems of innovation.
What would you give as advice to students who would like to get into the field of innovation and global politics?
In general, I would advise them to be both a specialist and broader than that. Innovation involves crossing established borders. Learn at least two languages. If your background is political science, then take a minor in science & technology studies or in economics. One needs both the specialist profile and the potential to reach out to other audiences by being aware of the need to make translations between different frameworks. Learn to be reflexive about the status of what one can say in one or the other framework.
For example, I learned to avoid the formulation of grandiose statements such as "modern economies are knowledge-based economies," and to say instead: "modern economies can increasingly be considered as knowledge-based economies." The latter formulation provides room for asking "to what extent," and thus one can ask for further information, indicators, and results of the measurement.
In the sociology of science, specialisms and paradigms are sometimes considered as belief systems. It seems to me that by considering scholarly discourses as systems of rationalized expectations one can make the distinction between normative and cognitive learning. Normative learning (that is, in belief systems) is slower than cognitive learning (in terms of theorized expectations) because the cognitive mode provides us with more room for experimentation: One can afford to make mistakes, since one's communication and knowledge claims remain under discussion, and not one's status as a communicator. The cognitive mode has advantages; it can be considered as the surplus that is further developed during higher education. Normative learning is slower; it dominates in the political sphere.
What does the "Triple Helix" reveal about the fragmentation of "national innovation systems"?
In 2003, colleagues from the Department of Economics and Management Studies at the Erasmus University in Rotterdam offered me firm data from the Netherlands containing these three dimensions: the economic, the geographical, and the technological dimensions in data of more than a million Dutch firms. I presented the results at the Schumpeter Society in Turin in 2004, and asked whether someone in the audience had similar data for other countries. I expected Swedish or Israeli colleagues to have this type of statistics, but someone from Germany stepped in, Michael Fritsch, and so we did the analysis for Germany. These studies were first published in Research Policy. Thereafter, we did studies on Hungary, Norway, Sweden, and recently also China and Russia.
Several conclusions arise from these studies. Using entropy statistics, the data can be decomposed along the three different dimensions. One can decompose national systems geographically into regions, but one can also decompose them in terms of the technologies involved (e.g., high-tech versus medium-tech). We were mainly relying on national data. And of course, there are limitations to the data collections. Actually, we now have international data, but this is commercial data and therefore more difficult to use reliably than governmental statistics.
For the Netherlands, we obtained the picture that would more or less be expected: Amsterdam, Rotterdam, and Eindhoven are the most knowledge-intensive and knowledge-based regions. This is not surprising, although there was one surprise: We know that in terms of knowledge bases, Amsterdam is connected to Utrecht and then the geography goes a bit to the east in the direction of Wageningen. What we did not know was that the niche also spreads to the north in the direction of Zwolle. The highways to Amsterdam Airport (Schiphol) are probably the most important.
In the case of Germany, when we first analyzed the data at the level of the "Laender" (Federal States), we could see the East-West divide still prevailing, but when we repeated the analysis at the lower level of the "Regierungsbezirke" we no longer found the East-West divide as dominant (using 2004 data). So, the environment of Dresden for example was more synergetic in Triple-Helix terms than that of Saarbruecken. And this was nice to see considering my idea that the knowledge-based economy increasingly prevails since the fall of the Berlin Wall and the demise of the Soviet Union. The discussion about two different models for organizing the political economy—communism or liberal democracy—had become obsolete after 1990.
After studying Germany, I worked with Balázs Lengyel on Hungarian data. Originally, we could not find any regularity in the Hungarian data, but then the idea arose to analyze the Hungarian data as three different innovation systems: one around Budapest, which is a metropolitan innovation system; one in the west of the country, which has been incorporated into Western Europe; and one in the east of the country, which has remained the old innovation system that is state-led and dependent on subsidies. For the western part, one could say that Hungary has been "europeanized" by Austria and Germany; it has become part of a European system.
When Hungary came into the position to create a national innovation system, free from Russia and the Comecon, it was too late, as Europeanization had already stepped in and national boundaries were no longer as dominant. Accordingly, and this was a very nice result, assessing this synergy indicator on Hungary as a nation, we did not find additional synergy at the national (that is, above-regional) level. While we clearly found synergy at the national level for the Netherlands and also found it in Germany, but at the level of the Federal States, we could not find synergy at a national level for Hungary. Hungary has probably developed too late to develop a nationally controlled system of innovations.
A similar phenomenon appeared when we studied Norway: my Norwegian colleague (Øivind Strand) did most of our analysis there. To our surprise, the knowledge-based economy was not generated where the universities are located (Oslo and Trondheim), but on the West Coast, where the off-shore, marine and maritime industries are most dominant. FDI (foreign direct investment) in the marine and maritime industries leads to knowledge-based synergy in the regions on the West Shore of Norway. Norway is still a national system, but the Norwegian universities like Trondheim or Oslo are not so much involved in entrepreneurial networks. These are traditional universities, which tend to keep their hands off the economy.
Actually, when we had discussions about these two cases, Norway and Hungary, which both show that internationalization had become a major factor, either in the form of Europeanization in the Hungarian case, or in the form of foreign-driven investments (off-shore industry and oil companies) in the Norwegian case, I became uncertain and asked myself whether we did not believe too much in our indicators? Therefore, I proposed to Øivind to study Sweden, given the availability of well-organized data of this national system.
We expected to find synergy concentrated in the three regional systems of Stockholm, Gothenburg, and Malmö/Lund. Indeed, 48.5 percent of the Swedish synergy is created in these three regions. This is more than one would expect on the basis of the literature. Some colleagues were upset, because they had already started trying to work on new developments of the Triple Helix, for example, in Linköping. But the Swedish economy is organized and centralized in this geographical dimension. Perhaps that is why one talks so much about "regionalization" in policy documents. Sweden is very much a national innovation system, with additional synergy between the regions.
Can governments alter historical trajectories of national, regional or local innovation systems?
Let me mention the empirical results for China in order to illustrate the implications of empirical conclusions for policy options. We had no Chinese data set, but we obtained access to the database Orbis of the Bureau van Dijk (an international company, which is Wall Street oriented, assembling data about companies) that contains industry indicators such as names, addresses, NACE-codes, types of technology, the sizes of each enterprise, etc. However, this data can be very incomplete. Using this incomplete data for China, we said that we were just going to show how one could do the analysis if one had full data. We guess that the National Bureau of Statistics of China has complete data. I did the analysis with Ping Zhou, Professor at Zhejiang University.
We analyzed China first at the provincial level, and as expected, the East Coast emerged as much more knowledge intense than the rest of the country. After that, we also looked at the next-lower level of the 339 prefectures of China. From this analysis, four of them popped up as far more synergetic than the others. These four municipalities were: Beijing, Shanghai, Tianjin, and Chongqing.
These four municipalities became clearly visible as an order of magnitude more synergetic than other regions. The special characteristic about them is that –as against the others – these four municipalities are administered by the central government. Actually, it came out of my data and I did not understand it; but my Chinese colleague said that this result was very nice and specified this relationship.
The Chinese case thus illustrates that government control can make a difference. It shows – and that is not surprising, as China runs on a different model – that the government is able to organize the four municipalities in such a way as to increase synergy. Of course, I do not know what is happening on the ground. We know that the Chinese system is more complex than these three dimensions suggest. I guess the government agencies may wish to consider the option of extending the success of this development model, to Guangdong for example or to other parts of China. Isn't it worrisome that all the other and less controlled districts have not been as successful in generating synergy?
Referring more generally to innovation policies, I would advise as a heuristics that political discourse is able to signal a problem, but policy questions do not enable us to analyze the issues. Regional development, for example, is an issue in Sweden because the system is very centralized, more than in Norway, for example. But there is nothing in our data that supports the claim that the Swedish government is successful in decentralizing the knowledge-based economy beyond the three metropolitan regions. We may be able to reach conclusions like these serving as policy advice. One develops policies on the basis of intuitive assumptions which a researcher is sometimes able to test.
As noted, one can expect a complex system continuously to produce unintended consequences, and thus it needs monitoring. The dynamics of the system are different from the sum of the sub-dynamics because of the interaction effects and feedback loops. Metaphors such as a Triple Helix, Mode-2, or the Risk Society can be stimulating for the discourse, but these metaphors tend to develop their own dynamics of proliferating discourses.
The Triple Helix, for example, can first be considered as a call for collaboration in networks of institutions. However, in an ecosystem of bi-lateral and tri-lateral relations, one has a trade-off between local integration (collaboration) and global differentiation (competition). The markets and the sciences develop at the global level, above the level of specific relations. A principal agent such as government may be locked into a suboptimum. Institutional reform that frees the other two dynamics (markets and sciences) requires translation of political legitimation into other codes of communication. Translations among codes of communication provide the innovation engine.
Is there a connection between infrastructures and the success of innovation processes?
One of the conclusions, which pervades throughout all advanced economies, is that knowledge intensive services (KIS) are not synergetic locally because they can be disconnected – uncoupled – from the location. For example, if one offers a knowledge-intensive service in Munich and receives a phone call from Hamburg, the next step is to take a plane to Hamburg, or to catch a train inside Germany perhaps. Thus, it does not matter whether one is located in Munich or Hamburg as knowledge-intensive services uncouple from the local economy. The main point is proximity to an airport or train station.
This is also the case for high-tech knowledge-based manufacturing. But it is different for medium-tech manufacturing, because in this case the dynamics are more embedded in the other parts of the economy. If one looks at Russia, the knowledge-intensive services operate differently from the Western European model, where the phenomenon of uncoupling takes place. In Russia, KIS contribute to coupling, as knowledge-intensive services are related to state apparatuses.
In the Russian case, the knowledge-based economy is heavily concentrated in Moscow and St. Petersburg. So, if one aims –as the Russian government proclaims – to create not "wealth from knowledge" but "knowledge from wealth" – that is, oil revenues –it might be wise to uncouple the knowledge-intensive services from the state apparatuses. Of course, this is not easy to do in the Russian model because traditionally, the center (Moscow) has never done this. Uncoupling knowledge-intensive services, however, might give them a degree of freedom to move around, from Tomsk to Minsk or vice versa, steered by economic forces more than they currently are (via institutions in Moscow).
Final question. What does path-dependency mean in the context of innovation dynamics?
In The Challenge of Scientometrics. The development, measurement, and self-organization of scientific communications (1995), I used Shannon-type information theory to study scientometric problems, as this methodology combines both static and dynamic analyses. Connected to this theory I developed a measurement method for path-dependency and critical transitions.
In the case of a radio transmission, for example, you have a sender and a receiver, and in between you may have an auxiliary station. For instance, the sender is in New York and the receiver is in Bonn and the auxiliary station is in Iceland. The signal emerges in New York and travels to Bonn, but it may be possible to improve the reception by assuming the signal is from Iceland instead of listening to New York. When Iceland provides a better signal, it is possible to forget the history of the signal before it arrived in Island. It no longer matters whether Iceland obtained the signal originally from New York or Boston. One takes the signal from Iceland and the pre-history of the signal does not matter anymore for a receiver.
Such a configuration provides a path-dependency (on Iceland) in information-theoretical terms, measurable in terms of bits of information. In a certain sense you get negative bits of information, since the shortest path in the normal triangle would be from New York to Bonn, and in this case the shortest path is from New York via Iceland to Bonn. I called this at the time a critical transition. In a scientific text for instance, a new terminology can come up and if it overwrites the old terminology to the extent that one does not have to listen to the old terminology anymore, one has a critical transition that frees one from the path-dependencies at a previous moment of time.
Thus, my example is about radical and knowledge-based changes. As long as one has to listen to the past, one does not make a critical transition. The knowledge-based approach is always about creative destruction and about moving ahead, incorporating possible new options in the future. The hypothesized future states become more important than the past. The challenge, in my opinion, is to make the notion of options operational and to bring these ideas into measurement. The Triple-Helix indicator measures the number of possible options as additional redundancy. This measurement has the additional advantage that one becomes sensitive to uncertainty in the prediction.
Loet Leydesdorff is Professor Emeritus at the Amsterdam School of Communications Research (ASCoR) of the University of Amsterdam. He is Honorary Professor of the Science and Technology Policy Research Unit (SPRU) of the University of Sussex, Visiting Professor at the School of Management, Birkbeck, University of London, Visiting Professor of the Institute of Scientific and Technical Information of China (ISTIC) in Beijing, and Guest Professor at Zhejiang University in Hangzhou. He has published extensively in systems theory, social network analysis, scientometrics, and the sociology of innovation (see at http://www.leydesdorff.net/list.htm). With Henry Etzkowitz, he initiated a series of workshops, conferences, and special issues about the Triple Helix of University-Industry-Government Relations. He received the Derek de Solla Price Award for Scientometrics and Informetrics in 2003 and held "The City of Lausanne" Honor Chair at the School of Economics, Université de Lausanne, in 2005. In 2007, he was Vice-President of the 8th International Conference on Computing Anticipatory Systems (CASYS'07, Liège). In 2014, he was listed as a highly-cited author by Thomson Reuters.
Literature and Related links:
Science & Technology Dynamics, University of Amsterdam / Amsterdam School of Communications Research (ASCoR)
Leydesdorff, L. (2006). The Knowledge-Based Economy: Modeled, Measured, Simulated. Universal Publishers, Boca Raton, FL.
Leydesdorff, L. (2001). A Sociological Theory of Communication: The Self-Organization of the Knowledge-Based Society. Universal Publishers, Boca Raton, FL.
Leydesdorff, L. (1995). The Challenge of Scientometrics . The development, measurement, and self-organization of scientific communications. Leiden, DSWO Press, Leiden University.
http://www.leydesdorff.net/
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0 0 1 4814 27442 School of Global Studies, University of Gothenburg 228 64 32192 14.0
ABSTRACTApplying of governance good to represent absolute requirement of people majority for the shake of creation an political system more standing up for governance importance of people as according to principles democratize universally. This matter earn also become factor impeller of its form governance political wanting that various process governance of that goodness from facet process formulation of policy of public, management of development, execution of public bureaucracy of governance to be walking transparently, efficient and effective to increase kesejahtraan of people. Writer conduct research about principal applying of Governance Good in execution of service of Public in District Of Girian Town of Bitung (study about service of Akte Sales). This research will use method qualitative, that is a[n research of kontekstual making human being as instrument, and adapted for by fair situation that in its bearing with data collecting which is on generally have the character of qualitative. Approach qualitative distinguished by target of research coping to comprehend symptoms which in such a manner which do not need kuantifikasi, because symptom do not enable to be measured precisely. Focus in this research : 1) governmental Principle Participation government officer in giving service of public; 2) Rule / definitive order in service of Sale Act Buy; 3) Principle Transparency in service of making of Sale act Buy; and 4) Principal and Responsive Principle of Akuntabilitas.Keywords : Principles Applying, Good Governance, Public ServicePENDAHULUANPenerapan good governance adalah merupakan kebutuhan mutlak mayoritas rakyat demi terciptanya suatu sistem politik pemerintahan yang lebih berpihak kepada kepentingan rakyat sesuai dengan prinsip-prinsip demokrasi secara universal. Hal ini dapat pula menjadi faktor pendorong terwujudnya political governance yang menghendaki bahwa berbagai proses pemerintahan baik itu dari segi proses perumusan kebijakan publik, penyelenggaraan pembangunan, pelaksanaan birokrasi publik pemerintahan agar berjalan secara transparan, efektif dan efisien untuk meningkatkan kesejahtraan rakyat. Era globalisasi yang ditandai dengan semakin terbukanya arus informasi, komunikasi dan transportasi, komunikasi dan transportasi antar Negara di dunia, menuntut suatu Negara untuk memprakondisikan dirinya dengan melakukan upaya pemberdayaan (empowering) dan reformasi total atas kehidupan politik dan pemerintahan, hukum, ekonomi, sosial, budaya, dan pertanahan serta keamanan nasional. Dalam kondisi persaingan bebas di era globalisasi, peran pemerintah mengalami pergeseran, dalam arti bahwa pemerintah sudah tidak lagi menjalankan peran secara dominan dalam berbagai aktivitas Negara melainkan hanya sebagai fasilitator bagi kelancaran arus perdagangan dan persaingan bebas. Ini menuntut kondisi Negara (pemerintah) dangan pernerintah yang bersih dan bebas dari korupsi, kolusi dan nepotisme (KKN) agar memperoleh kepercayaan yang besar dari masyarakat serta agar terciptanya iklim usaha yang kondusif bagi peningkatan arus investasi guna mendorong laju pertumbuhan dan perkembangan ekonomi maupun mikro ekonomi.2Penerapan good governance dapat dijadikan sebagai bagian dari upaya untuk melaksanakan asas-asas demokrasi dan demokratisasi, yang merefleksikan dijunjung tingginya aspek pemenuhan hak-hak rakyat oleh penguasa, ditegakannya nilai-nilai keadilan dan solidaritas sosial, serta adanya penegakan HAM dalam berbagai aspek kehidupan Negara, misalnya dengan menegakan prinsip Rule Of Law atau supremasi hukum dalam berbagai aspek kehiduapn Negara. Good governance j uga dapat dipandang sebagai suatu konsep ideology politik yang memuat kaidah-kaidah pokok atau prinsip-prinsip umum pemerintahan yang harus dijadikan pedoman dalam menyelenggarakan kehidupan Negara. Dalam perspektif Otonomi Daerah, khususnya di Indonesia, penerapan Good governance merupakan suatu urgensitas dalam upaya mewujudkan pemerintahan daerah atau local governance yang efektif, efisien, mandiri serta bebas korupsi, kolusi dan nepotisme (KKN). Hal ini didukung pula dengan diberlakunya UU Nomor 32 Tahun 2004 Tentang pemerintahan Daerah yang akan memberikan peluang lebih besar bagi terlaksananya asas desentralisasi, dekonsentrasi dan tugas pembantuan; serta prinsip-prinsip Otonomi Daerah sehingga pemerintah daerah mampu menyelenggarakan tugas-tugas pemerintahan, pembangunan dan pelayanan kepada masyarakat (publik services) secara optimal dan tidak terlalu bergantung lagi kepada pemerintah pusat (sentralistik) sebagaimana era pemerintahan sebelumnya. Kenyataan yang dapat dilihat sekarang bahwa sampai saat ini pun pelaksanaan kehidupan Negara, khususnya dalam konteks pemerintahan daerah di era globalisasi, reformasi, demokratisasi, dan otonomi daerah, justru masih menghadapi berbagai masalah dalam melaksanakan tugas dan kewenangarmya guna mewujudkan good governance secara utuh. Di Kota Bitung penerapan good governance dihadapkan pada berbagai kendala seperti masih banyaknya praktik penyelenggaraan birokrasi pemerintahan yang diliputi oleh berbagai tindak pidana korupsi, kolusi dan nepotisme (KKN) yang dilakukan oleh oknum pejabat teras pemerintah. Ditambah lagi perilaku para penyelenggara negara di daerah ini (baik itu penyelenggara pemerintah maupun legislatif) yang seringkali tidak sesuai dengan nilai-nilai etis (etika pemerintahan) dalam menjalankan tugas dan perannya sebagai pemerintah. Suarasuara rakyat yang menghendaki sosok pemerintah daerah yang dekat dengan rakyat, dan mengutamakan kepentingan rakyat dibandingkan kepentingan pribadi terbentur oleh arogansasi dan sikap acuh dari kalangan pejabat penyelenggara pemerintah. Kondisi ini menurut pengamatan penulis juga terjadi di salah satu Kecamatan di Kota Bitung, yaitu Kecamatan Girian. Di era pemerintahan modern dewasa ini, fungsi pokok birokrasi dalam Negara adalah menjamin terselenggaranya kehidupan Negara dan menjadi alat rakyat/masyarakat dalam mencapai tujuan ideal suatu Negara (Budi Setiono, 2002:72). Dalam konteks tersebut birokrasi pemerintah setidaknya memiliki tiga tugas pokok (Dwipayana 2003:65) yakni: pertama, fungsi pelayanan publik (publik services) yang bersifat rutin kepada masyarakat, seperti memberikan pelayanan perijinan, pembuatan document, perlindungan, pemeliharaan fasilitas umum, pemeliharaan kesehatan, dan jaminan keamanan bagi penduduk. Kenyataan fungsi birokrasi pemerintah didaerah ini belum berjalan sebagaimana mestinya. Masyarakat pada umumnya mengidentikan birokrasi sebagai proses berbelit, belit, waktu yang lama, biaya yang banyak, dan pada akhirnya menimbulkan keluh kesah bahwasanya birokrasi sangat tidak adil dan tidak efisien. Sikap mental yang arogan dan etos kerja rendah dikalangan birokrat sering menjadi sumber masalah bagi peningkatan kualitas pelayanan publik selama ini. Masalah pelayanan publik atau publik services di kantor Kecamatan Girian untuk masa sekarang ini masih jadi persoalan yang perlu memperoleh perhatian dan penyelesaian yang komperhensif hal ini dibuktikan ketika timbul berbagai tuntunan pelayanan publik sebagai tanda ketidakpuasan masyarakat. Kecenderungan seperti ini terjadi karena masyarakat masih diposisikan sebagai pihak yang "melayani" bukan yang dilayani. Pelayanan yang seharusnya ditujukan pada masyarakat umum kadang dibalik menjadi pelayanan masyarakat kepada Pejabat Negara. Kurang transparan pengambil keputusan yang dilakukan pemerintah, control lembaga control yang kuran berfungsi dengan baik sehingga pelayanan kepada masyarakat di kantor Kecamatan Girian kurang maksimal, masih terdapat penyalahgunaan kekuasaan oleh oknum-oknum pejabat tertentu.3Kondisi ini membuat penulis tertarik untuk melakukan penelitian tentang penerapan prinsip-prinsip Good governance dalam pelaksanaan pelayanan Publik di Kecamatan Girian Kota Bitung (studi tentang pelayanan Akte Jual Beli). Perumusan Masalah Bertitik tolak dari latar belakang tersebut di atas maka masalah yang dibahas dalam penulisan skripsi ini dapat dirumusakan sebagai berikut :1. Bagaimana penerapan prinsip-prinsip good governance yang dijalankan oleh Camat sebagai PPAT dalam pelayanan Pembuatan Akta Jual Beli di kantor Kecamatan Girian Kota Bitung?2. Apa saja faktor-faktor yang mendorong terselenggaranya prinsip-prinsip good governance dalam pelayanan publik?Tujuan Dan Manfaat Penelitian Adapun yang menjadi tujuan dan manfaat dari penelitian ini adalah sebagai berikut :1. Tujuan Penelitiana. Untuk mengetahui penerapan prinsip-prinsip good governance yang dijalankan oleh Camat sebagai PPAT dalam pelayanan pembuatan AJB di kantor Kecamatan Girian.b. Untuk mengetahui faktor-faktor yang mendorong terseleggaranya prinsip prinsip good governance.2. Manfaat Penelitian :a. Manfaat praktis, yaitu :Hasil penelitian ini diharapkan dapat memberikan masukan (input) bagi aparat Pemerintah Daerah dalam menjalankan tugas dan perannya secara efektif dan efisien demi terwujudnya bentuk pemerintahan yang lebih baik lagi di masa mendatang serta dapat memberikan infolniasi akurat berkaitan dengan pelaksanaan pelayanan publik yang sesuai dengan prinsip-prinsip good governance di Kecamatan Girian Kota Bitung.b. Manfaat ilmiah yaitu;Hasil penelitian ini diharapkan dapat memperkaya khasanah pemikiran secara intelektualitas dibidang ilmu pemerintahan, serta dapat meningkatkan kemampuan analisa ilmiah dalam mencermati fenomena-fenomena penerapan prinsip-prinsip good governance dalam pelaksanaan pelayanan publikTINJAUAN PUSTAKAKonsep Penerapan Menurut Kamus Besar Bahasa Indonesia (KBBI), pengertian penerapan adalah perbuatan menerapkan. Sedangkan menurut beberapa ahli berpendapat bahwa, penerapan adalah suatu perbuatan mempraktekkan suatu teori, metode, dan hal lain untuk mencapai tujuan tertentu dan untuk suatu kepentingan yang diinginkan oleh suatu kelompok atau golongan yang telah terencana dan tersusun sebelumnya. Penerapan dapat berarti sebagai suatu pemakaian atau aplikasi suatu cara atau metode suatu yang akan diaplikasikannya. Arti kata penerapan adalah bisa berarti pemakaian suatu cara atau metode atau suatu teori atau sistem. Untuk mempermudah pemahaman bisa dicontohkan dalam kalimat berikut: sebelum dilakukan penerapan sistem yang baru harus diawali dengan sosialisasi agar masyarakat tidak kaget. (kamus besar bahasa Indonesia). Good governanceGood governance merupakan suatu kesepakatan menyangkut pengaturan Negara yang diciptakan bersama oleh pemerintah, masyarakat madani dan sektor swasta dimana kesepakatan tersebut mencakup pembentukan selunih mekanisme, proses, dan lembaga-lembaga dimana warga4dan kelompok-kelompok masyarakat mengutarakan kepentingan rriereka, menggunakan hak hukum, memenuhi kewajiban dan menjembatani perbedaan-perbedaan di antara mereka. (Masyarakat Transparansi Indonesia : 2002:9) Disisi lain istilah Good governance menurut Dwi Payana (2003:45) merupakan sesuatu yang sulit didefinisikan karena didalamnya terkandung makna etis. Dalam artian bahwa sesuatu yang dipandang baik dalam suatu masyarakat, namun bagi masyarakat lainnya belum tentu mendapat penilaian yang sama. Berbagai definisi Good governance (Dwi Payana, 2003:47) lainnya adalah sebagai berikut: "Good Govenance" sering di artikan sebagai "kepemerintahan yang baik". Adapula yang mengartikannya sebagai "tata pemerintahan yang baik" dan ada pula yan mengartikannya sebagai "sistem pemerintahan yang baik". Selanjutnya dijelaskan pula bahwa istilah "governance" sebagai proses penyelenggaraaan kekuasaan Negara dalam melaksanakan publik good and services. Sedangkan arti "good' dalam "good gevernace" mengandung dua pengertian, pertama, nilai-nilai yang menjujung tinggi keinginan/kehendak rakyat, dan nilai-nilai yang dapat meningkatkan kemampuan rakyat dalam pencapaian tujuan (nasional) kemandirian, pembngunan, berkelanjutan dan keadilan sosial; kedua , aspek-aspek fungsional dari pemerintah yang efektif dan efisien dalam melaksanakan tugasnya untuk mencapai tujuan-tujuan tersebut. Praktek terbaiknya di sebut "good governance" atau kepemerintahan yang baik. Sehingga dengan demikian "good governance" didefinisikan sebagai "penyelenggaraan pemerintah yang solid dan bertangung jawab, serta efektif dan efisien dengan menjaga kesinergian interaksi yng konsrtuktif di antara domain-domain Negara, sektor swasta dan masyarakat". Menurut Riswanda Imawan (2002:32) "good governance" diartikan sebagai cara kekuasaan Negara digunakan dalam mengatur sumber-sumber ekonomi dan sosial bagi pembangunan masyarakat (the way state power is used in managing economic and social resources for development of society). Menurut Sedarmayati (2003:76) good governance adalah suatu bentuk manajemen pembangunan, yang juga disebut administrasi pembangunan. Dengan demikian ia berpendapat bahwa pemerintah berada pada posisi sentral (agent of chance) dari suatu masyarakat dalam suatu masyarakat berkembang. Dalam good governance tidak hanya pemerintah, tetapi juga citizen, masyarakat yang dimaksud adalah masyarakat yang terorganisir, seperti LSM, asosiasi-asosiasi kerja, bahkan paguyuban. Menurut Zulkarnain (2002:21) good governance merupakan sesuatu yang baru bagi masyarakat Indonesia, dimana aplikasi daripada konsep ini seringkali tergantung pada kerjasama pemerintah dan masyarakat untuk mencapai dua tujuan yaitu pemerintah yang bersih dan demokratis. Dijelaskan pula bahwa terjadinya krisis disebabkan banyaknya penyimpangan dan penyalahguanaan kekuasaan yang telah merusak sendi-sendi penyelenggaraan Negara dan berbagai sendi kehidupan nasional. Sejak reformasi dimulai maka konsep good governance masuk dalam khasanah pemulihan ekonomi Indonesia. Untuk mengetahui gagasan dan praktek good governance, maka inti good governance adalah seni pemerintah yang berpijak pada rule of law dengan elemen transparansi, akuntanbilitas, fairness, dan responsibility. Elemen-elemen tersebut menyadarkan kita bahwa good governance adalah seperangkat tindakan yang memberikan pagar yang lebih jelas dari proses pemerintahan dengan fungsi dan wewenangnya. Dari sudut pendekatan sistem menurut Pulukadang (2002:34), good governance menyangkut pelaksanaan kekuasaan pemerintah dalam hal decisison making dan dalam hal menjalankan fungsinya secara utuh, dan menyeluruh sebagai suatu kesatuan tindakan yang terarah dan teratur, baik itu meliputi bidang ekonomi (economic governance), politik (political governance), dan administrasi (administrativ governance). Kepemerintahan ekonomi fungsinya melalui proses-proses pembuatan keputusan yang memfasilitasi kegaitan dibidang ekonomi mdidalam negeri dan interaksi diantara pelaku ekonomi. Kepemerintahan politik fungsinya menyangkut proses-proses pembuatan keputusan untuk formulasi kebijakan. Kepemerintahan administrasi adalah system pelakanaan proses kebijakan.Beberapa aspek yang biasa menunjukan dijalankannya good governance atau pemerintahan5yang baik menurut Suhardono (2001:115), yaitu pertama, pengakuan atas pluaraliatas politik; kedua, keadilan sosial; ketiga, akuntanbilitas penyelenggaraan pemerintahan; dan keempat, kebebasan. Kasus-kasus yang berkembang di dunia ketiga dan upaya pembauran sistem kapitalisme dunia, telah memunculkan ide perubahan yang cukup penting, dalam, proses penyelenggaraan pemerintahan. Good governance dalam konteks ini dapat dipandang sebagi langkah untuk menciptakan mekanisme baru yang memungkinkan Negara kembali berfungsi untuk mengatasi masalah-masalah yang justru di akibatkan oleh kerja mekanisme pasar. Good governance sering diartikan sebagi tata pemerintahan yang baik. Konsep good governance padas suatu gagasan adanya saling (interdependence) dan interaksi dari bermacam-macam aktor kelembagaan disemua level di dalam Negara (Legislatif, Eksekutif, yudikatif, militer) dan sektor swasta (Perusahaan, lembaga keuangan). Tidak boleh ada aktor kelembagaan didalam good governance yang mempunyai kontrol yang absolute. Dengan kata lain, didalam good governance hubungan antar Negara, masyarakat madani, dan sektor swasta harus dilandasi prinsip-prinsip transparansi, akuntanbilitas publik dan pertisipasi, yaitu suatu prasyarat kondisional yang dibutuhkan dalam proses pengambilan dan keberhasilan pelaksanaan kebijakan publik dan akseptibilitas masyarakat terhadap suatu kebijakan yang dibuat bukan ditentukan oleh kekuasaan yang dimiliki, tetapi sangat tergantung dari sejauh keterlibatan actor-aktor didalamnya. Prinsip-Prinsip Good Governance Menurut kamus besar bahas Indonesia dalam KoAk (2002:55) dikatakan bahwa prinsip mengandung pengertian "asas" (kebenaran yang menjadi pokok dasr berpikir dan bertindak, dan sebagainya). Secara harafiah, prinsip dapat diartikan sebagai dasar yang mnejadi pedoman yang dijunjung tinggi oleh seseorang atau kelompok karena diyakini kebenarannya. Dalam kaitannya dengan judul skripsi ini, maka faktor yang ditekankan disini adalah bagaimana suatu "Prinsip" dapat diterapkan secara nyata dalam kehidupan sehari-hari sebagai suatu kebenaran umum bukan sekedar mengetahui atau memahami saja hakikat dari pada prinsip itu sendiri. Selain itu juga berbicara mengenai bagaimana suatu prinsip diterapkan secara seimbang dan selaras sehingga tidak menimbulkan kekacauan dan ketimpangan (overlapping) dalam kehiduapan masyrakat, bangsa dan Negara. Lembaga Administrasi Negara memberikan pengertian Good governance yaitu penyelenggaraan pemerintah negara yang solid dan bertanggung jawab, serta efesien dan efektif, dengan menjaga kesinergian interaksi yang konstruktif diantara domain-domain negara, sektor swasta, dan masyarakat. Dalam Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 101 Tahun 2000 prinsip-prinsip kepemerintahan yang baik terdiri dari :1. Profesionalitas, meningkatkan kemampuan dan moral penyelenggara pemerintahan agar mampu memberi pelayanan yang mudah, cepat, tepat dengan biaya yang terjangkau.2. Akuntabilitas, meningkatkan akuntabilitas para pengambil keputusan dalam segala bidang yang menyangkut kepentingan masyarakat.3. Transparansi, menciptakan kepercayaan timbal batik antara pemerintah dan masyarakat melalui penyediaan informasi dan menjamin kemudahan di dalam memperoleh informasi yang akurat dan memadai.4. Pelayanan prima, penyelenggaraan pelayanan publik yang mencakup prosedur yang baik, kejelasan tarif, kepastian waktu, kemudahan akses, kelengkapan sarana dan prasarana serta pelayanan yang ramah dan disiplin.5. Demokrasi dan Partisipasi, mendorong setiap warga untuk mempergunakan hak dalam menyampaikan pendapat dalam proses pengambilan keputusan, yang menyangkut kepentingan masyarakat baik secara langsung maupun tidak langsung6. Efisiensi dan Efektifitas, menjamin terselenggaranya pelayanan kepada masyarakat dengan menggunakan sumber daya yang tersedia secara optimal dan bertanggung jawab.7. Supremasi hukum dan dapat diterima oleh seluruh masyarakat, mewujudkan adanya6penegakkan hukum yang adil bagi semua pihak tanpa pengecualian, menjunjung tinggi HAM dan memperhatikan nilai-nilai yang hidup dalam masyarakat.METODOLOGI PENELITIANJenis Penelitian Penelitian ini akan menggunakan metode kualitatif, yaitu suatu penelitian kontekstual yang menjadikan manusia sebagai instrumen, dan disesuaikan dengan situasi yang wajar dalam kaitannya dengan pengumpulan data yang pada umumnya bersifat kualitatif. Menurut Bogdan dan Tylor (dalam Moleong, 2001:31) merupakan prosedur meneliti yang menghasilkan data deskriptif berupa kata-kata tertulis atau lisan dari orang-orang dan perilaku yang dapat diamati. Pendekatan kualitatif dicirikan oleh tujuan penelitian yang berupaya memahami gejala-gejala yang sedemikian rupa yang tidak memerlukan kuantifikasi, karena gejala tidak memungkinkan untuk diukur secara tepat (Grana, 2009:32). Fokus Penelitian Pembatasan fokus penelitian sangat penting dan berkaitan erat dengan masalah maupun data yang dikumpulkan, dimana fokus merupakan pecahan dari masalah. Agar penelitian ini lebih terarah dan mudah dalam pencarian data, maka lebih dahulu ditetapkan focus penelitiannya. Hal ini sesuai dengan yang diungkapka oleh Lexy J. Moleong (2001:45) bahwa : "Penelitian kualitatif menghendaki ditetapkannya batas dalam penelitian atas dasar fokus yang timbul sebagai masalah dalam penelitian. Hal tersebut disebabkan oleh beberapa hal, pertama, batasan menentukan kenyataan ganda yang mempertajam fokus. Kedua, penetapan fokus lebih dekat dihubungkan oleh interaksi peneliti dan fokus. Dengan kata lain, bagaimanapun penetapan fokus sebagai masalah penelitian penting artinya dalam menentukan batas penelitian. Dengan hal itu peneliti menemukan lokasi peneliti". Adapun yang menjadi fokus dalam penelitian ini adalah:1. Prinsip Partisipasi aparat pemerintah dalam memberikan pelayanan publik.2. Ketentuan/aturan yang pasti dalam pelayanan Akta Jual Beli.3. Prinsip Transparansi dalam pelayanan pembuatan Akta Jual Belie4. Prinsip Responsif dan Prinsip AkuntabilitasSerta hal-hal lain yang kan berkembang dalam pelaksanaan penelitian nanti.GAMBARAN UMUM KECAMATAN GIRIANKeadaan Penduduk1. Jumlah PendudukJumlah Penduduk Kecamatan Girian menurut data yang diperoleh melalui penelitian pada Kantor Kecamatan Girian adalah 27.219 j iwa. Untuk mendapat gambaran mengenai potensi penduduk yang berada di Kecamatan Girian berdasarkan kelurahan yang ada seperti Nampak pada tabel 1 berikut ini : Tabel 1 Penduduk Kecamatan GirianNoKelurahanJumlah Penduduk1Girian Atas33452Girian Bawah49903Girian Weru Satu28764Girian Weru Dua39845Girian Indah62416Girian Permai35867Girian Wengurer2197Total27219Sumber : Kantor Kecamatan Girian Tahun 201272. Penduduk Menurut Mata PencaharianGambaran mengenai keadaan penduduk menurut jenis mata pencaharian di Kecamatan Girian, penduduknya memiliki profesi yang berbeda-beda. Ada yang bekerja sebagai petani, perkebunan, nelayan, pengusaha, pedagang, peternak, pegawai negeri sipil dan TNI. Untuk mengetahui keadaan penduduk dan jumlahnya menurut mata pencahariannya, maka dapat dilihat pada tabel2 berikut : Tabel 2 Keadaan Penduduk Menurut Mata Pencaharian Di Kecamatan GirianNoJenis Mata PencaharianJumlah1Petani3802Perkebunan983Peternak2404Nelayan45Industri Besar / Kecil1286Pedagang357Pegawai Negeri Sipil / TNI1278Pensiun PNS / TNI1219Lainnya546Jumlah1679Sumber: Kantor Kecamatan Girian Tahun 2012 Dari tabel diatas terlihat bahwa sebagian besar penduduknya berprofesi sebagai PNS dan Petani kemudian disusul pedangang. Untuk sisa penduduk lainnya adalah mereka yang belum bekerja atau masih dibawah umur dan anak sekolahan.A. Prasarana Sosial1. AgamaKehidupan antar umat beragama di Kecamatan Girian tetap berjalan dengan baik. Dalam kehidupan masyarakat, hubungan antar sesama pemeluk agama terjalin dengan harmonis dan tidak terjadi pertentangan antara pemeluk agama lain. Untuk mengetahui gambaran tentang agama dan pemeluknya diwilayah Kecamatan Girian, maka dapat dilihat pada tabel 3 sebagai berikut : Tabe1 3 Keberadaan Agama Dan Penganutnya Di Kecamatan GirianNoGolongan AgamaJumlah PenganutProsentase1Kristen Protestan216070,892Islam32616,233Kriste Katolik30412,464Budha--5Hindu--Jumlah27219100Sumber: Kantor Kecamatan Girian Tahun 2012 Dari tabel 3 diatas terlihat bahwa penduduk Kecamatan Girian sebagian besar adalah penganut Agama Kristen Protestan, kemudian disusul penganut agama Islam, dan seterusnya. Untuk kegiatan peribadatan telah tersedia sarana peribadatan bagi masing-masing agama dan penganut aliran kepercayaan. Jenis kepercayaan yang dimaksud dapat dilihat pada tebel berikut:8Tabe1 4 Sarana Peribadatan di Kecamatan GirianNoSarana IbadahJumlah1Geraja202Mesjid13Wihara-4Pura-Jumlah21Sumber : Kantor Kecamatan Girian Tahun 20122. PendidikanDalam rangka mencerdaskan kehidupan bangsa serta meningkatkan sumber daya manusia di Kecamatan Girian, keadaan pendidikan masyarakat sudah jauh lebih baik dari keadaan sebelumnya. Sarana dan Prasarana pendidikan mulai dari Taman Kanak-kanak sampai Perguruan Tinggi sudah memadai untuk menampung Kebutuhan akan pendidikan masyarakat, keadaan gedung dan fasilitas lainnya pada umumnya sudah lebih baik. Untuk mengetahui gambaran yang lebih jelas mengenai tingkat pendidikan masyarakat, maka dapat dilihat pada tabel 5 berikut : Tabe1 5 Keadaan Tingkat Pendidikan Masyarakat Di Kecamatan GirianNoTingkat PendidikanJumlahProsentase1Belum Sekolah75813,192Tidak Tamat Sekolah308,263Tamat SD / Sederajat12017,354Tamat SMP / Sederajat13322,215Tamat SMU / Sederajat169814,856Tamat Akademik / Universitas / Perguruan Tinggi13515,287Buta Akrasa188,058Lainnya--Jumlah22219100Sumber : Kantor Kecamatan Girian Tahun 2012 Dari tabel diatas Nampak penduduk Keeamatan Girian sebagian besar sudah mewakili, pendidikan baik pendidikan dasar maupun pendidikan tingkat atasnya. Maju tidaknya pendidikan tidak terlepas dari tersedianya saranalfasilita$. Untuk melihat sarana pendidikan tersebut di Kecamatan Girian maka dapat dilihat pada tabel 6 berikut ini : Tabe16 Keadaan Sarana Pendidikan Di Kecamatan (iirianNoTingkat PendidikanJumlah1TK192SD193SMP84SMU75Uiversitas / Perguruan Tinggi / Akademik9Jumlah62Sumber: Kantor Kecamatan Girian Tahun 201293. KesehatanPelayanan Kesehatan di Kecamatan Girian sudah sangat baik. Sarana dan fasilitas kesehatan serta tenaga medis telah tersedia. Adapun jenis sarana kesehatan yang ada diwilayah kecamatan Girian dapat dilihat pada tabel 7 berikut : Tabel 7 Keadaan Sarana Kesehatan Di Kecamtan GirianNoTingkat PendidikanJumlahTenaga Medis1Apotek6242Posyandu993Puskesmas1584Puskesmas Pembantu335Dokter Praktek2121Jumlah40115Sumber: Kantor Kecamatan Girian Tahun 2012HASIL DAN PEMBAHASANPenelitian merupakan analisa tentang penerapan prinsip-prinsip Good Governance dalam pelayanan publik di Kecamatan Girian Kota Bitung, menyangkut pelayanan pembuatan Akta Jual Beli Tanah yang dilakukan oleh camat sebagai PPAT, informan dalam penelitian ini adalah: Camat, dan masyarakat yang melakukan pengurusan Akta Jual Beli Tanah, yang tercatat oleh peneliti sebanyak 3 orang, dengan klasifikasi 2 orang sebagai masyarakat biasa, dan 1 orang sebagai wiraswasta, dimana pengurusan Akta Jual Beli tanah digunakan untuk tempat usaha/toko bangunan. Berikut ini akan disampaikan hasil wawancara dari beberapa informan: ST selaku camat mengatakan : dalam memberikan pelayanan pembuatan akta tanah di kecamatan girian saya selalu mengedapankan aturan, dalam arti bagi yang telah memenuhi syarat untuk diurus dan dikeluarkan AJB, segera saya buatkan AJBnya. AW sebagai warga yang pernah mengurus AJB mengatakan : selama pengurusan AJB saya tidak pernah mengalami kesulitan atau dipersulit, karena bapak camat sebagai Pejabat Pembuat Akta tanah sangat partisipatif, hal ini juga didukung oleh persyaratan yang telah saya lengkapi terlebih dahulu. Berbeda dengan RT salah seorang warga mengatakan : selama saya mengurus AJB dikantor kecarnatan ada sedikit kendala yang saya temui, dimana untuk biaya pengurusannya saya rasa diminta agak mahal, pada saal itu saya tidak terlalu paham mekanisme pembualan AJB, sehingga saya hanya mengiyakan saja apa yang diminta untuk biaya pengurusan ini, tetapi karena pada saat itu dana yang ada pada saya belum mencukupi, hingga pengurusan AJB agak tertunda. SE selaku warga yang mengurus AJB mengatakan : dalam pengurusan AJB ini saya mengalami sedikit kendala, dimana status tanah yang saya beli masih dalam sengketa pihak keluarga, walaupun pada akhirnya dapat diselesaikan, tetapi saya harus mengeluarkan biaya yang cukup banyak, karena pada saat itu bapak camat tidak bersedia membuat AJB. ST selaku camat mengatakan : selama pengurusan AJB yang saya layani, semua biaya dan ketentuan yang harus dipenuhi selalu disampaikan kepada pemohon, sehingga tidak ada kong kalingkong dalam pengurusan AJB ini, dan setiap warga yang bermaksud membuat AJB mengerti dan paham akan ketentuan serta biaya yang dibutuhkan.1. Prinsip Partisipasi (Participation)Partisipasi sebagai salah satu prinsip good governance dalam penyelenggaraan pemerintah daerah, dimaksud adalah semua warga Negara mempunyai suara dalam pengambilan keputusan, baik secara langsung maupun melalui lembaga-lembaga perwakilan yang sah yang mewakili kepentingan mereka. Partisipasi menyeluruh tersebut dibangun berdasarkan kebebasan berkumpul10dan mengungkapkan pendapat, serta kapasitas untuk berpartisipasi secara konstruktif. Secara konkrit (operasional) ini dapat diamati melalui beberapa komponen sebagai berikut :1. Adanya ruang partisipasi dari lembaga-lembaga politik dan sosial kemasyarakatan dalam pelaksanaan pemerintahan serta penentuan keputusan publik;2. Adanya upaya-upaya konkrit untuk memperjuangkan aspirasi masyarakat secara menyeluruh dan kontinyu3. Melakukan pemberdayaan masyarakat, khususnya pemberdayaan terhadap perempuan dalam pelaksanaan pemrintahan serta dalam kehidupan masyarakat;4. Menciptakan iklim yang kondusif dalam mengembangakan kebebasan pers dan dalam hal mengemukakan pendapat bagi seluruh komponen masyarakat, sepanjang dilakukan dengan penuh kesadaran akan nilai-nilai etika dan profesionalisme kerja yang tingi.Berdasarkan hasil wawancara terhadap informan dari tiga unsur utama penyelenggara pemerintahan di Kecamatan Girian, diperoleh gambaran tentang bagaimana pelaksanaan publik service dalam penerapan prinsip-prinsip good governance, khususnya prinsip partisipasi sebagaimana dapat dilihat dari wawancara kepada informan aparat pemerintah kecamatan Bapak R.K, baliau mengatakan "selaku aparat pemerintah kami selalu berpartisipasi dalam penyelenggaraan dimana selaku penyelenggara pemerintah kami dituntut untuk selalu melakukan pekerjaan kami dengan baik. peherapan prinsip partisipasi berarti bahwa baik dalam proses perumusan kebijakan, pelaksanaan maupun implementasinya telah secara langsung maupun tidak langsung melibatkan berbagai unsur/kelompok dalam masyarakat. Untuk nrengetahui tanggapan mengenai partisipasi masyarakat dalam penerapan prinsip partisipasi demi tercapainya pelayanan publik yang berkualitas, penulis mewawancarai informan dari masyarakat Ibu. AT, beliau mengatakan "partisipasi masyarakat dalam penerapan good governance di kecamatan girian dapat dikatakan baik, dimana kami selaku masyarakat selalu menunjang demi terselenggdranya pelayanan publik yang baik". Hal sebaliknya dikatakan oleh bapak T.K. partisipasi masyarakat saya rasa masih rendah hal ini karena kurangnya pelibalan oleh pemerintahan dalam perumusan kebijakan Contohnya : penentuan tarif yang bersentuhan langsung dengan kepentingan masyarakat, seperti retribusi dan lainrlain. Berdasarkan hasil wawancara dengan IT sebagai kepala Seksi Pelayanan Umum dan ML sebagai tokoh masyarakat mengemukakan bahwa; kondisi ini dimungkinkan karena mengingat magnitude dan intensitas kegiatan dan tanggung jawab di masing-masing derah nantinya akan sedemikian besar, terutama dihadapkan pada kemampuan sumber daya yang dimiliki oleh masing-masing pemerintah daerah, maka mau tidak man harus ada perpaduan antara upaya pemerintah daerah dengan masyarakat. Dengan kata lain, pemerintah daerah harus mampu mendorong prakarsa, kreativitas dan peran serta masyarakat didaerahnya untuk ikut serta dalam setiap upaya yang dilaksanakan oleh pemerintah daerah dalam rangka memajukan kesejahtaraan masyarakat.2. Prinsip Supremasi Hukum (Rule of Law)Yang dimaksud dengan penerapan prinsip supremasi hukum dalam penelitian ini ialah kerangka hukum harus adil dan diberlakukan tanpa pandang bulu, termasuk didalamnya hukum-hukum yang menyangkut hak asasi manusia. Kepastian dan penegakan hukum jelas merupakan salah satu prasyarat keberhasilan penyelenggaraan pemerintahan daerah. Secara konkrit (operasional) dimensi/domain ini dapat diamati melelui bebrapa komponen sebagai berikut :1. Adanya penegakan hukum secara utuh dalam berbagai aspek pemerintahan daerah.2. Adanya peraturan hukum serta perundang-undangan yang jelas dan tegas serta yang mengikat seluruh aparat pemerintahan daerah tanpa terkecuali.3. Adanya lembaga peradilan dan hukum yang kredibel dan bebas KKN.Berdasarkan hasil wawancara informan dari tiga unsur utama penyelenggara pemerintah di Kecamatan Girian, diperoleh gambaran tentang sejaumana penerapan prinsip-prinsip good governance, khususnya prinsip supremasi hukum dalam pembuatan akte jual beli sebagaiman11dilihat dari hasil wawancaran dengan seorang warga pengguna jasa publik di kecamatan Bapak P.Y yang pernah mengurus AJB beliau mengatakan penegakan supremasi hukum dalam pelayanan publik di kecamatan saya rasa sudah berjalan dengan baik sesuai dengan peraturan yang berlaku, walaupun tidak ada yang sempurna namun saya rasa secara keseluruhan sudah berjalan dengan baik Dalam mengurus AJB prinsip ini berjalan dengan baik. Hal yang tidak jauh berbeda dikatakan oleh informan warga lainnya Ibu. J.L. beliau mengatakan mengenai penegakan supremasi hukum dalam pembuatan AJB dikecamatan saya rasa tidak ada masalah, semua berjalan dengan baik. Dari hasil wawancara daiatas, menurut pendapat informan adalah bahwa hukum telah ditegakan secara utuh dalam berbagai aspek pemerintahan daerah dan didukung oleh peraturan-peraturan hukum dan perundang-undangan yang mengikat seluruh aparat pemerintah daerah tanpa terkecuali. Hal ini dapat ditunjang oleh fakta bahwa lembaga peradilan dan hukum dapat memainkan peran yang signifikan dalam menyelesaikan kasus-kasus pelenggaran hukum/tindak pidana korupsi. Berdasarkan hasil analisa data tersebut dapat di kemukakan bahwa penerapan prinsip supremasi hukum di Kecamatan Girian telah mencapai tingkat rata-rata atau cukup baik. Realitas ini sesuai dengan hasil waancara terhadap informan kunci IT sebagai kepala Seksi Pelayanan Umum mengemukakan bahwa yang menyatakan bahwa sejak dilakukannya reformasi, penerapan prinsip supremasi hukum telah diupayakan antara lain dengan dilakukannya upaya penegakan hukum yang dilakukan oleh oknum tertentu dan pelayanan kepada masyarakat selalu dilaksanakan berdasarkan aturan yang berlaku. Sesuai dengan hasil wawancara dengan IT sebagai kepala Seksi Pelayanan Umum mengemukakan bahwa faktor-faktor yang mendukung penerapan prinsip supremasi hukum di Kecamatan Girian antara lain :o Adanya dukungan dari pemerintah penyelenggara pemerintahan maupun legislativeo Adanya koordinasi intensif antara instansi terkait meliputi lembaga hukum dan peradilan, poIri, serat kalangan organisasi,LSM, dan unsur masyarakat lainnya.o Adanya peraturan hukum serta sanksi yang diterapkan secara tegas dan tidak mernihak.3. Prinsip Transparansi (Transparancy)Secara konseptual, transparansi dibangun atas dasar arus informasi yang bebas. Seluruh proses pemerintahan, lembaga-lembaga dan informasi perlu dapat di akses oleh pihak-pihak yang berkepentingan,dan informasi yang tersedia harus memadai agar dapat dimengerti dan dipantau. Dengan prinsip transparansi yang benar-benar diimplementasikan pada setiap aspek dan fungsi pemerintahan di daerah, apalagi bila di lengkapi dengan penerapan prinsip merit system dan reward and punishment dan keberhasilan penyelenggaraan pemerintahan didaerah. Secara konkrit, penerapan prinsip transparansi dapat dijabarkan sebagai berikut :a. Adanya arus informasi dan komunikasi yang akurat bagi masyarakat umum dalam kaitannya dengan program-program pemerintahan yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah Kecamatanb. Adanya keterbukaan dalam hal pengambil keputusan publik dan dalam proses implementasi atau pelaksanaannya.Berdasarkan hasil wawancara beberpa informan bagaimana penerapan prinsip-prinsip good governance dalam pengunisan Akte Jual Beli, khususnya prinsip transparansi didapati bahwa prinsi transparansi di kecamatan girian telah berjalan dengan baik, hal ini berdasarkan yang dikatakan oleh infonnan tokoh masyarakat Bapak T.G beliau berpendapat bahwa penerapan prinsip keterbukaan (transparansi) dalam penyelenggaraan pemerintahan di Kecamatan Girian khususnya dalam pengurusan A.JB telah dilakukan secara optimal atau berada pada kategori baik, pegawai selalu menjelaskan apa, bagaimana dan berapa yang harus dikeluarkan untuk mengurus sesuatu di kecamatan. Hal ini membuat masyarakat tidak perlu bertanya-tanya dan merasa nyaman.Hal berbeda dikatakan oleh ibu. UR yang pernah mengurus akte jual bell di kecamatan, beliau mengatakan, dalam hal transparansi saya rasa perlu ada beberapa pembenahan, terkadang dalam beberapa kondisi pegawai kecamatan tidak terbuka dalam hal biaya, mungkin karena tidak12ada pimpinan atau bagaimana. Hal ini pernah terjadi waktu saya mengurus AJB, dimana ada pegawai yang meminta lebih dari biasanya. Namun setelah saya bertanya kepada teman saya yang pernah mengurus, tidak seperti itu. Untuk mengklarifikasi hal tersebut penulis mewawancarai informan kunci yakni bapak camat girian, beliau mengatakan, sebelum melaksanakan pelayanan kepada masyarakat, saya selaku pimpinan di kecamatan selalu menginstruksikan untuk selalu bersikap terbuka dan profesional dalam pekojaan, dan apabila didapati melanggar aturan, akan dikenakan sanksi, baik itu tertulis maupun tidak. Penerapan prinsip transparansi adalah mereka yang merasakan bahwa berbagai proses penyelenggaraan pemerintahan daerah telah berjalan secara transparan/terbuka dan dapat diakses oleh berbagai pihak, termasuk elemen masyarakat yang membutuhkan informasi. Realitas hasil penelitian ini senada dengan pendapat yang dikemukakan oleh informan IT sebagai kepala Seksi Pelayanan Umum bahwa salah satu bentuk penerapan prinsip transparansi yang diterapkan oleh pemerintah Kecamatan Uirian antara lain dengan melakukan fungsi pelayanan komunikasi kepada masyarakat, unsur pers; serta fungsi koordinasi dengan instansi terkait berkaitan dengan tugas-tugas pemerintahan yang hasilnya kemudian di sosialisasikan secara langsung kepada masyarakat dan swasta. Adapun jenis informasi yang disampaikan kepada masyarakat ada yang bersifat vital dan fatal (dari sudut akibat yang ditimbulkan); ada pula informasi yang sifatnya biasa, atau tidak member dampak buruk bagi persatuan dan kesatuan bangsa (contoh:informasi tentang isu/konflik SARA, dan sebagainya). Sebagai bentuk transparansi birokrasi . pemerintahan, selalu diupayakan suatu laporan mengenai hasil capaian kerja birokrasi pemerintahan dan disosialisasikan kepada masyarakat luas sesuai dengan prosedur yang berlaku. Namun , sejauh ini dapat disimpulkan bahwa upaya penerapan prinsip transparansi pemerintah Kecamatan kepada masyarakat belum dilakukan secara maksimal. Menurut ML sebagai tokoh masyarakat mengemukakan bahwa faktor yang menyebabkan antara lain, :1. Adanya berbagai kepentingan politik dari berbagai kelompok elit politik yang ada di lingkungan elit pemerintahan.2. Selain itu, faktor dana operasional yang kurang mencukupi3. Faktor kurangnya kesadaran dari sebagian masyarakat tentang pentingnya sebuah informasi4. Belum tersedianya perangkat operasional seperti berbagai sarana dan prasarana yang memadai.4. Prinsip ResponsivenessPrinsip responsivitas (peduli pada stakeholder) dimaksudkan adalah lembaga-lembaga dan seluruh proses pemerintahan harus berusaha melayani semua pihak yang berkepentingan. Domain ini diamati melalui beberapa komponen antara lain :a. Mampu menciptakan sistem pelayanan kepada masyarakat yang efektif dan efisien, tidak bersifat birokratis dan feodalismeb. Memenuhi kebutuhan masyarakat serta menyelesaikan segala permasalahan yang ada dalam kehidupan berbangsa dan bemegara secara menyeluruh.Berdasarkan hasil wawancara terhadap informan, diperoleh gambaran bagaimana penerapan prinsip-prinsip good governance, khususnya prinsip responsiveness. Informan dari unsur penyelenggara pemerintahan yang di wawancarai tentang bagaimana penerapan prinsip responsiveness dalam penyelenggaraan pemerintahan di Kecamatan Girian, yakni bapak G.H berpendapat bahwa prinsip tersebut telah diterapkan dengan baik, hal ini karena pemerintah kecamatan selalu berusaha melakukan yang terbaik baik masykarakat begiut juga dikatakan oleh Kasie Pemerintahan Kecamatan Girian, beliau setuju dengan apa yang dikatakan oleh informan sebelumnya yakni pemerintah sejauh ini telah melakukan yang terbaik. Hasil ini memberikan indikasi bahwa dari kalangan pemerintah (birokrasi) mempunyai suatu keyakinan bahwa prinsip responsivitas dalam rnemberikan peleyanan publik telah dipupayakan secara optimal. Dari beberapa wawancara diatas dapat disilmpulkan :131. Pemerintah Keeamatan telah menunujukan kemampuan dalam menciptakan sistem pelayanan yang efektif dan efisien kepada masyarakat;2. Setiap upaya peningkatan pelayanan kepada masyarakat tidak bersifat birokratis dan feodalisme;3. Telah mampu memenuhi kebutuhan masyarakat, serta menyelesaikan segala peramsalahan yang ada dalam kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara secara menyeluruh.Dari unsur masyarakat bependapat hampir bertolak belakang dengan pendapat unsur pemerintahn, hal ini sesuai wawancara dengan bapak K.L beliau mengatakan sampai sekarang ini saya belum melihat adanya keseriusan pemerintah daerah, khususnya pemerintah Kecamatan menerapkan prinsip responsivitas dalam pelaksanaan pelayanan publik, hal ini terlihat masih lambanya kerja yang dilakukan oleh pegawai kecamatan dan terkadang mahalnya pembiayaan dalam pengurusan. Seperti pengurusan AJB. Penulis juga mewawancarai beberapa informan masyarakat, dan ada 2 hal pokok yang penulis simpulkan yakni : (1) pemerintah Kecarrlatan, belum mampu menciptakan sistem pelayanan yang efektif dan efisien kepada masyarakat. Artinya bahwa pelayanan yang dilakukan masih bemuansa ekonomi biaya tinggi, terlalu birokratis dan penuh dengan tiuansa KKN; (2) belum mampu memenuhi kebutuhan dan tuntutan masyarsakat serta belum secara optimal dapat menyelesaikan permasalah yang ada dalam kehidupan masyarakat secara keseluruhan. Namun tidak seluruh informan masyarakat yang setuju dengan pendapat sebelumnya, seperti Bapak K.D, beliau mengatakan bahwa saya melihat adanya usaha yang menuju kearah yang lebih baik yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah kecamatan dibandingkan yang sebelumnya, walaupun semuanya berjalan dengan sempurna namun saya mengapresiasi usaha dari kecatnatan yang mettgusakan pelayanan yang baik kepada masyarakat. Dan hasil diatas dapat disimpulkan bahwa secara umum penerapan prinsip responsivitas dalam pelaksanaan pelayanan publik sebagai upaya mewujudkan pemerintahan yang baik, belum menarnpakan hasil yang optimal. Menurut AM dan GP masing-,masing sebagai tokoh masyarakat merigerriukakan bahwa responsivitas (cepat tanggap) pemerintah daerah terhadap tuntutan, aspirasi dan kebutuhan masyarakat sebagai salah satu prinsip good governance belum sepenuhnya dapat di terapkan oleh pemerintah Kecamatan secara maksimal.5. Prinsip Akuntanbilitas (Accountability)Penerapan prinsip akuntanbilitas akan mendorong setiap pejabat pemeiritahan daerah untuk meleksanakan setiap tugasnya dengan cara yang terbaik bagi keberhasilan penyelenggaraan pemerintahan di daerahnya; karena setiap tindakan dan keputusan yang di ambil harus dapat di pertanggunggjawabkan kehadapan publik maupun dari kacamata hukum. Secara operasional, domain ini dijabarkan melalui beberap komponen antara lain :1. Mengefektitkan proses pengawasan intensif dan terintegral terhadap keseluruhan proses pemerintahan oleh berbagai komponen, baik pemerintah maupun masyarakat;2. Menerapkan mekenisme pertariggungjawab yang proporsional sesuai dengan tugas dan wewenang masing-masing dalam kerangka pelaksanaan peineriritaliari;3. Menyediakan informasi yang relevan, nyata dan actual mengenai penyelenggaraan pemerintahan daerah kepada berbagai pihak yang berkepentingan sebagai wujud pertanggungjawab pemerintah daerah.Berdasarkan hasil wawancara terhadap informan penyelenggara petlieriritahan di Kecamatan Girian diperoleh gambaran tentang bagaimana penerapan prinsip-prinsip good governance, khususnya prinsip akuntanbilitas didapati bahwa penerapan prinsip akuntanbilitas dalam pelaksanaan pelayanan publik maka perlu dijelaskan lebih lanjut hal-hal sebagai berikut :1. Informan dari unsur penyelenggara pemerintahaii kecamatan yang berhasil diwawancarai, berpendapat bahwa penerapan prinsip akuntabilitas telah dapat di laksanakan sudah optimal, hal ini berdasarkan hasil wawancara dengan seorng pegawai kecamatan Ibu. L.S. beliau mengatakan penerapan prinsip akuntabilitas di kecamatan sudah berjalan secara optimal yakni dengan adanya LAKIP kecamatan dengan adanya hal tersebut kecamalan telah melaksanakan prinsip akuntabilitas, hal ini juga ditegaskan oleh Sekcam Kecamatan Girian beliau14mengatakan penerapan prinsip akuntabilitas di kecamatan girian telah berjalan dengan baik dimana kami selalu mempertanggung jawabkan dan melaporkan perkembangan kecamalan baik itu kepada pimpinan maupun masyarakat.2. Pendapat diatas senada jug dengan pendapat dari unsur masyarakat, dimana hasil wawancara dengan masyarakat girian yang pernah menggunakan jasa dikecamatan yakni ibu O.P. mengatakan prinsip akuntabilitas di kecamatan saya sudah berjalan dengan baik, walaupun harus ada beberapa perubahan dan perbaikan.Hal ini sejalan derigan pendapat IT sebagai kepala Seksi Pelayanan Umum dan KT sebagai tokoh masyarakat yang beihasil di wawancarai, bahwa secara garis besar dapat dikatakan prinsip akutanbilitas di lingkungan pemerintah kecamatan sudah cukup bagus. Salah satu wujud nyata adanya pembuatan LAKIP atau laporan Akuntabilitas Kinerja Instansi Pemerintah oleh setiap instansi pemerintah yang ada yang di laporkan kepada stakeholder. Stakeholder yang utama adalah atasan (pimpinan) instansi pemerintah yang bersangkutan. LAKIP ini telah di buat secara berkala sebagai pertangung jawaban pemerintah kepada publik.PENUTUPKesimpulan Berdasarkan hasil penelitian dalam bab sebelumnya, dan apa yang menjadi perumusan masalah, maka penelitian ini dapat disimpulkan sebagai berikut :1. Dalam penerapan prinsip-prinsip Good Governance dalam pelayanan publik, terutama prinsip Partisipasi, ketentuan dan aturan-aturan yang berlaku, prinsip transparansi, dan prinsip responsif camat telah memberikan yang terbaik, walaupun ada beberapa warga menurut hasil wawancara mengatakan camat selaku PPAT cenderung pilih kasih terhadap warga yang berkemampuan secara finansial dan warga yang kurang berkemampuan.2. Secara umum pelayanan publik yang mengedepankan prinsip-prinsip Good Governance yang ada di Kecamatan Girian Kota Bitung telah dilaksanakan dengan baik, walaupun belum sepenuhnya maksimal.3. Faktor-faktor yang mendorong terselenggaranya prinsip-prinsip Good Governance dalam pelayanan publik adalah prinsip Partisipasi, ketentuan dan aturan-aturan yang berlaku, prinsip transparansi, dan prinsip responsif.Saran Hal-hal yang perlu disarankan dalam penelitian ini adalah :1. Perlunya prinsip pemerataan kualitas pelayanan yang dilakukan oleh camat, agar dalam pemberian pelayanan pembuatan AJB, lebih mengedepankan pemerataan, kepada semua warga, tidak memandang yang berkemampuan secara finansial maupun warga yang tidak berkemampuan.2. Lebih ditingkatkan dan dimaksimalkan pelayanan publik kepada setiap warga, yang akan mengurus surat-surat kependudukan dan Akta Jual Bell Tanah, agar nantinya dapat tercipta pelayanan prima kepada masyarakat melalui prinsip-prinsip Good Governance.3. Perlunya ditambahkan faktor pemerataan dalam penyelenggaran pemerintah kecamatan girian, demi terciptanya pelayanan publik yang baik, berdasarkan penerapan dari prinsip Good Governance.15DAFTAR PUSTAKADwipayana, AAGN. Ari. 2003. Membangun Good Governance. Raja Grafindo Pustaka, Jakarta Grana, Judistira K. 2009. Metode penelitian kualitatif. Edisi ketiga. Bandung: Primaco Akademika Garna Foundation. Komite Anti Korupsi (KoKAK), 2002, "Panduan Rakyat Memberantas Korupsi ; Cetakan Pertama, Penerbit Komite Anti Korupsi (KoAk), Bandar Lampung. Masyarakat Transparansi Indonesia Indonesia, 2002, "Supermasi Hukum", Modul, Jakarta ________,2002, "Good governance Ian Penguatan Instansi Daerah ", Cetakan Pertama, Penerbit Masyarakat Transparansi Indonesia. Bekerjasama Dengan AusAID, Jakarta. ________,2002, "Gerakan Anti Korupsi Pilar Tegaknya Good governanceLeadership for Goopenerbitd Governance "Modul. Moleong, Lexy, J. 2001. Metodologi Penelitian Kualitatif. Bandung: Penerbit Remaja Rosdakarya. Pulukadang. Ishak, 2002, "Evaluasi dan Revitalisasi Program Pembangunan Kota Manado dibidang Kepemerintahan Yang Baik ; Makalah, FISIP Unsrat. Manada. Sedarmayati, 2003. Good Govermance: Kepemerintahan Yang Baik Dalam Rangka Otonomi Daerah Upaya Membangun Organisasi Efektif dan Efisien Melalui Restrukturisasi dan Pemberdayaan. Bandung : Mandar Maju Suhardono, Edi dkk, 2001, "Good governance Untuk Daulat Siapa?" Forum LSM DIY, Yogyakarta. Zullcarnain, happy Bone, 2002, "Kendala Terwujudnya Good governance", Artikel. Sumber-Sumber Lain : - Undang-Undang Nomor 32 Tahun 2004 tentang Pemerintahan Daerah, Penerbit Sinar Grafika, Jakarta 2007. - Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 101 Tahun 2000 Tentang pendidikan, pelatihan jabatan pegawai negeri sipil - Peraturan Pemerintah (PP) Nomor 19 tahun 2008 tentang kecamatan. - Kamus Besar Bahasa Indonesia. 2002 - Kepmenpan No. 63 tahun 2003 Tentang Pedoman Umum Penyelenggaraan Pelayanan Publik- www.lan.go.id
This essay discusses the relation between urban spaces and street festival as an example of a creative industry. To begin with, several terms are presented as part of a theoretical approach to fully understand the concept of street festivals, then two cases studies of street festivals will be presented and analysed: The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogotá and Rock al Parque Festival both from Bogotá, Colombia. The essay has a chapter dedicated to the relationship between festivals and economic development. ; Cultura y desarrollo; Esfera pública; Festival Iberoamericano de Teatro; Festivales callejeros; Habermas; Rock al Parque ; 1 An Act of Faith: Two Cases Studies Of Street Festivals As Examples Of Development. ANDRÉS GUILLERMO CHAUR1 Course Title: Theories of the Culture Industry: work, creativity and precariousness Course Code: CU71015A Date: 13 January 2014 1 Beneficiario COLFUTURO 2013 2 3 «Culture is the be all and end all of development» L.S. Senghor, poet (Senegal, 1906-2001) Introduction This essay discusses the relation between urban spaces and street festival as an example of a creative industry. To begin with, several terms are presented as part of a theoretical approach to fully understand the concept of street festivals, then two cases studies of street festivals will be presented and analysed: The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogotá and Rock al Parque Festival both from Bogotá, Colombia. The essay has a chapter dedicated to the relationship between festivals and economic development. It is important to mention that the starter point of this essay was precisely to give an introductory background of the importance that has have those two case studies in the development of the city. It is not a secret that Colombia has suffered a period of violence and instability since the second part of the XX century so at first glance it is curious to study and research about an almost contradictory topic such as Culture in a "war country". But at the same time, the "beauty" of this study relies precisely in its contradictory nature: How a country with those characteristics can hold two of the most important and respected free theatre festivals and music festivals in all Latin America? This essay will try to explain that culture when it's conceived with some specific characteristics will bring democracy and peace. A series of deep and abstract concepts will be discussed. This essay was thought just as an introduction and approximation to the topic of public and private, public sphere, culture and development just to mention some examples. Same with authors and thinkers used to elaborate the structure of this study. Once again it should be taken as an approximation rather than a full and elaborated research. The aim is to structure a series of ideas and concepts around one thesis: Those festivals have helped to make Bogotá a better city thus that is the main point of the relation between urban spaces and creativity: It fosters a better understanding of a society overall. At the end of the essay, in the appendix section, some photos are presented to visually recreate the two festivals, its dimensions and its importance. Although, like every 4 transcendental event, in order to understand the magnitude of The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival and the Rock al Parque Festival one have to experience in person. Cities as spaces for the public To fully understand the concept of "Public Realm" and "Public Sphere", one has to address the theory of the city and its relation with the concept of public and private. The concept of "city" has had many meanings through time. There are different ways to approach the concept; however, for the nature of this essay an urban sociological perspective will be approached. Mumford (1937) states the city as a space undoubtedly bonded with the development of human potential: "a city is an expression of the human spirits, and they exist to nurture human personality"2. Weber (1921), one of the founders of modern sociology sees a city in terms of connectivity and settlement between commuters, in that way, the concept of a city, according to Weber, is about the networking, the political and economic participation and the organization among communities. Landry (2013) defines the city as "a complex organism and in constant movement with perspectives, opinions and priorities about what is right often clashing"3. Simmel (1950) explained the correlation of man and the scenarios created by the capitalism and modern society called "The Metropolis". There is always a struggle between the man (individual) and his society (public): "The deepest problem of modern life arises out of the attempt by the individual to preserve his autonomy and individuality in the face of the overwhelming social forces of a historical heritage, external culture and technique of life"4. Simmel's concept of a city as a place where modern man struggle to find his individuality within "overwhelming social forces" is key to understand the theory of the city, specifically one attached with the words: Public -Private. Sennett (1996) in his book "The Fall of the 2 Mumford, L., 1937. What is a city?. In: Scoutt, S and Stoutt, F. ed. 2011. The city reader. Taylor and Francis. pp.91-96. 3 Landry,C. 2013. Civic Urbanity: Looking at the city afresh (PDF). Hangzhou International Congress, "Culture: Key to Sustainable Development", 15-17 May 2013, Hangzhou, China. Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/CLT/images/Charles_Landry_Hangzhou_Congress.pdf (Accessed 12 January 2013). 4 Simmel,G. 1950. The Metropolis and Mental Life. In Miles, M; Hall, T and Borden, I. The City Cultures Reader. Ed. 2000. pp. 12-19. 5 public man" gives an account of the city as the scenario where those 2 concepts are correlated. He starts explaining the meaning of public and private. Although its historical background, coming from the Greeks and the idea of Oikos and Polis as the Private and Public respectively, Sennett comments that "the public" in modern times, started to develop in the eighteen century that is as a direct consequence of the industrial revolution and the liberalism ideas coming from The Enlightenment. "Public came to mean a life passed outside the life of family and close friends. In the public region diverse, complex social groups were to be brought into ineluctable contact the focus of this public life was the city"5 The public life is also the ground to understand modern democracy and public political institution. Sennett, citing Hanna Arendt's book The Human Condition shows how the public life in cities can be a scenario where ideas and opinions are discussed and debated. "Private circumstances have no place in the public realm". 6 Arendt even manifests that cities are "democracy's homes"7 This notion of public started to be more evident when places to meet strangers (people from outside the private sphere) within the city started to grow up. Examples of those "places" are the coffee houses and salons (Habermas will mention those examples to explain his theory of public sphere). Those spaces are called "Public Realm" by Sennett. Public Realm, in other words, are spaces where strangers meet. This encounter is characterized by "anonymity". In "The Conscience of The Eye" Sennett (1992) also says that anonymity is the power of modern cities: "The power of the city lies in its diversity; in the presence of difference people have at least the possibility to step outside themselves (.) The city can give them experiences of otherness"8 The concept of Teatro Mundi is an interesting way to look at the public sphere. According to Sennett, "Teatro Mundi" are spaces full of vitality, differences and disorder. Places where the differences connect and all citizens participate: "Society is a theatre and people are actors". This essay will discuss Teatro Mundi in detail in the chapter related to street festivals. . 5 Sennett, R. 2003. The Fall of Public Man. Penguin, New Edition. 6 Sennett, R. 2008. Reflections on the Public Realm in Bridge, G and Watson, S. A companion of the City. Blackwell Publishers. pp. 380-387. 7 Sennett, R. 2008. The Public Realm. (online) Richard Sennet Website. Available at: http://www.richardsennett.com/site/SENN/Templates/General2.aspx?pageid=16 (Accessed 13 January 2014) 8 Sennett, R. 1992. The Conscience of the Eye: The Design and Social Life of Cities. W.W Norton & Company. 6 In the next chapter, this essay will discuss in-depth different theories about the public realm specially the ideas of Habermas about the public sphere and his theory of action communicative. Habermas and the Public Sphere Even though the previous chapter gave an account of the concepts of private-public, it is important to highlight them according to the theory of Habermas. Recognized as one of the most influential sociologist and philosopher of our times, Habermas theories of the public sphere (phrase from the German Öffentlichkeit), and modern democracy as well as his theory of action communicative have been enormously influential for modern sociology9. Firstly Habermas' thought is marked in the tradition of the Frankfurt School. His first mayor publication "The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere" argues that instrumental rationality is implicit in the Public Sphere. However, Habermas took distance from the classical notion of the critical theory when argues that participation in the public sphere (he exemplified the coffee shops and the salons in Paris and London in the XVIII century) is free and autonomous in order to shape a common good: "The public sphere consisted in voluntary associations of private citizens united in a common aim, to make use of their own reason in unconstrained discussion between equals"10(Later on, Habermas is going to present how mass media eroded individuality and declined the public sphere). It is important to mention the dichotomy of the words public-private for Habermas. Although different, both are dependents to each other. In that way the private sphere and the public sphere instead of being exclusive are inclusive. Susen (2011) defines the public sphere, taking into account Habermas' theory, as: "The socialized expression of individuals' reciprocally constituted autonomy: individuals are autonomous not in isolation from but in relation to one another, that is, in relation to a public of autonomous beings".11 9Finlayson, J .2005. "Habermas, a very short introduction". Oxford University Press. 10 Habermas,J. 1991. The Structural Transformation Of The Public Sphere. MIT Press. 11 Susen, S. 2001. Critical Notes on Habermas's theory of the public sphere. (online). City University of London. Available at: http://tinyurl.com/lhy4j4z. (Accessed 13 January 2014). 7 Several questions came to mind: How this socialization is constructed? What does an autonomous individual mean? And how can individual reach autonomy? For Habermas, the answer relies on a rational communicative action. The aim of the public sphere is to create a consensus through the active participation of all individuals involved. This consensus is created by a rational approach of the language: "The public sphere is a collective realm in which individuals' cognitive ability to take on the role of critical and responsible actors is indicative of society's coordinative capacity to transform itself into an emancipatory project shaped by the normative force of communicative rationality"12. Rationality in terms of Habermas does not consist in knowledge per se but "how speaking and acting subjects acquire and use knowledge"13. This type of rationality is different from the instrumental rationality from the Enlightenment, widely criticized by the Frankfurt School, since it is "practical, epistemological and more important, intersubjective"14. The public sphere, considering the above, not only describes the space where the encounter occurs but moreover, the public sphere has within itself an emancipator and a transformative component. Some critics find Habermas ideas "too utopian and idealistic"15. The next chapter the link between Habermas and Sennett notion of Public Realm in the city will be tracked. The Open City Sennett takes Habermas as a mayor inspiration for constructing his idea of the Public Realm in the city. According to Sennett (2008), Habermas does not tie the public sphere to any particular place, such as a town centre for instance. Even new technological media as the 12 Ibid. 13 Hahn, L. 2000. Perspective On Habermas. Open Court Publishing. 14 Susen, S. 2001. Critical Notes on Habermas's theory of the public sphere. (online). City University of London. Available at: http://tinyurl.com/lhy4j4z. (Accessed 13 January 2014). 15 Ibid. 8 Internet could be seen as an example of public sphere: "In today's cities, an internet cafe would be more likely to excite him than Trafalgar Square" 16 The place where strangers meet, as Sennett defines Public Realm, could be anywhere: An event, a medium, etc. that encourages communication between strangers. Eventually, Sennett argues, cities that promote those types of encounters are called cities with open systems and on the contrary, cities that lack a real public realm or just promote the privatization of spaces are called cities with closed systems. Based on sociologist Jane Jacobs(1961) and her book "The death and life of great American cities"17, Sennett(2006) imagines a city with a closed system with two attributes: Equilibrium and Integration18. Equilibrium is related with balance, with harmony and with a static idea of conceiving a city. Public Spaces as spaces full of differences, dissents and disorders are not part or are reduced in a closed system. By integration, Sennett means that everything is connected and is part of a greater and unique vision. Thus, everything that is not part of that unique vision is expelled and rejected: "The logic of integration is to diminish in value things that don't fit in (.) Closed system cities refuse to evolve and has paralysed urbanism", concludes Sennett. Opposing a closed system, the open system is all about diversity and finding a place for differences, dissents and disorders. It is about complexity, about how a place adapts itself to the always changing community and its processes. Sennett lists three elements of an open city: Passage territories, incomplete form and development narratives. Passages territories means to diffuse boundaries and different territories within the cities; incomplete form is regarding "empty spaces" so the public can interact in it. Development narratives means to allow dissident voices to express and to fully participate. Wirth (1938) summarize the above by saying: "The juxtaposition of divergent personalities and modes of life tends to produce a relativistic perspective and a sense of toleration of differences"19 Taking into consideration the above characteristics of an open city, one can say that an open city is a place for democracy, "not in the legal sense but in the physical experience" says 16 Sennett, R. 2008. Reflections on the Public Realm in Bridge, G and Watson, S. A companion of the City. Blackwell Publishers. pp. 380-387. 17 Jacobs, J .1961. The death and life of great American cities. Random House, New York. 18 Sennett, R 2006. The Open City. (online). Urban Age- LSE. Available at: http://esteticartografias07.files.wordpress.com/2008/07/berlin_richard_sennett_2006-the_open_city1.pdf. (Accessed 13 January 2014) 19 Wirth, L .1938. Urbanism as a Way of Life. (online) Chicago Journals. Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2768119 (Accessed 13 January 2014). 9 Sennett 20. This thesis is important to understand the importance of public spaces in construction of a fully democratic society and thus is connected to the idea of development and equality. ¿What are examples of an open system? Can one give an account of a public sphere? The next chapter will give an account of the relationship between the street festivals and the public sphere, understanding them as a significance example of public realm. Street Festivals and the Public Sphere To begin with, Street Festivals or Urban Festivals as any other cultural event placed in the public sphere are related of what Durkheim called "collective effervescence". As Durkheim pointed out when a group gathers to perform a "religious ritual" experiences a sense of encounter and unity, "leading participants to a high degree of collective emotional excitement or delirium"21. However as Sassatelli(2011) adds, although Festivals are also part of a collective delirium, taking all participant apart from the everyday life, they are also places where the social encounter is made of "polyvalent performances, rather than unified signifiers of a consensual collective conscience"22 Sassatelli complements that street festivals contrasted with museums: By its living dimension as well as its unrestrained sensory experience. Sennett (1992) also talks about spaces "full of live" as narrative spaces where every dweller constructs a disorder and kaleidoscope meaning of the public. This could lead to the erosion of the boundaries of high and low culture in the sense of the Frankfurt School understood the "cultural industries". namely they turn into instances of communication and instances of production of collective meanings and desires. 20 Sennett, R 2006. The Open City. (online). Urban Age- LSE. Available at: http://esteticartografias07.files.wordpress.com/2008/07/berlin_richard_sennett_2006-the_open_city1.pdf. (Accessed 13 January 2014) 21 Durkheim, E .2008. The Elementary Forms of Religious Life. Oxford Paperbacks. 22 Sassatelli, M. 2011. Urban Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere: Cosmopolitanism between Ethics and Aesthetics in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 12-19 10 If Habermas, the notion of the "Public Sphere" is related as the area where rational individuals communicate to each other to discuss their social problems; nowadays as McGuian(2011) argues, there are different ways to look at the public sphere, not only inside a rational communicative system as Habermas states, but from other types of communication that also create a sense of public sphere. One of those "public spheres" is the cultural public sphere, namely a sphere within the public where different modes of communications, for instance "affective-aesthetics and emotional are articulated with the public and the private"23 "The public sphere nowadays operates though various channels and circuits of mass popular culture and entertainment facilitated the routinely mediated aesthetic and emotional reflections on how we live and imagine the good life (.) festivals are the aestheticization of politics as the ground for festivals is the democratization of an independent thought by the spectators transformed into active actors". . Although McGuian theorized the cultural public sphere for the mass media and populism culture, undoubtedly street festivals share that conception in an emotional and aesthetic way of "come together as a public" and to transcend the private sphere into a societal integration as Habermas explained. Fabiani (2011) explained as well: 24 Street Festivals are also part of the Sennett's idea of "Teatro Mundi". Spaces operated in an open system, where strangers meet through a "rhetorical way, acting in order to be 23Mc Guian, J. 2011. The Cultural Public Sphere- a critical measure of public culture? in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 79-92. 24 Fabiani, J. 2011. Festivals, local and global: Critical interventions and the cultural public sphere. in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 92-108 Involvement rather than contemplation Instances of communication and community building Erosion of the boundaries between high and low culture Construction of Identity Produce meanings and desires Box 1. Characteristics of Street Festivals according to Sassatelli(2011). 11 credible" 25 In the next chapter, this essay will discuss the implications of street festivals in the sustainable development of a city. Different approaches coming from the research of the UNESCO on the relationship between culture and development as well as the studies of the creative class by Michael Florida and the Creative cities by Michael Landry. . People act as in they were in a "role playing" to create a sense of "equality", even if they do not share their same social class, race, sexual orientation, etc. Street Festivals have this "communicative power" of involve everyone together. Street Festivals as mechanism for sustainable development How could we connect street festivals as examples of the cultural public sphere with the idea of development? In other words, is there any connection between street festivals, understood as a cultural manifestation, and sustainable development? This chapter will introduce the concept of "Culture for Development"26 In the last few decades, UNESCO programs have been focused in how culture should be at the centre of economic development in developed and especially in developing countries. One of the last attempts to foster that was the Hangzou Congress in 2013 in China. The final conclusion was: "Placing Culture at the Heart of Sustainable Development Policies"; a term coined by UNESCO in a variety of its programs wide world specially for developing nations and will give an account of the link between that term and street festivals as examples of a cultural industry. 27 25 Sennett, R. 2008. Reflections on the Public Realm in Bridge, G and Watson, S. A companion of the City. Blackwell Publishers. pp. 380-387. and described 9 main ideas to do so: Integrate culture within all development policies and Programmes; Mobilize culture and mutual understanding to foster peace and reconciliation; Ensure cultural rights for all to promote inclusive social development; Leverage culture for poverty reduction and inclusive economic development; Build on culture to promote environmental sustainability; Strengthen resilience to disasters and combat climate change through culture value; safeguard and transmit culture to future generations; Harness culture 26 Culture and Development. 2013. UNESCO- Culture. (Online) Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/culture-and-development (Accessed 13 January 2014) 27 UNESCO. 2013. The Hangzhou Declaration. UNESCO- Culture. (Online). Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/culture-and-development/hangzhou-congress/ (Accessed 13 January 2014). 12 as a resource for achieving sustainable urban development and management; Capitalize on culture to foster innovative and sustainable models of cooperation. 28 Landry (2008) also talks about the benefits of cultural industries in a city and how the creativity of those industries will foster economic development and social cohesion: "Culture can also strengthen social cohesion, increase personal confidence and improve life skills, improve people's mental and physical well-being, strengthen people's ability to act as democratic citizens and develop new training and employment routes".29 Florida (2003) shows the relationship between creativeness and development. His theory of human capital, called creative capital theory, shows how by fostering tolerance, high education levels and social adaptation to changes, a social class can help to develop their communities. This creative class and its idea of create "new forms of meanings"30 The bond between the cultural public sphere with democracy and the idea of an Open City, explained before, is also a seminal part of how through cultural manifestations, a society can develop and tackle social problems. are attached to the idea of UNESCO's Culture for development program. Case Studies: The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogotá and the "Rock al Parque" Festival This essay will present two cases studies of street festivals and its relation with the city and its sustainable development: The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogota (Festival Iberoamericano de Teatro de Bogotá) and The Rock al Parque Festival. Both represent two major fields in the cultural industries in Bogotá such as the performative arts and the music. 28 Ibid 29 Landry, C. 2008. The Creative City: A toolkit for Urban Innovators. Earthscan Editions. 30 Florida, M (2003). Cities and the creative class. (Online). Available at: http://uv.vuchorsens.dk/r/KAZ/Undervisning%202012-2013/GEOLOGI/B%C3%A6redygtighed/Befolkning%20og%20b%C3%A6redygtighed/GetFile.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014). 13 Firstly the chapter will introduce a context of each festival and then discuss around 5 main axes how the two festivals help to development in specific ways. Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogotá Declared in December 2013 as "cultural heritage of Colombia"31, The Ibero-American Theatre Festival of Bogotá is a biannual cultural event held in Bogotá and organized by the Fundación Teatro Nacional (National Theatre Foundation) an NGO dedicated to theatre with private and public funding. It is considered as one of the most important theatre festival in Latin America and the most significant cultural event in Colombia32 The history of the festival is in every sense "quixotic": Launched in 1988 when the country was immersed in drug-related violence and when the public institutions and the general idea of democracy were at crisis, Ramiro Osorio, a renowned cultural entrepreneur and Fanny Mikey, considered one of the icons of theatre and culture in Colombia, created the theatre Festival as a "Act of Faith" in order to promote culture as an answer to defeat the prevailing violence of those years. . It is important to mention somehow the significant role of the National Theatre Foundation in the conformation and development of the theatre in Colombia. Founded in 1981 by Fanny Mikey, an Argentinean émigré, with the play "El Rehén" nowadays has three major venues with a wide programme throughout the year as well as an art college a social programme for deprived communities and an international tours of their plays33 The first Ibero-American theatre festival, held from 25th march to 3th of April 1988, gathered 59 theatres companies from 21 countries with an estimated of no more than 100.000 spectators. In 2012, 26 years later, the festival had more than 3 million spectators and 200 theatres companies from 32 countries and 5 continents. 34 31El Espectador. 2013. Festival de Teatro de Bogotá, declarado patrimonio cultural de la Nación. El Espectador, (Online) (Last updated 11December 2013). Available at: . http://www.elespectador.com/noticias/bogota/festival-de-teatro-de-bogota-declarado-patrimonio-cultu-articulo-463508. (Accessed: 13 January 2014). 32 Cepeda, A .2010. FESTIVAL IBEROAMERICANO DE TEATRO DE BOGOTÁ- IMPACTO Y SUPERVIVENCIA. Instituto Complutense de CC Musicales. 33 Ibid 34 Ibid 14 The conception of the festival as a "carnival of the city" relies on the stress in the use of the public space: There are plays presented in the streets, plazas and parks from all over the city: From slums to rich areas covering all significance area of the city. In 2012, the festival presents 218 street plays in 4 major parks (Simón Bolívar, Tunal, Nacional y Plaza de Bolívar) 7 public spaces for street plays, 4 community centres, 2 big parades starting from the north of Bogota (Calle 80) until the Bolivar's Square, the biggest plaza in Bogotá. The Festival was in 11 out of the 21 districts of Bogota. In average, around 2, 5 millions of spectators participate in the festival. 35 "Rock al Parque" Festival In March 2012, Bogotá was chosen by the UNESCO as Creative City of Music along with European cities such as Bologna (Italy), Ghent (Belgium), Sevilla (Spain) and Glasgow (Scotland).36 This recognition is part of the strategy of the secretary of culture of Bogotá of positioning the city as a major culture hub in Latin-American especially in the music field. In recent years and after the creation of the central roadmaps namely the "Políticas Culturales Distritales 2004-2016"37 The link between urban public spaces and public festivals as cultural policies is more visible in the "Festivales al Parque" (Park Festivals) which consists in five annual free music festivals held in different times of the year and performed in important free venues and public parks. They are managed and executed by the Institute for arts in Bogotá (A sub division of the Secretary of Culture of Bogotá) "IDARTES". and the "Plan Decenal de Cultura 2011-2021" the music field and their relation with public spaces have being an important core of the cultural policies in Bogotá. There are 5 "festivales al parque" dedicated to the 5 most popular rhythms that conformed the music scene in the city: Hip Hop, Jazz, Colombia (traditional music) and Rock. Created in different years, the "Festivales al Parque" conforms a local identity and a cultural highlight of the city. 35 Ibid 36 Cultura y Entretenimiento. 2012. Bogotá fue declarada capital mundial de la música. EL TIEMPO. (Online). Available at: http://www.eltiempo.com/entretenimiento/musica/ARTICULO-WEB-NEW_NOTA_INTERIOR-11842506.html (Accessed 13 January 2014) 37 IDARTES. 2004. Políticas Culturales Distritales (Online) Available at: http://www.culturarecreacionydeporte.gov.co/sites/default/files/politicas_culturales_distritales_2004-2016.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014). 15 The pioneer and the biggest in terms of audience of the "Festivales al Parque" is "Rock al Parque" a 3 days rock festival created in 1995 and hosted in the biggest public park of the city, Parque Simón Bolivar; it was organized by musicians Mario Duarte and Julio Correal as a strategy to create a bond between citizens of different socio economic background with the public space during the Antanas Mockus' mayor. The XVIII edition of the festival in 2012 congregated more than 70.000 people per day, making the Festival, the biggest public rock festival in Latin America in terms of audience38. Places for sustainable development: conclusions studies. Although each festival has its own characteristics a study conducted by Obgregón (2007) shows 5 main conclusions that "Rock al Parque" festival has brought to the city. In a similar study done for the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival, Cepeda (2010) also concluded that the festival helped the city in similar ways of the five elements of Obregon. Those five elements also share the same roots of the elements of Culture for Development by the UNESCO. This is an interesting discovery that shows how festivals if they are organized inside the language of Open City -Teatro Mundi (Sennett) and in the Cultural Public Sphere all share similar benefits: 38 Obregon, J. 2007. Desconfianza, civilidad y estética. Universidad Nacional de Colombia. Improve the image of the city Create a sense of identity Help to build an audience Visibilization of a minority group Tolerance and social cohesion. Box 2. Five mains benefit of the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival and Rock al Parque Festival to Bogotá. 16 1. Improve the image of the city Both festivals improve the image of the city, for both its inhabitants and foreigners audiences. Leguizamón, Moreno and Tibazisco(2013) have argued the relation between the festivals and the local economy especially in the touristic field: "Bogotá is a touristic destiny who takes advantage of its public festivals as an important opportunity to retain tourists interested in performing arts because they visit the city only one time. This advantage depends on quality improvements which tourist perceived around touristic products and services offered like: security, hospitality, environmental practices, mobility and connectivity."39 UNESCO (2001) has also states how cultural tourism has increased in recent years: In 2010, international tourism generated 919 billion dollars in export earnings. Emerging and developing countries accounted for 47 per cent of world international tourism arrivals and 36.9 per cent of world international tourism receipts in 2010. Cultural tourism presently accounts for 40 per cent of world tourism revenues. Taking into account the statistics of the monitoring centre for culture of IDARTES conducted in 2011 the percentage of tourist that visited the city exclusively to assist to "Rock al Parque" Festival were 16,16% compared to 6,03% in 199740. 2. Create a sense of identity Wyss (2012) states that for 17 days, "the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival transformed a chaotic metropolis like Bogotá (more than 8 million inhabitants) into a cultural Mecca", The general director of the Festival, Ana Marta de Pizarro also argues than the festival is "the carnival of the city, crime rates are significantly reduced and the general atmosphere of the dwellers is of great joy and party"41 39 Leguizamon, M; Moreno, E and Tobavizco N. 2013. Impacto turístico del Festival Iberoamericano de Teatro de Bogotá. (online) Available: . http://www.pasosonline.org/Publicados/11113/PS0113_06.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014) 40 IDARTES. 2011. Observatorio de Culturas. (online) Available at: http://www.culturarecreacionydeporte.gov.co/observatorio/medAlparque.html. (Accessed 13 January 2014). 41 Wyss, J. 2010. Bogota theater festival: a bright mask for a once grim city. (Online) Available at: http://carpetbagbrigade.files.wordpress.com/2012/09/miami-herald-dios-callings-english1.pdf. (Accessed 13 January 2014) 17 Similar to Wyss, Obregon citing Cante(2007), says that the idea of Rock al Parque has brought a sense of "social cohesion through the construction of an identity of tolerance and coexistence. It creates a civil culture in the city"42. 3. Help to build an audience Obregon (2007) and Cepeda (2010) states that one of the most important benefits of Rock al Parque and the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival is that those events have helped to build an audience in music and performative arts respectively. In the case of Rock al Parque, the event helped to massify a genre that wasn't part of the mainstream in Colombia as Rock. According to IDARTES (2011), almost 60% of the audience that assisted to the Festival in 2011 has been to a different free rock concert. Almost 80% has already assisted to more than two versions of Rock Al Parque. Cepeda (2010) concludes that the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival has collaborate to "enrich the theatre market in the city and to put it in one of the top in Latin America". 65% of the public, who assisted to the Festival in 2010, has seen a play regularly outside the Festival, according to the study. 4. Visibilization of a minority group This point is connected to the last conclusion. By building an audience, the festivals helped to make visible an audience. In Rock al Parque an "underground culture" as the rock scene, stigmatized before as "antisocial, started to have a better image in the community. IDARTES (2011) indicates that 60% of the audience of Rock al Parque has been to a Rock Concert without any kind of stigmatization43. 5. Tolerance and social cohesion Another important point about the two festivals is regarding the social cohesion and zero violence culture that promotes. Cepeda (2010) is very emphatic describing the impact of the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival with the violence and crime rates in the city: 42 Obregon, J.2007. Desconfianza, civilidad y estética. Universidad Nacional de Colombia. 43 IDARTES. 2011. Observatorio de Culturas. (online) Available at: http://www.culturarecreacionydeporte.gov.co/observatorio/medAlparque.html. (Accessed 13 January 2014). 18 "The festival has contributed since its beginning to the peace process in Colombia. This festival dared to make public performatives acts in the streets when the crimes rates were really high. Those events had an amazing and significative success. One could say that in the 17 days of the festival, crimes and violence stops. Police informs that the crime rates during those two weeks are the lowest of the year."44 93,48% of the spectators of the 2011 "Rock al Parque" felt that the event help to promote a non-violence culture. Still, both festivals shares the unique values of the "Teatro Mundi": Every spectator is equal, no matter his race, gender, social class, etc. The rates of zero violent deaths in the history of both festivals are also an example of how those events are truly places for democracy and peace. Conclusion As it has been seen through the different chapters that conform this essay, the benefits of creating public cultural events in urban spaces bring, undoubtedly a notion of democracy and development. Although Habermas did not specifically discuss street festivals and public festivals in urban spaces as examples of his theory of both public sphere and the theory of communicative action, the essay helped to shape a theoretical background to such events according to Habermas's notions. In the end, the link between Cultural Public Spaces and the UNESCO definition of Culture for Development was an interesting discovery that is worthwhile to keep researching. As mentioned in the introduction, the aim of the essay was to create a structure to understand the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival and the Rock al Parque Festival as examples of cultural public sphere and based on that give an account of the relationship between those spaces and the idea of development. Culture and Cultural manifestations are always moving and changing as society itself. Street Festivals are manifestations that definitely have to be fully addressed. All the rich variety of characteristics that those kinds of events possesses as the essay presented, make them a unique type of cultural products. Could culture transform a society? Definitely. Not only culture transformed society but improves it. Bogota is a better city, with more possibilities with events like the ones studied. In the future, and as part of a cultural policies plan, More events such those, should be created. This is the only recommendation of this essay toward the future, taking into account 44 Cepeda, A .2010. FESTIVAL IBEROAMERICANO DE TEATRO DE BOGOTÁ- IMPACTO Y SUPERVIVENCIA. Instituto Complutense de CC Musicales. 19 that the existing legislation "protect" the two festivals, that in the end, are part of the cultural heritage of the city and the nation. 20 Appendix Photos a. Iberoamerican Theatre Festival45 45 All photos: Humar, Z., 2012. En fotos, Bogotá y su fiesta de las mil caras. [electronic print] Available at: http://www.bbc.co.uk/mundo/video_fotos/2012/04/120405_fotos_galeria_festival_teatro_bogota_aw.shtml [Accessed 12 January 2013]. 21 22 b. Rock al Parque Festival46 46 All photos: Lopez, J., 2013. Bogotá Rock al Parque. [electronic print] Available at: http://tinyurl.com/oabvlmt [Accessed 12 January 2013]. 23 24 Bibliography • Cepeda, A. 2010. FESTIVAL IBEROAMERICANO DE TEATRO DE BOGOTÁ- IMPACTO Y SUPERVIVENCIA. Instituto Complutense de CC Musicales. • Cultura y Entretenimiento. 2012. Bogotá fue declarada capital mundial de la música. EL TIEMPO. (Online). Available at: http://www.eltiempo.com/entretenimiento/musica/ARTICULO-WEB-NEW_NOTA_INTERIOR-11842506.html (Accessed 13 January 2014) • Culture and Development. 2013. UNESCO- Culture. (Online) Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/culture-and-development (Accessed 13 January 2014) • Durkheim, E .2008. The Elementary Forms of Religious Life. Oxford Paperbacks. • El Espectador. 2013. Festival de Teatro de Bogotá, declarado patrimonio cultural de la Nación. El Espectador, (Online) (Last updated 11December 2013). Available at: http://www.elespectador.com/noticias/bogota/festival-de-teatro-de-bogota-declarado-patrimonio-cultu-articulo-463508. (Accessed: 13 January 2014). • Fabiani, J. 2011. Festivals, local and global: Critical interventions and the cultural public sphere. in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 92-108 • Finlayson, J .2005. Habermas, a very short introduction. Oxford University Press. • Florida, M .2003. Cities And The Creative Class. (Online). Available at: http://uv.vuchorsens.dk/r/KAZ/Undervisning%202012-2013/GEOLOGI/B%C3%A6redygtighed/Befolkning%20og%20b%C3%A6redygtighed/GetFile.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014). • Habermas,J. 1991. The Structural Transformation Of The Public Sphere. MIT Press. • Hahn, L. 2000. Perspective On Habermas. Open Court Publishing. 25 • IDARTES. 2004. Políticas Culturales Distritales (Online) Available at: http://www.culturarecreacionydeporte.gov.co/sites/default/files/politicas_culturales_distritales_2004-2016.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014). • IDARTES. 2011. Observatorio de Culturas. (online) Available at: http://www.culturarecreacionydeporte.gov.co/observatorio/medAlparque.html. (Accessed 13 January 2014). • Jacobs, J .1961. The Death And Life Of Great American Cities. Random House, New York. • Landry, C. 2008. The Creative City: A toolkit for Urban Innovators. Earthscan Editions. • Landry,C. 2013. Civic Urbanity: Looking at the city afresh (PDF). Hangzhou International Congress, "Culture: Key to Sustainable Development", 15-17 May 2013, Hangzhou, China. Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/CLT/images/Charles_Landry_Hangzhou_Congress.pdf (Accessed 12 January 2013). • Leguizamon, M; Moreno, E and Tobavizco N. 2013. Impacto turístico del Festival Iberoamericano de Teatro de Bogotá. (online) Available: http://www.pasosonline.org/Publicados/11113/PS0113_06.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014) • Mc Guian, J. 2011. The Cultural Public Sphere- a critical measure of public culture? in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 79-92. • Mumford, L., 1937. What is a city?. In: Scoutt, S and Stoutt, F. ed. 2011. The city reader. Taylor and Francis. pp.91-96. • Obregon, J .2007. Desconfianza, civilidad y estética. Universidad Nacional de Colombia. • Sassatelli, M. 2011. Urban Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere: Cosmopolitanism between Ethics and Aesthetics in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 12-19 • Sennett, R 2006. The Open City. (online). Urban Age- LSE. Available at: http://esteticartografias07.files.wordpress.com/2008/07/berlin_richard_sennett_2006-the_open_city1.pdf. (Accessed 13 January 2014)26 • Sennett, R. 1992. The Conscience of the Eye: The Design and Social Life of Cities. W.W Norton & Company. • Sennett, R. 2003. The Fall of Public Man. Penguin, New Edition. • Sennett, R. 2008. Reflections on the Public Realm in Bridge, G and Watson, S. A. Companion of the City. Blackwell Publishers. pp. 380-387. • Sennett, R. 2008. The Public Realm. (online) Richard Sennet Website. Available at: http://www.richardsennett.com/site/SENN/Templates/General2.aspx?pageid=16 (Accessed 13 January 2014) . • Simmel, G. 1950. The Metropolis and Mental Life. In Miles, M; Hall, T and Borden, I. The City Cultures Reader. Ed. 2000. pp. 12-19. • Susen, S. 2001. Critical Notes on Habermas's theory of the public sphere. (online). City University of London. Available at: http://tinyurl.com/lhy4j4z. (Accessed 13 January 2014). • UNESCO. 2013. The Hangzhou Declaration. UNESCO- Culture. (Online). Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/culture-and-development/hangzhou-congress/ (Accessed 13 January 2014). • Weber,M. 1966. The City. Free Press. • Wirth, L .1938. Urbanism as a Way of Life. (online) Chicago Journals. Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2768119 (Accessed 13 January 2014). • Wyss, J. 2010. Bogota theatre festival: a bright mask for a once grim city. (Online) Available at: http://carpetbagbrigade.files.wordpress.com/2012/09/miami-herald-dios-callings-english1.pdf. (Accessed 13 January 2014)
PRIZE ESSAY NUMBER. i i ~ JUSTE, 1904 IY6L, XIII. HO. i GETTYSBURG COLLEGE GETTYSBURG, PA. i w. V N. C. UARBKMENH, OCTTTOBUflS II n w i HELP THOSE WHO HELP US. The Intercollegiate Bureau of Academic Costume. Chartered igoz. Cottrell & Leonrard Albany, N. Y. AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA WWWWWWWWWWWW Makers of Caps, Gowns, Hoods AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA A. B. BLACK, Gettysburg College Representative. Come and Have a Good Shave, E. A. Wright's or HAIR-CUT at Engraving House, Naffy B. SeftOll's 1108 Chestnut St. PHILADELPHIA We have our own photograph gallery for half-tone and photo engraving. Fashionable Engraving and Stationery. Leading house for College, School and Wedding Invitations, Dance Programs, Menus. Fine engraving of all kinds. Before ordering elsewhere com-pare samples and prices. New Tons:)rial Parlor's, 35 Baltimore St. BARKERS' SUPPLIES A SPECIALTY. Also, choice line of fine Cigars. Northwestern Mutual Life Insurance Company, *^ A, L, Menbeck, Agent, COLLEGE. IF YOU CALL ON C. A. Bloehef*, JemeleF, Centre Square, He can serve you in anything you may want in REPAIRING or JEWELRY. rffWHipwjPii^jj ifwPBjmHHMP! WE RECOMMEND THESE FIRMS. The Pleased Customer is not a stranger in our estab-lishment— he's right at home, you'll see him when you call. We have the materials to please fastidious men. J. D. LIPPY, lxle;reiaa-rit Tailor, 29 Chambersburg Street, GETTYSBURG, PA. CITY HOTEL, Main Street, - Gettysburg, Pa. Free 'Bus to and from all trains. Thirty seconds' walk from either depot. Dinner with drive over field with four or more, $1.35. Rates, $1.50 to $2.00 per Day. Livery connected. Rubber-tire buggies a specialty. John E. Hughes, Prop. T1PT0H M Now in 1 THE .PHOTOGRAPHER. new Studio 20 and 22 Chambersburg Street, Gettysburg, Pa. One of the finest modern lights in the country. C. E. Barbehenn THE EACLE HOTEL ZB-A-ISIBIEIK Corner Main and Washington Sts. 1905 SPECTRUM Now in Printer's hands. Order from M. M. METZGEE. BEILLHAKT & PARKEE Students' Supply Rooms! Everything You Want. Fine Stationery a Specialty. NO. 5 AND 7 EAST. i r PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. I WE HI A COMPLETE LI Of Novelties for the Spring Season, including Latest Suiting, Coating, Trousering and Vesting. Our Prices are Right. SPECIAL CARE TAKEN TO MAKE WORK STYLISH AND EXACTLY TO YOUR ORDER. tUill Ol. Seliman, T^, 7 Chambefsfaufg St., Gettysburg, Pa. R. A. WONDERS Corner Cigar Parlors. A full line of Cigars, Tobacco, Pipes, etc. Scott's Corner, opp. Eagle Hotel GETTYSBURG, PA. Pool Parlors in Connection. D. J. Swartz Dealer in Country Produce Groceries Cigars and Tobacco GETTYSBURG. Established 1867 by Allen Walton. Allen K. Walton, Pres. and Treas. Robt. J. Walton, Superintendent. Hummelstown Browq Stone Company and Manufacturers of BUILDING STONE, SAWED FLAGGING, and TILE, WALTOMLLE DAUPHIN COUNTYj: PENNA. Contractors for all kinds of cut stone work. Telegraph and Express Address, BROVVNSTONE, PA. Parties visiting quarries will leave cars at Brownstone Station, on the P. & R. R. R. DO YOU NEED PNEY TO GO TO COLLEGE ? [FROM COPYRIGHTED STEREOGRAFH BY UNDERWOOD AND UNDERWOOD] Happy Land of t :e R* staff Sun where Song Unceasing Flows. Stereoscopes * and * Stereographs K\ can furnish it fo.' you during the Summer Vacation, Many New Subjects for this season: Russian-Japanese War, Panama Canal, Balti-more Fire, President Roosevelt, Gettysburg Battlefield: New Comic Series; Stereo-scopic Tours, accompanied by patent maps and interesting descriptive books- Write for particulars- Underwood & Underwood 3 AND 5 W. NINETEENTH ST., COR. FIFTH AVE., NEW YORK. REPRESENTED AT PENN'A COL. BY E- G- HESS- The CDcFGury. The Literary Journal of Gettyburg College. VOL. XIII. GETTYSBURG, PA., JUNE, 1904. No. 4 CONTENTS "DE SAPIENTIAE PROFESSORIBUS "—POEM, . . 128 ANDROMACHE ET DECIDIANA. RUSSIAN AGGRESSION—Pen and Sword Prize Essay, . 130 PAUL B. DUNBAR, '04. A MODERN FAUST, 136 "X. Y. Z.'' SOCIALISM ,137 JOSEPH E. ROWE, '04. THE SABBATH AS A CIVILIZER, 144 Miss HELEN WAGNER, '06. THE COURSE OF THE U. S. GOVERNMENT IN CONNECTION WITH THE PANAMA REVOLUTION, . 146 CHAS. W. HEATHCOTE, '05. A HUNTER OF MEN—POEM, 148 "BRIDGET." .'THE PATH OF DUTY IS THE WAY TO GLORY," . 151 POEM, 154 EDITORIALS 155 EXCHANGES, . 157 w 128 . THE MERCURY. «DE SAPIENTIAE PROFESSORIBUS." ANDROMACHE ET DECIDIANA. HOW dear to our hearts are those days when at college We studied and wept o'er the classics of yore; The Latin, the Greek, and the terrible German, And brain-splitting ''Math" which we used to deplore. To-night as we sit in the glow of our fire-side, And think of those days and the pleasures of old, Our hearts fain would turn to our former professors, Who gave to us learning, much better than gold. The fire burns low in its smouldering ashes, The faces appear that we once knew so well, Some pleasant and jovial, and others more solemn, But of each, in his turn, we will .now try to tell. Oh Muse ! pray be kind and remain standing by us, And give to us freely and with no restraint, That much sought for gift, the true power of description, So each one may know whom we're trying to paint. The first who appears in the fast dying embers, Is one who made culprits shake clear to their toes ; He'd rap on the desk with a frowning expression, And quell all confusion, just how, no one knows. His eyes were as blue as the azure of Heaven, His hair was inclined to a faint auburn shade, His stature was tall, and this mighty Apollo Was reverenced alike by each man and each maid. And now we behold one so tall and so handsome, Who led our young minds 'round the fair walls of Troy, Who oft would propound his fav'rite assertion That 'there should be guardians for maidens so coy.' And next to him standing, a man of small stature, Whom feline protectors all look on with dread; He bears in his right hand a tight-covered basket, Just lift up the cover ! Out pops a cat's head. Our dear 'Roman Senator' now looms before us, As tall as a dignified 'senex' of old. He too bears a basket, but it's full of good things, And as a 'rear guard' he has 'Waggles,' the bold. The next that appears to our far-seeing vision Is one who seemed stern tho' at heart he was ki-nd. His friends the}' were num'rous, his travels were many, But ever to "Dutchland" his heart was inclined. THE MERCURY. 129 Scarce had his form disappeared in the ashes, When two more professors came into our sight. A halo of gas, (H2S), was around them, Which ever had been their fond joy and delight. How often we shivered when into their class-room We went in dread fear that we might not come out. A "fiss" and a "bang" and a "crash" would oft greet us; And then the stern question, "What are you about?" And now comes a face that so quietly greets us, He led 'little boys' in the way they should go. He taught them politeness as well as sound doctrine, And stirred to high ideals instead of to low. And last but not least comes that jolly, good "Sap'ens" Who once taught us "Math" and a great deal beside, For he used to tell all the jokes of the season, And solved weighty problems discussed far and wide. The fire dies out and we sit there reflecting On those pleasant days and our teachers of old, And we would not sell our fond recollections For all the rich treasures the deep sea could hold. And so let us close while the dark shadows gather, Which hide from our vision each loved noble face. We hope they still walk through those fair halls of learning, And for many years yet each may keep his old place. 130 THE MERCURY. " RUSSIAN AGGRESSION." [Pen and Sword Prize Essay.] PAUL B. DUNBAR, '04. THE discussion of a subject of world-wide importance can-not fail to be influenced by preconceived prejudices. It seems to be natural for Americans as a whole to entertain strongly such a prejudice against Russia. This is probably the result of our instinctive sympathy for the weak in a contest with the strong. The attempt will be made in this paper, how-ever, to set forth as impartially as possible the facts of the Rus-sian Advance. Having studied these carefully, Russia's motives will be discussed, and finally the probable results of these ag-gressive movements will be briefly summed up. A glance at the map of Russia, her possessions and spheres of influence, shows over how vast a region the Empire of the North holds sway. From the Baltic on the west to the Sea of Okhotsk and the Behring Sea on the east, the Russian territory extends in an unbroken stretch—five thousand miles of steppes and mountains, rivers and inland seas, burning deserts and bar-ren tundras. On the broad plains of Siberia are sections of wonderful fertility practically undeveloped and in its mountain ranges are untouched stores of boundless mineral wealth. This entire region is subject to the most diverse climatic conditions, seasons of extreme cold alternating with intervals of almost tor-rid heat. Such is the Empire of the Czar, embracing more than one seventh of the land surface of the globe and support-ing a population of one hundred and thirty millions. Today we see the Great Bear reaching out ready to seize in his powerful clutch territory after territory. The stress of pres-ent events draws our attention especially to the Far East. There we see the Muscovite pressing relentlessly upon the territory of China, and now by the test of battle it must be decided whether Korea also shall be Russian. The Far East is not the only object of Russia's advance. Slowly, silently, by stealth of di-plomacy, plans are being laid, forces set to work to widen Asi-atic Russia to the southward. During the last forty years; THE MERCURY. 131 , •% . — Britain has watched with apprehension the southward advance of the Bear toward her Indian border. Never for an instant dare she relax her vigilance against the encroachment of the Czar. Russian advisers ever ready to advance the interests of their master hold the ears of many of the native border princes. But yesterday came rumors of Russian influence in Tibet, of a treaty of that country with Russia, and the presence of envoys in the Tibetan capital whose purpose is to forward Russian in-terests in opposition to those of England. Turkey and the Balkan States feel this powerful hand and Sweden and Norway look with alarm toward the borders of Finland. What is the history of the growth of this giant among nations ? Three hundred and twenty years ago Russia was a small and semi barbarous state whose advance posts were scarcely eight hundred miles east of St. Petersburg. In the closing years of the sixteenth century, however, there came to the throne a ruler distinguished for severity even in that stern age. Ivan the Ter-rible, by the very cruelty of his rule, inaugurated the eastward movement of that Slavic invasion which now after three cen-turies of alternate advance and retreat is now approaching so terrible a crisis. Rebellious subjects of the Czar fleeing from pursuing troops were forced to take refuge in the unknown, frigid wilderness to the eastward. As they retreated, they easily overcame the scattered nomads who inhabited these regions. Then by turning over the conquered territory to Russia, they obtained the pardon of the Czar Ivan. This was the first step —the entering wedge—in Russia's eastward advance. The tide thus setting toward the Pacific flowed on slowly but resist-lessly, unopposed by rival nations, for the region was to them unknown. A century passed and another mighty figure ascended the Russian throne. Under Peter the Great came further aggres-sive expansion. The northern ocean presented an insurmount-able barrier but in other directions the advance continued. Southward the Muscovite ruler forced his way and to the west-ward Sweden and Poland felt the force of Russian aggression. Thus year after year, under ruler after ruler, the slow policy of 132 THE MERCURY. expansion has gone on. Wherever opportunity offered the Great Bear forced his entering wedge. West and south felt the advance, but it was toward the east that he moved most steadily. As has been said, Russia aims to follow the line of least re-sistance. The vast plains of Siberia, frozen in winter, parched in summer, were a part of the world's surface uncoveted by the earth-hunger of Europe. So while other nations fought and wrangled over other portions of the globe, the Empire of the Czar silently absorbed this mighty region. Thus by slow movements or sudden leaps, by treachery or by diplomacy, by fair means^or foul, Russia at last reached the Pacific—the ocean outlet which she has always desired. Here was encountered an unsurmountable difficulty. Russia, having apparently overcome all obstacles in her march to the sea, was now met and held by the strength of perpetual winter. The ice bound harbors of northern Asia were valueless. Warmer waters must be reached and, having come thus far, Russia was not to be baffled. By a sudden, bold move the Amur was made the southern boundary. Then in i860, subtle diplomacy obtained from China the strip of coast upon which is built the port of Vladivostok. It is significant that the name of this city is the Russian phrase for " Control of the East." As a seaport Vladivostok is a vast improvement over Petropaulovsk, the first Russian port in Kamtchatka, but still there is not en-tire freedom from the disadvantages of winter. Russia still hungered for a warm-water port. The Trans-Siberian Railway was built—five thousand miles of single track reducing the in-terval of transit between Moscow and Vladivostok to only fif-teen days. Events now began to move rapidly in the Far E^ast. In 1894, the close of the Chino-Japanese war left Japan in possession of the valuable harbor of Port Arthur. On the plea that the possession of this port by Japan threatened the in-tegrity of China, Russia forced the retrocession of Port Arthur to its original owner. Two years later, a Russian squadron entered this harbor ostensibly to winter there. Ere many months the world was startled to learn that Russia had leased Port Arthur from China. The integrity of the latter country THE MERCURY. 133 seemed no longer a consideration. Immediately came military occupation of the city and the erection of tremendous defensive works. Russia had obtained her warm-water harbor; but was she satisfied ? Between Port Arthur and the Siberian frontier lies the rich Chinese province of Manchuria. In it have settled many native Russians. What could be more natural than that the Great Bear should covet this prize also to make his possessions com-plete? Asa preliminary step, a Chinese concession was ob-tained for shortening the route of the Trans-Siberian Railway to Vladivostok by a line across Manchuria. Russia had at last obtained a foot-hold south of the Amur. The erection of branch lines to the borders of Korea and the very gates of Pe-kin was but a short stride. In every case the right of garri-soning the railroad was included in the concession. In 1900, came the Boxer Rebellion. Its close saw Manchuria held by an immense Russian army of occupation. In concert with the allies, Russia agreed to withdraw from Chinese territory, but months went by and the Manchurian'army lingered., The wily Muscovite concluded a treaty with China providing for the long-promised withdrawal, but it soon became evident that before this would be carried out new concessions were expected. The Russian representative in Pekin even went so far as to demand that all the Manchurian concessions be granted to Russians. This was but one of Russia's diplomatic attempts to gain a controlling voice in Chinese affairs. China, however, was al'ive to the true state of affairs and refused to commit herself to any further agreements. As a consequence, Russia is still in mili-tary possession of Manchuria. Nominally her troops were kept there solely in pursuance of the treaty-right of protecting her railroad interests. In reality, the whole line was turned into an armed camp by the establishment of forts garrisoned by all branches of the Russian army, and today Manchuria is practically a Russian province. • We now reach the final chapter in the history of Russian aggression—final because it brings us to the present time, cer-tainly not because it marks the end of the advance. With hr's 134 THE MERCURY. grip firmly fixed on Manchuria, the Bear now turned a longing eye to the little kingdom of Korea. The possession of this choice bit of the world was now his aim. Even before the Chino-Japanese war Russia was laying her subtle plans to this end. In 1893 or early in 1894, she made a generous present of rifles to the Korean army and even furnished a Russian drill-master to train Korea's seven thousand soldiers in European tactics. At the same time swarms of Russian agents entered the country. The fruit seemed almost ripe for plucking. But now an opponent faced Russia. Japan had long watched this onward march with jealous eye. In this move toward Korea she saw a positive menace to her existence. Nothing remained but to throw down the guage of battle and to begin the contest whose result is being awaited by the entire world. What are Russia's motives and what her ultimate policy ? Her statesmen would have us believe it is a simple one. Says M. Witte, the former chief of Russian finances and now presi-dent of the Committee ot Ministers : " History measures not by years, but by centuries ; and from this point of view, by the building of the Chinese Eastern Railway to Port Arthur and Dalny.a mighty work is completed, a historical problem is solved, and one of the last steps is taken in the advance of Russia to the Far East, in her effort to find an outlet to the open sea, to the ice-free shores of the Pacific ocean." This is indeed Russia's principal object, but its fulfillment means also the control of northern Asia. And since the de-velopment of her railroad policy has done so much already for the advance of Russian territory, there is no reason to believe that it will not be made the occasion of further advance. We have the word of M. Witte that Russia's object is to obtain a warm-water port. This is in the main a legitimate object and has been partly fulfilled by the acquirement of Port Arthur. But it must be remembered that Port Arthur is not wholly a Russian possession. It is, therefore, obvious that the Russian wishes will not be entirely satisfied until that port is Russian beyond a doubt. The same is equally true of the whole pro- THE MERCURV. 135 vince of Manchurfa. Then, too, it is more than probable that the desire is to reserve the acquired territory for Muscovite trade alone. It is true that Dalny is an open port, but Port Arthur is closed and foreign merchants find much difficulty in meeting Russian competition in Manchuria. As a recent writer puts it: The Russian motive may be viewed from two stand-points. Russia herself would have us believe that it is benevo-lent. She is building a railroad through unopened territory, erecting modern cities and valuable mills in the wilderness, and setting up an orderly government in the place of misrule. The outsider acknowledges all this, but what, lie a;ks, will Russia demand in return for these enormous expenditures? The an-swer is apparent. It has already been given. She has the right of protecting her interests and now demands a complete monopoly. Such are Russia's complex motives. What will the outcome be? If Russia be successful in the present contest, will her aggressive plans be concluded without opposition ? Will the world witness the spectacle of Korea and China absorbed or will the Powers step in to fix a limit to further expansion ? If they do so, will their strength be sufficient to restrain the Bear already flushed with victory ? If Russia be vanquished, will the settlement thus arrived at be permanent ? Will little Japan continue to be an efficient barrier, or will returning strength again put in motion the tide setting toward the Orient with overwhelming volume ? Will the gallant Island Kingdom perish or may it look for help to Europe and America? Time alone can bring an answer. Here prophecy has often failed and will fail again, for as has been well said: "Russia's state-craft is not of the months or of the years; it is of the ages. It is not of monarchs, but of a dynasty, and it is less the policy of the dynasty than it is the need of a people and of a land." 136 THE MERCURY. "A MODERN FAUST." (BEING A BIT OF TRUTH MASQUERADING AS NONSENSE.) ONCE upon a time—during the twentieth century—there lived a young man who had been but three years out of college. Having entered the greater University of the World, he had been hailed by his fellow Freshmen as a comrade, had been hazed by Sophomores, patronized by condescending Juniors, and deluged with advice by venerable Seniors, even as he had been in college. But he was a restless and adventure-some youth. The monotony of the office palled upon him, and, for relief, he experimented in Mysticism and Christian Science. One momentous evening he conceived the idea of putting his knowledge to the supreme test, by summoning be-fore him the Prince of Darkness. Thereupon he took down his LeConte and. his Mary Baker Eddy from the shelf and set to work. And in very truth, gentle reader, in less than half the run-ning of an hour glass, Mephistopheles himself stood before him. faultlessly attired in evening clothes—for the red cap and mantle had succumbed to the spirit of progress in Hades even as the simple sins of our forefathers have given place to the more delicately refined and ingenious vices of to-day. But in this one respect was the Devil unchanged. For no sooner had the usual conventionalities been exchanged than lie attempted to purchase the soul of the youth in the most approved man-ner. He showed him visions of fair women, even as he had shown them to the Faust of old. But the youth was unmoved; he smiled and shook his head, for he was a wise youth. And the Devil promised him great riches and power. But the youth, for he was wise, replied, "If these things were worth while, O Lucifer, I could attain at a lesser price, even hard work. It is not enough." T,hen did the Devil promise a most miraculous thing, "For," said he, "if thou wilt give thyself to me, Grover Cleveland and William J. Bryan shall make a truce and be as brothers. Shoulder to shoulder they will fight for thee and nominate thee for the Presidency on the Democratic THE MERCURY. I 37 ticket. Thou wilt be the most talked-of man in the Nation." But the youth, being wise, replied : "Am I not own cousin to the Proprietor of Pennsylvania, and is it not agreed that I shall be the next State Treasurer? And is not this better than to be President, much less a candidate for President mid on the Democratic ticket? Go to, it is not enough." Now the Devil was almost vanquished, but he was also wise and he thought deeply, and he said, "I can then offer thee nothing more than again to make thee a reckless, carefree Sophomore among thy former classmates. Think! Is it not enough?" And the youth meditated within himself; he knew there were no days like those days; he longed again to be carefree and thought-less, recognizing no higher authority than his own sweet will and the majority action of his class; his heart called out for those friends who, too, had dwelt in Arcady. And he replied, "It is enough." For he was a wise youth withal. MORAL—Eat, drink, and be merry, ye Seniors, for to-mor-row ye die. "X. Y. Z." • SOCIALISM. ( Written for the Pen and Sword Prize Essay Contest.) JOSEPH E. ROWE, '04. THE word socialism was first used in 1835 in connection with an organization founded by Robert Owen of Eng-land. This society was given the grandiloquent appellation of the Association of all Classes of all Nations, and its purpose was to secure "Social improvement and reconstruction." Since that time the word socialism has been applied rather incautiously, and,as a consequence, it is an exceedingly difficult word to define with precision. According to some writers there is a growing tendency to regard as socialistic any inter-ference with property undertaken on behalf of the poor, or any measure promoted by society to limit or modify the working of the economic principle of laissez-faire. Roscher defined socialism "as including those tendencies which demand a greater regard for the common-weal than consist with human 138 THE MERCURY. nature." John Raeof our day declares that it is common to describe as socialistic "any proposal that asks the State to do something lor the material well being of the working class, or any group of such proposals, or any theory that favors them." Janet defines it as "every doctrine which teaches that the State has a right to correct the inequality of wealth which ex-ists among men, and to legally establish the balance by taking from those who have too much in order to give to those who have not enough, and that in a permanent manner, and not in such and such a particular case—a famine, for instance, or a public calamity." But these definitions and all others describe only phases of the question. For instance, in order for any measure to be socialistic it need not proceed from the State; it may emanate from individuals just as well; in fact the earliest socialistic measures proceeded from individuals. There was socialism in colonial times when they had a common storehouse from which each one received his equal share of goods; the instituting of a wider system of public schools is a highly socialistic measure ; an equal distribution of profits between two partners, or among the many members of a company is also socialistic; and yet it is just as proper and usual to describe as socialistic the so-called "strikes," or the assassination of million-aires by dynamite. It is, therefore, evident that socialism em-braces a great deal; at the same time, we must remember that all these are only different phases of the same great question. All socialists are alike in attempting to secure a more equit-able distribution of wealth, or in endeavoring to equalize op-portunities for acquiring it; but the salient points upon which they differ are the ways and means of accomplishing their ends. Some maintain that the State, by managing industry and controlling land, could best promote the commonweal; others very emphatically declare that there should be no cen-tral government at all. The more radical of the first class try to get control of the government; those of the latter class en-deavor to destroy it. Unfortunately in the present age the most influential forrfl of socialism is of the most radical and revolutionary character— THE MERCURY. 139 that which desires no government at all. Alexandria II. of Russia and our late President McKinley fell victims to this outrageous doctrine. Nihilism and anarchism are its more specific names. Yet we cannot afford to consider as danger-ous all socialistic measures of today. Upon exactly this prob-lem a great amount of useless discussion has taken place. Politicians of late years have made very effective use of the ambiguity in the word socialism. Whenever an opponent could accuse a candidate for public office, of promoting socialistic measures, no matter how benevolent or beneficial they might have been to the people, the mention of that word together with the prevalent misconception of it in its better sense, was generally the most derogatory charge brought against him in the eyes of the ignorant working classes—the very persons whom worthy socialistic principles would benefit. Although every writer has made his own classification of so-cialists, they all directly or indirectly acknowledge the four following classes: (1) large-hearted and thoroughly benevo-lent men whose feelings have been touched by the unjust op-pression of laborers ; (2) those who are revolting against cruel oppression; (3) those who are discontented with their positions in life, principally because they fail to realize their limitations; (4) the lowest class whose adherents are characterized by a covetous, selfish, and utterly lawless spirit. The first of these classes consists principally of nothing more than ardent sympathizers with the socialistic movement in its better meaning. According to good authority more than a half million of such men are found in the United States. Many ministers of the gospel and other benevolent men as well as the members of philanthropic and humanitarian orgini-zations belong to this class. They sympathize deeply with the oppressed laborer and endeavor to alleviate his misery by every peaceable means. Others of this class" become so impressed with the necessity of social and industrial improvements that they have devoted their lives entirely to the cause. These are quite liable to be-come extremists, and notwithstanding the fact that their inten- 140 THE MERCURY. tions are of the most noble character, more harm than benefit results from their efforts, chiefly because the lower moral and mental capacities of those whom they influence are not vigor-ous enough to prevent the latter from becoming radical, desper-rate, and fanatical. Hall Cane has pictured such a man in his "Eternal City" in the person of Dr. Roselli or of David Rossi, especially in the latter; but the futility and evil consequences of their efforts are also portrayed in a striking manner. It is only natural that there should be such men especially in a Christian nation. When one considers the extremely low wages for which laborers had to work at certain periods of our history, the condition of some of their homes even in our day, the company store and the extortion ot overwork from them by overseers, it is not very strange that large hearted men should bestow their symapthy. No doubt, these conditions have been vastly exaggerated by some writers, but that they exist to a reasonable extent cannot be doubted. The oppressed or those who imagine themselves to be in such a condition, constitute the second class of socialists. Only men who work come properly under this divisicjp; those who become discontented and quit work will be considered later. Labor Unions consist almost entirely of such men; if they suspend labor, it is only temporarily, and is for the purpose of bringing about better conditions. Occasionally the labor union-ists content themselves by merely putting a stop to production, but more frequently, almost invariably, they manifest quite "an omnivorous spirit of destruction." The whole cause of the unreasonable demands made by Labor Unions seems to arise out of ignorance. They claim that the whole production of their labor belongs to them, on the ground that wealth belongs to those who make it. In a certain sense this is true, but not according to the interpreta-tion of it given by these laboring men. They understand it to mean that the entrepreneur, landlord and capitalist have no natural right to a portion of the wealth produced, forgetting that in the modern differentiated and specialized form of in-dustry these—especially, the entrepreneur and capitalist—are THE MERCURY. 141 absolutely indispensable. The socialistic idea of the State's ownership of land could probably do away with the landlord, but to attempt the abolition of entrepreneur and capitalist in our present industrial system is absurd. Another very prevalent kind of socialism arises out of the fact that a great many men, failing to realize their limitations, complain of the more advantageous opportunities of other in-dividuals. They claim that the world owes them a living, but as some one has said, "are too lazy to collect the debt." It is this sort of socialism which is the "besetting sin" of our age. Ambitious people now-a days are so thoroughly imbued with the spirit of "sticktoitiveness" that only a few failures leave them practically undaunted. Having been taught, as Dr. Furbae says, such precepts as "There is always room at the top," encouraged by such maxims as "Try, try again," and cautioned to aim high instead of directly at the mark, they continue to strive for positions to which it is impossible for them to attain and for which, if they did reach, they would find themselves wholly unfitted. Many a proud father and fond mother, either because they have wished to encourage a son, or because of the blindness of paternal love, are respon-sible for a young man's superabundance of self-esteem by their having told him that he is not like the average person, and then he goes forth into the world only to consider his efforts unsuccessful because he cannot do as much as some one else who probably has much greater talent. It is this tendency of the individual's failure to realize his true place in life and his proper relation to others that has produced in our age so many dissatisfied, petulant, and cynical socialists. The last and most dangerous sort of socialism is that which manifests itself in murder, vandalism, and other lawless practices. It is exactly synonymous with anarchism. The number of such persons in the United States is as astounding as the awful doctrines which they promulgate. Some years ago President Seelye of Amherst College, declared: "There are probably 100,000 men in the United States to-day whose animosity against all existing social institutions is hardly less than bound- 142 THE MERCURY. less.' In 1881 their press consisted of 19 journals with a cir-culation of about 80,000, and since that time their numbers and the powers of their press have vastly increased. The fol-lowing are statements from some of their papers. "Religion, authority, and state are all carved out of the same piece of wood—to the Devil with them all!" "Dynamite is the power which in our hands, shall make an end of tyranny." "War to the palace, peace to the cottage, death to luxurious idleness." "You might as well suppose the military orginizations of Eu-rope were for play and parade, as to suppose labor orginizations were for mere insurance and pacific helpfulness. They are organ-ized toprotect interests, for which, if the time comes, they would fight." This last, taken from a socialistic paper of Chicago, pro-bably shows, to a great extent, the true relation between Labor Unions and socialistic tendencies of the most awful character. Such socialists probably began their careers as oppressed working men, or as men who failed to realize their true posi-tions in life, and later under the influence of violent socialistic journals or the lectures of an Emma Golden, became fanatical. A great number of them are foreigners who, having become disgusted with the absolutism of Europe, have come to Amer-ica to carry out their nefarious designs. Several great movements of the past two centuries have conspired to inspire socialistic propensities in men. The foun-dation of the American Republic, with the annunciation of her principles—-such as, "all men are equal and possessed of cer-tain inalienable rights such as, life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness"—paved the way for ideas which, carried to extremes by the ignorant and mischievous, resulted in socialism. In the same way, the French Revolution radiated its evil influences; and the Proclamation of Emancipation by Abraham Lincoln had its baneful as well as its worthy effects. But more influential than any of these has been the greatly increased profits of the rich. How would a poor down-trodden laborer look upon the following statement which occurred in a paper of 1880 ? "The profits of the Wall Street Kings the past year were enormous. It is estimated that Vanderbilt made THE MERCURY. 143 $30,000,000; Jay Gould $15,000,000; Russel Sage $10,000,- 000; Sidney Dillon $10,000,000; and James R. Keene $8,- 000,000. Is it strange if the working man thinks he is not getting his due share of the wonderful increase of national wealth ?" How do men to-day regard a rise in the price of coal-oil and the next week read in all the papers that the larg-est stockholder of the Standard Oil Company has made a be-nevolent gift of several million dollars ? The assassination of rulers and millionaires, the wanton des-truction of property by strikers, and the inconvenience accru-ing from a stoppage of production are not the only bad results of socialism. It tends to ruin the Church as well as the State. Infidelity and skeptacism follow closely in its tracks. In a so-cialistic convention at Pittsburg not many years ago the follow-ing nefarious resolution was unanimously adopted: "The church finally seeks to make complete idiots of the mass, and to make them forego a paradise on earth by promising them a fictitious heaven." "Truth, a socialistic journal of San Fran-cisco says : "When the laboring men understand that the heaven they are promised is but a mirage, they will knock at the door of the wealthy robber, with a musket in hand, and de-mand their share of the goods of this life now ! " What could have a more disasterous effect upon discontented humanity than to read such doctrine ? The socialist of this order denies the existence of God on the ground that if there would be one, wealth, happiness and opportunities would be more equally shared ; they forget to see that the rich are as often unhappy as the poor, and that God sends "his rain upon the just and unjust." Although an attempt to solve a problem of such magnitude may appear absurb, there is, at least one, feasible solution— a more general acceptance and use of the principles ot Chris-tianity. "Socialism attempts to solve the problem of suffering without eliminating the factor of sin." That all suffering caused by our industrial system is the result of sin, either on the part of employer or emplyee, or of both, there can be no doubt. If the spirit of the Golden Rule were put into practice, it "would 144 THE MERCURY. dictate such arrangements between capitalist and laborer as will secure to the latter a fair return for his toil." As Dr. Fisher says, "It will check the accumulation of wealth in a few individ-uals. And the Christian spirit, as in ancient days, will inspire patience and contentment, and a better than earthly hope, in the minds of the class whose lot in life is hard." THE SABBATH AS A CIVILIZER. Miss HELEN WAGNER, '06. WHEN God said, " The seventh is the Sabbath of the Lord thy God, in it thou shalt not do any work, thou nor thy man servant—," He surely had more ends in view than the mere refreshing of man and His own glorification. Besides achieving these results the Sabbath has other far-reaching in-fluences. Chief among these influences we see its power as a civilizer, as an educator and a refiner. It has long been an ac-knowledged fact that Christianity pnd education go hand in hand. In the accomplishment of one we necessarily attain the other. The influence of the Sabbath is like the atmosphere—it sur-rounds every one it touches, whether with that one's approval or not. The most violent atheist would be no more likely to scorn the influence of the day set apart chiefly for the worship of the God he ignores than would our staid old deacons. It has been proven that no civilized country can exist without the aid of the soothing influence of the Sabbath on the passions ot men, in the observance of its laws. Because the influence of the Sabbath is so all-prevailing and must be felt everywhere, no man can or does escape it. Christians, of course, are those most directly affected by the Sabbath. They come into immediate contact with some of its most potent influences. A true Christian never misses the Sabbath—he spends . it in the worship of God and for rest as was commanded. And so he reaps not only the physical bene-fit but the intellectual as well. One of his chief duties and THE MERCURY. MS '* pleasures is a regular attendance upon divine worship. Thus while being spiritually fed and elevated he assimilates some of the best literature and art of the world as it radiates from the pulpit and the organ loft and the temple of God itself. But the people who do not come into direct contact with the Sabbath influence, feel it just as surely. They must breathe it with the very air. One cannot go anywhere on the Sabbath Day without being made very conscious that this day differs from all others. In the cities and towns the stillness imparted to the streets, noisy and hustling on other days, by the aspect of the closed stores and shops and the absence of the clattering dray and shouting venders, and the quietly passing inhabitants with their peaceful, serene countenances and their fresher, more artistic raiment, and the sweet music of the church bells—all have a subduing, refining influence on the sensibilities and pas-sions of men, not easily thrown off. And out in the open country away from church bells and changed surroundings one feels an unwonted peace and calm—one breathes with the very air which draws one a little nearer Mother Earth—and thus is made to appreciate her beauties and truth a little more fully. Besides these maternal, physical influences there is another, more subtle, ever advancing influence—the influence of man upon man. Usually the Christian does not need the Sabbath environment for purposes of self-education and refinement, but those with whom he associates or with whom his friends come in contact may and are more helped, as they imperceptibly absorb from him a finer sense of right and wrong and a better general knowledge, than they would be by any numbers of over-zealous instructors and noisy evangelists. I46 THE MERCURY. THE COURSE OF THE UNITED STATES GOVERN-MENT IN CONNECTION WITH THE PANAMA REVOLUTION. ( Written for the Pen and Sword Prise Essay Contest.) CHAS. "VV. HEATHCOTE, '05. PANAMA has an area of about 31,500 square miles and a population of almost 300,000. When Panama revolted a short time ago, it was not the first time she attempted to throw off the yoke of Columbia. In 1885 a similar revolution took place. Columbia promised various reforms which checked the revolution. However, Columbia failed to carry out these reforms. Columbia established a centralized form of govern-ment which caused Panama to lose the privilege of a state. For years the idea of building a canal across the isthmus has been in vogue. The French Company, which attempted it a few years ago, failed miserably. It remains for the United States to carry out the plan. The Panama and Nicaragua routes were suggested. The need of the canal is very evident. If the canal had been built when the Oregon made her long run around Cape Horn the United States government would have been saved much expense. Then, the American interests in Porto Rico, Cuba and the Pacific possessions strongly urge the construc-tion of this canal. For a time the Nicaragua route was favored. A bill was drawn up and unanimously ratified by both Houses of our Na-tional Legislature. The main idea of this bill was that when the canal was completed it was to remain neutral under the protection of the great European powers. However, delay over this part led the people to favor the Panama route. Fi-nally, upon the recommendation of the Walker Commission, the Panama route was chosen providing it could be bought from the old French Company for $40,000,000. However, to keep our word with Nicaragua, the Spooner compromise was passed which instructed the President to select the Panama route pro-viding the necessary arrangements could be made. If, not the Nicaragua route was to be chosen. About this time Columbia became very much interested in THE MERCURY. 147 the canal affairs. They gave the United States every assurance that a treaty favoring the Panama route would be ratified by their Senate. However, after much delay, it was unanimously rejected. Columbia was to receive $10,000,000 for certain con-cessions. Columbia thought the United States was an easy mark and refused to ratify the treaty unless $20,000,000 was given to them. In all these proceedings the Columbian politi-cians refused to consult the wishes of Panama. Panama knew the value of the canal. That the Columbian politicians were working for their own interests was very evident. Conse-quently Panama's hatred for Columbia grew more intense. When the revolution broke out the world was not surprised. The revolution was virtually bloodless. The republic was soon recognized by the United States, France, Germany, Russia and many other powers. In a short time a treaty was drawn up and signed. By this treaty the United States gained complete ownership of the canal and received much more territory than she would have received had Columbia-not acted in such an ugly manner. The course of the United States government has met with general approval by all well-thinking people. All the foreign powers sanctioned the action. Many people tried to condemn the course of the government because the warships were or-dered to prevent any of Columbia's troops being landed to bring Panama to time. How often in the South American rev-olutions the lives of our citizens and likewise their property have been endangered. Many times before this the United States marines and sailors were landed to protect the property of our citizens. American interests are better developed in Panama than in any other South American state. American capital runs the whole railroad system on the isthmus. What good is a government to its people if it fails to protect them ? Then again Panama had been recognized by the United States and for that reason alone her action was justifiable. Some people in criticizing the government forget the action of Presi-dent Polk in the way he started the Mexican War. His action cost the United States' thousands of lives and dollars in order to maintain the national honor. Today all people recognize 148 THE MERCURY. that the addition of Texas to United States territory is a blessing. The idea that the government's course is a stain up-on the history of our country is erroneous. The government has upheld our traditions by being the champion of the weak and helping young republics maintain their standing. "A HUNTER OF MEN." "BRIDGET." WITHIN the forest depths I wandered far, O'er the great battlefield, where bloody war Had made upon our land a loathsome sore, Healed now, but still retaining its deep scar. At last, upon a wooded hill was found, what I had sought, A monument, commemorating strife With victory and loss of life, The boon God-given, A monument for heroes, dearly bought, A witness unto Heaven. Upon a natural rock, like those which on the hillside lay, Was carved the figure of a man; Not as the Knights of old, with upright pose, And fearless eyes, he faced his foes, at bay, But crouched and hid him, midst the trunks of trees, And with a deadly purpose, did the hillside scan. 'Twas here I rested me, A dream I dreamed, Which, to my wand'ring fancy, even seemed A waking dream, a reverie. Within the homestead of an old Virginian farm, A mother sat one sunny summer morn, Holding, within the shelter of her arm, A little babe, her son, her own first born. Oh! what a wondrous grace was in those words,, "her own," What sword could pierce the soul of such a one ? A soul, so full of hopes, before unknown, The deed too cruel, to be planned or done. THE MERCURY. 149 A glorious future lay before her boy, All fashioned with her mother love and care, A future, full of happiness and joy, Devoid of sin, the bait of Death's dread snare. "Her own," but ever since the earth wastrod By her, above all women blest of God, In honor of her wondrous motherhood, The soul of womankind has felt the sword. He grew into a handsome, stalwart youth, Beloved by many, and disliked by few, Then came the blow; her soul was pierced in truth, And he went forth to die, as sons of all brave mothers do. To die, but could he kill his fellow-man? This was the question that had haunted him, Upon the day of march, and in the nightly din Of dreadful dreams, bloody with warfare's ban. A marksman of sure eye, and hand unfaltering, Far-famed was he, And many a woodland voice had cased to sing Through death, from him, its untaught melody. So, when night's dreams were changed to day's reality, Not placed in ranks that fought an open war was he, But called of men, a sharpshooter, lay low, Upon the hillside's brow, to slay the unwary foe. #**#*#***♦* The sun comes flickering through the whispering leaves, Casting their shadows on green moss and fern, A birdling, from a nest above, moves restlessly, and grieves, In dismal chirpings, for its mother's late return. The noonday calm is over hill and glen, Save for the distant sound of battle's roar, There, where a multitude of bravest men, Fight onward for their country's noble fame, for honor more. Then with a rustling sound, the calm is broken, The underbrush is parted by a man in blue, A moment's pause; no warning word is spoken, To tell him "Death is waiting now for you." And he, whom destiny ordained to give to Death her prey, One instant hesitated, in his covert lay Sickened by fear, of his dread deed alone, Then aiming fired and it was done. ISO THE MERCURY. Quickly his weapon casting on the ground, He bounded fearless, down the wooded slope, His boyish eyes, all bright with unshed tears, For in his soul remorse fought hard with hope. And Hope, how soon 'twas vanquished in the fray, A boy, scarce older than himself, his victim lay, Dying in agony upon the sod ; No word he spoke, but with great eyes of pain, Looked up into his face, who had his brother slain, And then, just as the birdling fell to earth, His spirit met his God. 'Twas then a red mist rose before his eyes, a mist of blood ; Concealing the poor body of the slain, from which the soul had fled, He climbed once more the hillside's weary road, Determined to repeat his deed of dread. At sunset, when the wounded mother-bird Returned, to find her nestlings gone, No sound, upon that dark hillside she heard, To tell her of the deeds that there were done. Yet, 'midst the underbrush, there silent lay What had been seven brave men, And he, who watched the little bird's dismay, Red-eyed and haggard, envied each of them. But God is good, his day of darkness o'er, A wandering bullet claimed him for its own, And his sad soul, its struggles knew no more, No more did yearn for murder to atone. As from my dream I woke, my heart was torn With pity, for the " Man of Sorrows " who, Upon another hill, in distant clime, Gave up his life " hunter" for such as you. " Oh, God Omnipotent! " aloud I cried, " For His dear sake forgive the crimes, Committed in the name of Liberty, and dyed With heroes' blood, the curse of warlike times." THE MERCURY. 151 "THE PATH OF DUTY IS THE WAY TO GLORY." NO one will deny me the fact that our present age with all its hurry and hustle, its energy and propelling-force, its competition and its competitors, is an age for the success of in-dividual purpose. Having granted this concession, it follows that individuals must exist with specific purposes, carrying out and fulfilling the obligations which are imposed on them. Be-lieving that no man has ever been created without a purpose, which results in a duty or obligation to his Creator, and when he fulfills this obligation or carries out this duty he has a for-tune worth more in realistic and spiritual value than all the Rockefellers, Carnegies, Vanderbilts or any other gods of gold that ever lived—believing this, I ask you to come with me to the rich meadow-lands of Connecticut, where on Oct. 5, 1703, a man was born who graduated from Yale University at the early age of 16 and set out into the world following the paths of duty and therein was his fortune, a legacy far richer than any earthly inheritance the world could have given him. It was during his boyhood days that a problem of extreme importance began to trouble him, and the solution of this was the determining of his course in after life. From that time he became a man that had an end in view, a something to say and he said it. A bold, fearless, ardent and consistent advocate of his belief; a man with a conscience so clear, so pure, and so unbiased that all the world loved him though he sought not for their favor; a man with iron-clad precepts, not for others, but for himself and he lived them; a man that has come down through two centuries, spotless, to live in the hearts of all man-kind, and who dares to say that his glory shall not live till the sun shall cease to rise and set and until time shall be no more ! This man of purpose or duty has been the father of a very illustrious progeny. Among his descendants more eminent men have been numbered than have been recorded of any other man in American history. They have been most promi-nent in the ministry, in education, in law and a number have sat on the bench. Let me mention some of them: Dr. Jo-nathan Edwards, Aaron Burr, Vice-President, Prof. Park, of Andover, President Woolsey and President Uwight, of Yale, 152 THE MERCURY. not forgetting the elder President Dwight. Three Presidents of Yale are his descendants. Could any man be more signally blessed or have a richer inheritance in the hearts of his child-ren ? He was also a born naturalist, and there is hardly any doubt that had he not become our greatest theologian he would have been our father of Natural Philosophy. As a boy he dis-covered facts which have been handed down to the naturalist of today as most valuable information. Who can set the limit for his discoveries had he devoted himself to this branch of science with his purpose and ambition ? Jonathan Edwards as a man, as a theological and philosophi-cal writer, as a naturalist and as the broadest and grandest man the American pulpit has ever produced, stands out in lines so bold, in verse so tender, and in character so spotless as to thrill with admiration and awe every American youth of today. Who would not love to be what he has been ? Who would not exchange all the wealth he possesses—I care not whether it be millions—for the place Jonathan Edwards holds in the hearts of the people and in the history of his country ? His life is a story that should make any young man enthusiastic and his success has been such as would turn the heads of thousands had it been theirs, but not his for he had a purpose, a convic-tion, a duty to the world and his fellow-man and until that should be accomplished his labor was with him incessantly. Truly he knew the paths of duty and just so surely his glory followed. In two centuries from today how many men's 'names of the present generation, lives and characters do you suppose will have been handed down to posterity ? Where are our Long-fellows, our Emersons, Whittiers, Bryants, Lincolns and Far-raguts of today ? Are we producing any such ? Indications from the past decade and more do not show them and it is believed that unless a change in the ambitions of the young of today is brought about, America will have none to record in her history. The lust for gold is the keynote to this dearth of noble manhood. Men are willing to sacrifice anything—prin-ciple, creed, honor, friends, self, anything—no matter what to obtain the riches of a Carnegie or Morgan. THE MERCURY. 153 Says B. O. Fowler, "if this, our republican form of govern-ment is to stand we must have men" and he means more men like Jonathan Edwards. The U. S. Senate has grown to be a rich man's club, the offices of the government are filled and controlled by political graft with men who are unable to cope with the issues demanded of them. Oh for a few fearless preachers of duty and loveliness, for a few men like Jonathan Edwards; men with purposes, men with a sense of duty and honor, men with the love of a superior being in their hearts ! Our nation must have these men and she is going to get them. Whether they come from Connecticut or from Florida, from California or from Pennsylvania it matters not; they must come. Would you have this, your free form of government turned into a monarchy? Indications point us to the fact that it is gradually being done and there is only one sure method of making the wrong right. This threatening evil can only be averted by finding men who are willing, if need be, to die for a correct principle. Nothing counts so much as principle and nothing tells in a man like purpose. If you would have a for-tune, have a principle, and if you would have the love and esteem of your fellow men live a principle. In all the history of the world there never was a grander period in which to live than the present. Never was there so much to do, so many chances, so bright an outlook, but it is only for the man with a sense of duty. The nation wants men, but she wants them stern, tender and fearless, full of duty and loneliness as was this missionary to the savages, this first of American naturalists, this explorer of philosophy and theology. If for no other vir-tue we should love and revere the memory of Jonathan Edwards today because of his devotion to stern duty and to no other cause can we attribute his success and glory. If asked to write his epitaph I would have inscribed on his monument the sub-stance of his acts done on earth : "The part of duty is the way to glory." "C. E. B. '05." 154 THE MERCURY. POEM. ( Written by a quondam High School pupil.) We come before you this evening, To tell of our High School days, And while our stories we relate, Don't criticize our ways. We started the fourth of September The ladder of knowledge to climb, While the months were rapidly passing, Marking the flight of time. While our work was thus progressing. The holidays drew near, And through all the glad and happy days Were pleasures, unbedimmed by tears. We studied hard to reach the goal, We scholars of Number Ten, And now to the fullest we realize " Laborum Dulce Lenimen." The friendships, sympathies and all That were our life in school, Are meshed with memories of the hall, Which was our working tool. 'Tis sad to part with friends so dear, With whom so long we've been. Try as we will, the briny tears Will come, and sight bedim. School life, so dear, is over now, On life's broad wave we speed, May God 'ere guide our journey through, And we His warnings heed. To one and all we bid farewell, As now are separated The many friends who proved us well, And joys anticipated. Farewell to many undone tasks, To victories not yet won ; May all unfinished work In heaven, if not on earth, be done. * f THE MERCURY Entered at the Postoffice at Gettysburg as second-class matter VOL. XIII GETTYSBURG, PA., JUNE, 1904 No. 4 Editor-in-ch ief C. EDWIN BUTTER, '05 Exchange Editor CHARI,ES GAUGER, '05 Business Manager A. L. DILLENBECK, '05 Asst. Business Managei E. G. HESS, '06 Associate Editors H. C. BRILLHART, '06 ALBERT BILLHEIMER, '06 H. BRUA CAMPBELL, '06 Advisory Board PROF. J. A. HIMES, LITT.D. PROF. G. D. STAHLEY, M.D. PROF. J. W. RICHARD, D.D. Published each month, from October to June inclusive, by the joint literary societies of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg) College. Subscription price, one dollar a year in advance; single copies 15 cents. Notice to discontinue sending the MERCURY to any address must be accompanied by all arrearages. Students, Professors and Alumni are cordially invited to contribute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Busi-ness Manager. Articles for publication should be addressed to the Editor. Address THE MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. EDITORIALS. LOYALTY TO Probably no force, power or influence among ALMA MATER, the graduates of a college is felt so much as Loyalty. We all believe that a college can be only what her Alumni wills her to be. If she is to spread her influence through-out many states; if she is to wax strong and command a place among the leading universities and colleges of the world; if she is to grow and prosper as she should, and as so many col-leges are doing, she must have your support, Alumni. Loyalty to Alma Mater must be your watch-word day and , night. Be eager, ready and enthusiastic at all times and you will be surprised beyond measure how much you can do for her. The very fact that you are a graduate is proof of your obligation and should be a sufficient incentive to rouse your earnest endeavors on her behalf. I56 THE MERCURY. Every college, no matter where or how situated, has its own reasons for producing loyal Alumni. It is, indeed, a sad day for the old mother when liar son turns his back on her, and it is a sorry day for Gettysburg when an Alumnus forgets her love and devotion. Perhaps a true indication of the success a man will make in the world is the spirit and vehemence with which he accomplishes his college work. If the undergraduate does his very best and is loyal to the core, the college cannot be without loyal Alumni. He who sings most lustily his Alma Mater'a songs, who has again and again made his throat raw with a "heike" for the orange and blue, who fervently loves every spot of this historic ground, he is the fellow who usually counts for something. Tis to the devotion and love and in-terest of such men that Gettysburg pays tribute. Loyalty to Alma Mater means the preaching of her charms to every boy who expects to go to college, and to many more who have never had a thought of a college course. Loyalty to Alma Mater means doing one's best and a keen and lively interest in all her affairs. Loyalty to Alma Mater means your unbounded support, Alumni, to your college publications. Gettysburg wants love and devotion and loyalty from every Alumnus. How much will you do for her in the next year ? Shall we, undergraduates, believe your efforts to be commen-surate with your love ? It is the only criterion we have with which to take your measure. Are you one of the many who are always so busy that when an appeal comes you must beg to be excused ? If you are made of such stuff, Gettysburg has no use for you, and the noise you will make in the world will never cause a disturbance. Our dear old college has many loyal alumni who have fought, bled and died in her interests, and to them, we, her sons, give all the honor and reverence for what she is today and for what she gives promise of in the not far distant future. Sooner or later in the life of many a young person the ques-tion comes, "To what college shall I go after I have prepared myself in the academy or high school?" It is thrusting itself upon a great many young people in this month of June, as the THE MERCURY 157 colleges and universities are sending out their scores and hun-dreds of graduates and the preparatory schools are finishing up the share of- the work that properly belongs to them. It is a serious question, one that will mean much in the life of the in-dividual, one that should not be decided without grave con-sideration. Shall he go to the college having the most successful ath-letic teams ? or to the one having the greatest reputation ? or to the one which makes the greatest promises ? These are some of the questions usually taken into consideration by pro-spective college students. But how many stop to ask them-selves and to consider the vastly more important question, "Which college lays the greatest emphasis upon the training of its students in the duties of good citizenship and the devel-opment of Christian character?" This, after all, is the important consideration. Not how great a reputation do the athletic teams have, not how much does it seem to promise, but how much importance does it attach to the development and training of that which really makes character ? H. C. B. -^> EXCHANGES. " Criticism is essential to good work. True criticism is both appreciative and corrective, but it is not so essential that a writer receive perfect criticism after all. Public judgment, fav-orable, adverse or perverse, is instructive and leads us to correct our errors, improve our style, sharpen our wits and pay more attention to the perfecting of our work, line by line. Have you a thought, the plot of a story, the idea of a poem ? Write it in your best and freshest moments and lay it by until the frost of cool evenings has chilled it, and it has become a thing apart from yourself. Then criticize it, remodel it, with your best impartial judgment. Never doubt that the English lan-guage has the right word ; and the right words rightly and ar-tistically constructed, make famous literature of the thought of men."—The Bowdoin Quill. I58 THE MERCURY. V The Otterbein Argus contains a rather interesting story en-titled " Character Painting." It pictures quite vividly the con-dition of many a poor child in the mining districts of our coun-try and portraying the effect produced by refinement and wealth upon so uncultured a mind as that of the heroine. While this story is good in the main, it is the only article of a literary nature in the journal. We cannot feel that such a meagre amount of literary matter does justice to a school which styles itself an university. The editorial pointing out why students should remain for commencement, whenever it is at all possible, is timely and well worth putting into practice. Commence-ment exercises are the crowning events of the year, and cer-tainly, whenever possible, the student should avail himself of this privilege to enjoy the happy closing of the school-year and also to bid farewell to the graduating class for whom it means so much. Remember that you yourself expect to be in a similar position some day, then perhaps you can better appreci-ate its significance. The best part of the World's Fair number of The Wabash is its "exchange pickings." The exchange editor is to be com-mended^ for his judgment and selection of clippings. We quote a few of them. " Are you Hungary ? Yes; Siam. Well, come along ; I'll Fiji." Again : " It is said some girls are pressed for time ;—others for the fun of it." " If college bred is a four-year loaf (The Smart Set says its so.) Oh tell me where the flour is found For us who need the dough !" —The Acorn. TEACHER—Johnny, repeat after me " Moses was an austere man and made atonement for the sins of his people." JOHNNY—" Moses was an oyster man and made ointment for the shins of his people." MM » "THE MERCURY. 159 "Usefulness is the rent we are asked .-to pay for room on earth. Some of us are heavily in debt." The May number of the Manitou Messenger \s a credit to the new staff. The oration "The Public Service of Church and School" is a well written and logical development of the power exerted upon the state by church and school. " Chaucer's Hu-mor" is a terse estimate of one side of his nature, as seen in "The Canterbury Tales." We are glad to welcome the Bucknell Mirror to its long va-cant place on our table. The only literary article, "The Col-umn to the Right of the Doorway," is an interesting and amusing reminiscence of a college prank fifty years ago. An increase in amount of literary matter would greatly improve the paper. The Buff and Blue contains a number of short articles. Among them "The Assassination," while an interesting recital of an imaginary college joke, it might be much improved by a smoother style, less abrupt and " choppy " sentences. The article on "Fiction" gives a brief history of its beginning, de-velopment, present use and abuse. " Ninety-Seven," an episode of an undergraduate who was determined to win his race in an indoor meet, is well written and worth reading. The Red and Blue is always among the best journals of fic-tion on our table. The June number is no exception. Roses bloom and roses fade, Flowers bloom and die. Life is made of sun and shade, ' Laughter and a sigh. Heigh-o ! sun and shade, Laughter and a sigh. Love is like the roses red, Fading in a day ; Soon 'tis dead, its sweetness fled On the wind away. Heigh-o ! soon 'tis dead— Pluck it while you may.— The Haverfordian. ■ The Susquelianna contains a well written article on Jonathan Swift, setting forth his true character. It calls attention to the fact that the vulgarities in his writings, on account of which he ■ i6o THE MERCURY. is not read, are no index to his real character. The spirit of the age demanded writings of such a nature, hence his contri-bution. "The Midnight of the Revolution" gives us a good resume of the condition of affairs in our own country during its struggle for birth. The writer has well digested the his-torical facts relating to this period and gives them to us in terse and unbiased form. In The Western Maryland College Monthly, "Old Man Knowl-ton's Greenbacks " is quite an interesting narrative of how an old miser was robbed of his greenbacks by rats. We think the story might have been told in a more interesting way. The break in the story, caused by shifting the scene to events in the court room, detracts from the narrative; while, on the other hand, were the style in which the story is begun continued, the produc-tion would be much better. The other articles are good. On the whole, the paper is worthy of commendation. The Pharetra contains a sort of parody on " The Raven " (under the title of " Easter Vacation "), which begins well, but soon loses rythm and at times whole lines are entirely devoid of any claim to poetry. However, considering the production as a whole and its probable intent, it is fairly good. SPRING TIME. The cro- cusses As the bull rushes O'er the grass-blades 'Neath the " bloomin' shades ' Of trees which are short For the cro-cusses frolicking sport. —Ex. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. Weaver Organs Weaver Pianos Used by Gettysburg College Y. M. C. A. Used by Druid's Society Gettysburg College. of Further recommendation unnecessary. Close Prices, Easy Terms, Old Instru-ments Exchanged. Satisfaction Abso-lutely Guaranteed. WEAVER PIANO AND ORGAN CO., MANUFACTURERS, YORK, PA., U. S. A. I|. \ Ec^eil Latest Styles in HATS, SHOES AND GENT'S FURNISHING .Our specialty,. WALK-OVER SHOE M. K. ECKERT Prices always right The LutfieM putting |Ioiige,. No. 1424 Arch Street PHILADELPHIA, PA. Acknowledged Headquarters for anything and everything in the way of Books for Churches, Col-leges, Families and Schools, and literature for Sunday Schools. PLEASE REMEMBER That by sending your orders to us you help build up and devel-op one of the church institutions with pecuniary advantage to yourself. Address H. S. BONER, Supt. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. FURNITURE Mattresses, Bed Springs, Iron Beds, Picture Frames, Repair Work done promptly. Under-taking a specialty. * Telephone No. 97. H_ E. Bender 73 Baltimore. St., Gettysburg, Pa. THE STEWART & STEEN CO. College 'EngTcuueTs ctnd (pTi/nteTs 1034 Arch St., Philadelphia, Pa. MAKERS AND PUBLISHERS OF Commencement, Class Day Invitations and Programs, Class Pins and Buttons in Gold and Other Metals, Wedding Invitations and Announcements, At Home Cards, Reception Cards and Visiting Cards, Visiting Cards—Plate and 50 cards, 75 cents. Special Discount to Students. A. G. Spalding «S Bros. Largest Manufacturers in the World of Official Athletic Supplies. * * * * * * ^ Plans'and Blue Prints of Gymnasium Parapherna-lia furnished on request. BASE BALL, LAWN TENNIS, FOOT BALL, GOLF, xs^sa^. FIELD HOCKEY, AST TRADE JSM, BASKET BALL, TOW OFFICIAL ATHLETIC ^ajjjgj^ INPLEMENTS. Spalding's Catalogue of all Athletic Sports Mailed >^» «^V *^V #^ T) TT others of the popular OLD FAMILIAR TUNES; be- Ti sides OLD FAVORITES; and also many NEW SONGS. ifrWJf ff ft SONGS OF ALL THE COLLEGES. fTff £Mt CopjriEhv, Price, ?f .JO, postpaid, «0u. uuu HINDS & NOBLE, Publishers, New York City, ui^, *T ft Schoolbooks of ail publishers at one store, ff^f p^q^t :**= :«=:«: :«= :\*= :**= :«= :**: =*5fc =**: Rig 1^2 ^tr *^ 3A= ^Srt: :**: ;**: :**: :**= :\*= :**: =**: ELJ mm mm m m. w mm m 50 YEARS' EXPERIENCE TRADE MARKS - DESIGNS r , . , - COPYRIGHTS &C. Anyone sending a Fleet oh nnd description may quickly ascertain our opinion free whether an invention is probably patentable. Communica-tions strictly confidential. Handbook on Patents sent free. Oldest ngency for securing patents. Patents taken through Munn & Co. receive gpecialnotice, without charge, in the Scientific American. A handsomely illustrated weekly. Lnrcest cir-culation of any scientific Jrrarnu'. Terms, $3 a year: four months, tl. Sold by all newsdealers. MUNN & Co.361Broadwa>- New York Branch Office, 625 F St., Washinuton, D. C. You will find a full line of Pure Drugs and Fine Stationery at the People's Drug Store Prescriptions a specialty. FOR HOMES, Schools, Colleges and Libraries,. . . The Underwood Stereoscopic Tours. A marvel in the educational world! Endorsed by prominent American and European Educa-tors. E. G. HESS 37 E. Penn Hall, Gettysburg, Pa. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. EAGLE HOTEL Rates $2.00, $2.50 and $3.00 pr day. HAS A CAPACITY OF 400 GUESTS— ~-^ GEO. F. EBERHART, PROFR. Picture Frames of All Sorts. Repair work done promptly. &g"I will also buy or exchange any second-hand furniture 4ChambersburgSt., - GETTYSBURG, PA. Bujj pur Summer Suit at |upp' It fits. Is stylish, looks well, wears well. We mean hand-tailor-ed, ready to wear clothing-. "* Nobby Dress Hats, Swell Neckwear, Fancy Shirts, ivlen's Underwear. • • TDTTppJO CENTRE SQM -1- -*" v-^ "^ -1" »—'f IS.-u.pp Building, YORK, PENN'A. Watch for his Representative when he visits the College. TX3::E3 sn^^^eo: SET. A MACAZINE OF CLEVERNESS Magazines should have a well defined purpose. Genuine entertainment, amusement and mental recreation are the motives of Tlie Smart Set, the most successful of magazines. Its novels (a complete one in each number) are by the most brilliant authors of "both hemispheres. Its short stories are matchless—clean an I full of human interest. Its poetry covering the entire field of ve :se—pathos, love, humor, tenderness—is by the most popular poets, men and women, of the day. Its jokes, witticisms, sketches, etc., are admittedly the most mirth-provoking. io3 pages delightful reading. No pages are wasted on cheap illustrations, editorial vaporings or wearying essays and idle discussions. Every page will interest, charm and refresh you. Subscribe now—$>.s° per year. Remit in cheque, P. O. or Express order, or regis-tered letter, to The Smart Set, 452 Fifth Avenue, New York. N. B.—Sample copies sent free on application. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. Geo. E. Spacer, PIANOS, ORGANS, MUSICAL MERCHANDISE Music Rooms, - York St. Telephone 181 GETTYSBURG C. B. KITZMILLE,R DEALER IN HATS,'CAPS, BOOTS AND DOUGLAS SHOE. M*53£wJfc'* Gettysburg, Pa. k M. AIxIxEMAN, Manufacturer's Agent and Jobber of Hardware, Oils, Paints and Queensware Gettysburg, Pa. THE ONLY JOBBING HOUSE IN ADAMS COUNTY W. F. Codori, ^DEALER IN - SPECIAL RATES TO CLUBS — York Street, Gettysburg:, Pa.
FEBRUARY, J900 ■ Gettysbur Mercury CONTENTS. Puzzles and their Value in Men-tal Training, 261 How Obtain Equilibrium be-tween Production and Con-sumption, 265 Scene in the Forest, Orlando Soliloquizing, 271 Education more than a Means of Gaining a Livelihood, 272 A Comparative Study in Ruskin, 274 Editorials 278 Economic Results of Gambling, 279 Results of the Art of Healing,. 282 Public Control of Industries 285 The Power of Ignorance; 292 KAVOR THOSE WHO FAVOR US. For Fine. Printing go to p o ,,0 CARLISLE ST. GETTYSBURG, PA. C. B. Kitzmiller Dealer in Hats, Caps, Boots and . Douglas Shoes GETTYSBURG, PA. J. H. Myers Fashionable Tailor, Clothier and Gents' Furnisher. The best place in town to taaveyourCloth-ing made to order. All workmanship and Trimmings guaranteed. No charge for re-pairs and pressing for one year. Dyeing and Repairing a specialty. Ready-made Clothing the largest stock in town. Up-to-date styles. Bicycle Suits and Breeches Headquarters. 11 Baltimore St., Gettysbarg, Pa. EDGAR 5. MARTIN, F^CIGARS AND SMOKERS' ARTICLES. ijr* l2r* i£?* Chambersburg St., Gettysburg. Do you :::;:: ever write ? No doubt you do. Bat 1B your spelling alwayx correct ? Do you have to watch out BO as to avoid thouc humiliating "break*" which convict one of "bad English"? Are you sure of vour punctua-tion ? DoeB compogition writing Vonie easy to you?— letter writing? — any kind of writing? Are ynu glib with the different word* of similar meaning ? Are you up on the etiquette, the amen-ities, of polite letter-writing and businesi corre-spondence? Well, with the following up-to-date works BO readily obtainable, no one need be lem than an adept: Hindu fy Noble's New Spelter, 25c. How to Punctuate Correctly, 25c, Bad English Corrected. RQe. Composition Writiny Made Easy. 7.1c, Liies and Opposite* {Synonyms and Anto-nyms). 50c. Hinds » Noble's New Letter Writer. 75c. HINDS & HOBLE, Publishers 4-5-13-14 Cooper Institute H. Y. City Schoolbnohs of all publishers atone store. R. A. WONDERS, Corner Cigar Parlors. A full line of Cigars, Tobacco, Pipes, Etc. Scott's Corner, Opp. Eagle Hotel. GETTYSBURG, PA. JOHN M. MINNIGH, Confectionery, Ice, andIee Cpeankjj-* Oysters Stewed and Fried. No. 17 BALTIMORE ST. I .THE. GETTYSBURG MERCURY. Entered at the Postoffice at Gettysburg as second-class matter. VOL. VIII. GETTYSBURG, PA., FEBRUARY, 1900. No. 8 Editor-in-Chief. J. FRANK HEILMAN, '00. Assistant Editors. LUTHER A. WEIGLE, '00. S. A. VAN ORMER, '01. Alumni Editor. REV. F. D. GARLAND. Business Manager. JOHN K. HAMACHER. '00. Assistant Business Manager. CLARENCE MOORE, '02. Advisory Board. PROF. J. A. HIMES, LIT. D. PROF. G. D. STAHLEY, M. D. PROF. J. W. RICHARD, D. D. Published monthly by the students of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg) College. Subscription price One Dollar a year in advance, single copies Fifteen Cents. Students, Professors and Alumni are cordially invited to contribute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Business Manager. Articles for publication should be addressed to the Editor. Address THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. PUZZLES AND THEIR VALUE IN MENTAL TRAINING. [GIES PRIZE ESSAY, FIRST PRIZE.] OF all the powers of the human soul, the imagination is one of the most universal in its application and pleasing in its products, the earliest activity of the infant mind, and the last to cling to old age. Without the exercise of this faculty, the world would be a barren waste of material facts, in which would dwell the human race, passive recipients of objective im-pressions, without the power to revel in the beauties of imaged thought and conception of the Divine. Poetry, philosophy, art, science, invention, religion—all would be lost to mankind. L,ittle wonder, then, that the products of the imagination have ever been present and cultivated among men. The word "puzzle" has been variously defined, and the objects of thought and action to which it may be applied are widely different. But a common ground may be assumed—a puzzle is an invented contrivance, either intellectual or material, mtmllM - 262 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. whose solution requires time and ingenuity. It will be seen that the puzzle is pre-eminently the product ot the inventive imagina-tion and in turn its highest application is in the exercise of that power for its solution. Intellectual puzzles are in many senses the most important and also most ancient, being generally cast in the form of riddles. From the earliest times of history we can find evidence of the existence of puzzles, either as a form of intellectual amusement or didactic discipline. Among the Eastern nations obscure forms of expression were the inevitable associates of their symbolical modes of thought. It is certain that such methods of statement were in use among the Egyptians, while several books of riddles exist in old Arabic and Persian. One of the most well-known of puzzles is the riddle which Samson propounded to the Philistines, and many other examples are found in the Bible. The proverbs of Solomon are at times excellent types of the didactic form of the riddle. The parables of the Savior were skillful methods of teaching important truths veiled under an interesting narrative which drew the attention of the crowd, and would be very accept-able to an Eastern mind. In Greece the riddle was a favorite mode of intellectual enter-tainment at symposia. To the active mind of the Greek nothing was more pleasing than a well-directed turn of expression which would give room for play of the imagination. There is abundant evidence of this among their writers. Some of their poets even did not hesitate to write whole books of riddles, and Kleobulus, one of the seven wise men, was especially noted for his composi-tions along this line. The famous riddle of the Sphinx as told in the Oedipus Tyrannus, is probably the best known puzzle of Greek literature, though the most interesting form was a part of their very religious life and character—the oracles of the inspired priests, on which hung sometimes the fate of nations, even of the world. The raveling of such obscurities of expression was a source of the keenest pleasure to the Greek mind, and, while a product of the imagination, was an efficient agent in bringing it to that perfection shown in attic literature, thought and philosophy. The Roman mind, more earnest and grave, found small pleas-ure in these modes of intellectual activity, and very little is known of their use of puzzles until the later republic and empire, when they were introduced with the passion for everything Greek, and ■■■■HH THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 263 professional riddle-makers soon began to take a prominent part in their entertainments and banquets. During the middle ages puzzles were cultivated more as a pleasant means of entertainment than for any other purpose, and until recently the same idea has clung to them. Many manu-script and printed editions of collections of puzzles, riddles and conundrums are in existence. Much of their content consists of coarse jests, but there are some real gems of wit and valuable aids to a true estimate of mediaeval life. The Reformation put a stop to this merry jesting for a time, but it soon crept into favor again, and during the eighteenth century the most brilliant minds of Europe were engaged in the intellectual pastime. At the present day puzzles are still in great favor with both young and old, and their educational worth is becoming more and more realized. As a mental training the value of the puzzle lies chiefly in its power of cultivating quickness and strength of the constructive imagination. An obscurity of expression or mechanical con-struction may require time to solve its intricacies, but the mind is certainly the better for having mastered it. All the faculties of memory and imagination are brought into play, and side by side comes development of the reasoning power as we attempt to deduce from our problem its elements, or to arrive by induction at the result of certain assumed forces. These are the things which made the riddle so attractive to the Greek, with his quick imagination and active reasoning power. When we solve a dif-ficult puzzle, we in fact repeat the very processes by which as children we began to learn, for then everything was a puzzle; and in doing so we strengthen the faculties of the mind which are most essential, and besides strength impart to them a facility and quickness of action, which is in itself most valuable. The subject-matter of the puzzle may be another source of con-siderable benefit. The didactic riddles of the East have already been mentioned as examples of what may be taught in this way. A truth given an obscure expression which requires mental effort to unravel will be impressed upon the mind when it has been gained. A mechanical construction whose every portion has been carefully studied with a view to its possible part in the function of the whole, will not soon be forgotten. In this fact alone may be grounded a strong argument in favor of the puzzle's part in mental training. 264 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. Puzzles are beginning to play a more and more important part in the education of the child. Almost the first book placed in its hands, "Mother Goose," is full of simple riddles. Froebel's kindergarten method, so generally acknowledged now-a-days, em-bodies the puzzle idea to a great extent, developing as it does the powers of observation, invention and reasoning. As the child passes into school, puzzles of graded difficulty are used for several years, and his toys always include a number of puzzles and games, many of which contain subject-matter of educational value. Many firms now publish educational games, whose benefit to the child will be revealed by even a superficial examination. The use of puzzles may be carried too far, however; for they may be made an end in themselves. Men may become so infatu-ated with the delicacy of reasoning and exhilaration of discovery as to lose sight entirely of the practical use of the mind. So did the School-men of the middle ages, who waged long controversies on trivial and absurd questions merely for sake of the argument. Neither should puzzles take the place of more legitimate means of education, for it must be kept in mind that they are for the more developed merely an intellectual pastime which will benefit instead of harm ; and for the child a means of starting its mind upon the path which it must shortly travel with the more able guides of language, art and science. Puzzles seem to be trivial things, and are so in a certain sense. But they present wonderful capabilities to the student of Psy-chology and the teacher of the child's mind. Used within proper bounds, as a means and not an end, they may become, in devel-opment of strength and facility of the imagination and the reas-oning power, and in didactic force, a powerful factor in mental training. —L. A. W., '00. Hold fast to the Bible as the sheet anchor of your liberties; write its precepts in your hearts, and practice them in your lives. —U. S. Grant. A broken reputashun is like a broken vase—it may be mend-ed, but alwuss shows whare the brak waz.—Josh Billings. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 265 MOW OBTAIN EQUILIBRIUM BETWEEN PRODUCTION AND CONSUMPTION. AS a matter of course, the first thing to consider in searching for a remedy for any evil, whether in economics or else-where, is to seek to find the causes of that evil, and to discover a means of removing these causes. Whether the means proposed be beneficial in other respects or advisable upon other grounds we do not need to inquire in this paper. All that is necessary is to find some measure which gives fair promise of bettering matters in this one department of economic life which we have under consideration, namely, of establishing a more stable and more nearly correct relation between the producer and consumer. Briefly and roughly stated, it seems to us that the whole difficulty arises from the fact that the producer is not able to foretell how much of a demand there will be for his goods and incidental to this, how many of those who create the demand will be able to pay within a reasonable time, provided he is willing to sell on credit. As to the second point, demand un-doubtedly is defined to be how much certain persons are ready to take at a certain price. But we must remember that an enormous part of economic operations are conducted on a credit basis and we cannot overlook this as it exercises such a potent influence in increasing or lowering the demand or supply at any time. For if a man believes the credit of his purchasers is good, he will be willing to sell a greater quantity of goods on credit and at a lower price than if he is doubtful as to their credit, and so we might illustrate further. This second point then is incidental to the first, but it is so important in the view we take of the matter that we mention it at once in connection with what we regard the leading difficulty, namely, the producer's ignorance of the con-sumer's future demand for his goods. For he must anticipate the future. It is possible in so few industries to carry on production by filling orders already filed, that we may almost neglect them. And where there are such, the difficulties which we find elsewhere between producer and consumer do not exist, since they work on a solid basis with regard to the future, and are not compelled to base their output upon a supposed state of the market. In other words, they know 266 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. what the market will be and this is the element which is ordinar-ily lacking and which is the cause, as we believe, of the mis-understandings. Now it becomes important to try to answer the question "Why are these producers in ignorance of the future demand for their goods ?" Necessarily an important factor, in all economic life, is the large mass of natural products which are so dependent on the forces of nature, and as it is impossible to control the workings of these to any appreciable extent, the period between the planting for the future and the realization of it, between "seedtime and harvest," must always be one of doubt. It is apparently impossible to control the amount of production in this sphere, and, so far as this operates as an agent in causing misunderstandings between the producer and consumer, we do not attempt to suggest a remedy. As long as it is impossible for a man to know that he can meet a certain demand, even though he is sure that demand will exist, and that impossibility depends on the fact that the agents which cause the uncertainty are beyond human control, the cure seems also to be without the bounds of human power. From this class of cases where there is an impossibility for the producer to tell what supply he can put upon the market, we pass, by almost imperceptible gradations, to cases where the producer needs only know the demand and he can meet it with an ample supply. No doubt there are natural products which lie on the line between these extremes, as, for example, the output of mines which can be regulated to a fair extent, and there are products, not strictly natural, which are very uncertain as to the possible supply, but as a rule the further removed the product is from the soil, the more completely is the extent of its production within the control of man. It is to this class of products that we wish to direct particular attention. Assuming then that the demand could be met if it could be known, we come again to the question "Why cannot the demand be known ?" The producer can find from his table ofstatistics how many producers there are in the same business with him, how large an amount of their products has been sold during the year previous to that one, and the year previous and soon back, and then, by dividing his capital into the total capital invested in the business, he can find how much of that output should belong --. Sira :-:.'; . THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 267 to him. A simple problem, no doubt, but with no correctness in its application, and why not ? Simply because no one of his fellow producers, nor himself either, will be satisfied with the amount as he would thus work it out, but partly through natural aggressive-ness, partly though a desire to protect himself against aggressive-ness on the part of his competitors, he will seek to produce and to sell a little more than his share. He will devise new means by which he can bring his goods a little more in favor with the pub-lic than his rivals. He will reduce his prices, allowing himself a narrower margin of profits, hoping to make himself even by larger sales. No doubt in this way he will sell more goods than his slower going neighbor and will get some of the trade which would otherwise have gone to him. His neighbor's trade falls off and he finds that he provided for more trade than he is getting and is burdened with an unsalable stock. This is so much idle capi-tal and makes him so much less able to carry on a successful business. This single illustration, on a small scale, though it is, shows the inherent tendency of competition to make uncertain what share of a given demand will fall to a producer's lot. The same amount of goods may be sold, as he had anticipated, but he has not sold his share, for some one has succeeded in selling it ahead of him. We believe, therefore, that competition is the main reason. why the producer cannot foretell what the demand for his goods will be, and as it is this inability to foretell which leads to the mis-understandings between producer and consumer, the natural conclusion is that we should remove competition. We wish to make mention again that we do not argue that this is necessarily a beneficial or advisable means generally. ■ All we are concerned with is the question whether it will tend to remove the misunderstandings we have been speaking of. Of course it is not far to seek a means of accomplishing this. The means have been thrust upon us rather generously during the past few years. The tendency toward industrial combination, seeming to be the logical outgrowth of competition, appears, like Zeus, to threaten the reign of its progenitor. No doubt, it ap-pears startling to those economists who have been accustomed to regard competition with a kind of solemn awe, as containing a remedy for "all the heartaches and the thousand natural shocks 268 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. that flesh is heir to ;" but perhaps its partial disappearance may be attended by some results not altogether detrimental. The trust can estimate the demand which it will be called upon to meet. The total demand for a given article during any given period, does not vary through so large a range as to render this estimate one of great uncertainty. No doubt seasons of unusual depression or excitement may render calculations imperfect, but, all in all, the total output which the consumer stands ready to dispose of, is a matter of far higher certainty than the numerous possibilities existing when the producers are multiplied. By the immense amount of capital invested, the trust is better able to adapt itself to an unusual season of excitement or depres-sion. For example, the American Sugar Refining Company a few years ago built a new refinery furnished with the newest techni-cal improvements, to serve only as a safeguard in the case of a suddenly increased demand, or of stoppage in other factories. President Hadley in an article on Trusts, says, " A consoli-dated company has advantages in its power of adapting the amount of production to the needs of consumption. Where several con-cerns with large plants are competing and no one knows exactly what the others are doing, we are apt to have an alternation between years of over-production and years of scarcity, an alter-nation no less unfortunate for the public than for the parties im-mediatety concerned. A wisely managed combination can do much to avoid this. By making its production more even, it can give a constant supply of goods to the consumers and a constant opportunity of work to the laborers; and the resulting steadiness of prices is so great an advantage to all concerned that the public can well afford to pay a very considerable profit to those whose organizing power has rendered such useful service. Morever, the consolidation of all competing concerns avoids many unnecessary expenses of distribution. Under the old sys-tem, these expenses are very great. The multiplication of selling agencies involves much waste. Competitive advertisement is often an unnecessary and unprofitable use of money. Delivery of goods from independent producers, whether by wagon or by rail-road, often costs more than the better organized shipmeuts of a single large concern. All of these evils can be avoided by con-solidation." The same writer compares the trusts with an army, and the THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 269 comparison is apt for more purposes than one. The effectiveness with which a thoroughly organized and wealthy trust can meet an unexpected crisis, as compared with a large number of disorgan-ized and quarrelsome companies or individuals,is well paralleled by the difference between the manner in which a thoroughly equipped and organized army will overcome a sudden and severe attack, where a host of stragglers would have been cut to pieces. The very organization constitutes an element of tremendous strength. It must be concluded, we think, then, that trusts, would, or rather do furnish a means by which the future demand for the goods of the producer may be rendered more certain and hence they tend to remove the misunderstandings between the producer and the consumer. And now, how would such a remedy apply when we consider the matter of selling on credit. The man who sells, necessarily is not satisfied merely because he can tell how many goods his cus-tomer will buy. He wants to know how many he can and will pay for. Here in addition to the fact that their superior mastery of all the details of their business renders them more capable of judging of the credit of their purchasers, we seem to find another and very important fact. When competition exists, the producer is all the time seeking to hold out more inducement than his com-petitor. One of the common forms these inducements take is a sale on credit, and then competition arises as to extending the time of credit. Now, when the backbone of competition is broken, the trust no longer needs to use such means to secure purchasers. It stands in a position to dictate, to a great degree, its own terms, and can provide much more fully against dangerous credit than can be done where competition has full play. It is worth while, too, to mention the indirect effects flowing from those above mentioned. As the future is more closely anti-cipated, and as the sales made are more fully realized on than formerly, the financial embarrassments of various producers, under the old regime become a gradually disappearing quantity in the disturbing influences on trade. Of course the increased danger from the possibility of the trust must be omitted, but we believe it is overbalanced by the failures due to competition. When we entered upon the analysis of the causes which ren-dered demand uncertain, we supposed for the time being that the 'JO THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. demand, if known, could be met. We now return to that point to inquire briefly how the trust would effect that side of the ques-tion, though we have already incidentally touched upon it. Necessarily, one thing which renders uncertain the ability of the producer to meet a given demand is the possibility of dissatis-faction among his employees, leading to a strike. The same argument applies here as applies to selling on credit. The employee is, to a certain extent, able to make more at the kind of work he is engaged in than at any other, for the simple reason that he knows more about it. Now when there are a number of producers in the same business he knows, if he leaves one, he can probably find work with another, while, where there is but one employer, he loses this advantage. But writers on Trusts and Industrial Combinations in the United States agree that the information given by the working-men, themselves, seems to prove that generally a reduction of hours for labor, seldom a reduction of wages and occasionally, an increase, have taken place, especially where the workingmen were well organized themselves. "It is pretty clear that the laborers in centralized undertakings have not been worse off than in decentralized ones." So that it appears that there is less likeli-hood of a strike under such organization than under the decen-tralized form, so that less opposition to the free course of produc-tion would be met with here. And again the indirect results would be beneficial. For, as the demand becomes more certain, and there is less waste from imperfect attempts to meet it, more and more the production of the trust becomes near to a uniform standard and thus tends to give the workmen steady employment at regular wages, which is a strong barrier against a strike on their part. From the direct and indirect results, therefore, of the consoli-dated form of production, we are led to believe that it presents a means of establishing a far better understanding between the pro-ducer and consumer. That in some minor details the result might be otherwise we do not deny, but looking at it in its broad out-lines and confining our attention carefully to theparticularsubject we have under discussion, we conclude that trusts furnish a method for removing much of the friction between the producer and the consumer. 'oo. ItttfSM&B&iSaSB THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 271 SCENE IN THE FOREST, ORLANDO SOLILOQUIZING. IS it so that in this guise she sought me? My heart is sick within me. I'll take me back to a wilder region in the forest and there the remainder of my days I'll spend in mourn-ing for my lost love. Aye, virtue is modesty and modesty is a virtue and in that is she lacking. Seek her ? Speak with her ? But strike me dead if I may speak one word with her, I'll write it, fold it, give it to her and fly. 'Twill be a testimony of my love that was, that is no more. She merits now nothing but my scorn. If I had wit, I'd make her blush for very shame, if shame there be in her. But my last breath is drawn. Oh how I loved her to distraction ! I ought to go, but how to move? What is this feeling within me that holds me back ? Is it because the road is long and I am tired. No, 'tis an accursed lingering of that love that once so filled me that I knew naught else. Will it never be in my power to shake it off? 'Twassent from Heaven and not from earth; 'twas given by God and not by man. And yet I'll rid me of it. Can one so unworthy hold my affections thus ? I have a dim vague unrest, can it be removed ? I hear a rustle in the autumn leaves. Ay, here she comes, do I love her yet ? I know not how strong my passion is. I faint from fear. I see her so plain, yet must seem to see her not. She speaks— Enter Ros. and Alia. Ros. (Dressed as a woman.) I am much distressed and faint for succor, must I fall with my true love standing near me and aiding me not ? Alia. Perhaps he sees us not. Shall I go touch him on the arm ? Ros. Yes, ask him if he loves me still. Tell him if when I need it his love fails me it is not love. ' Alia. (Goes up and touches him.) Rosalind has come to seek her lover. Do you not. see her ? She is in need of your aid ? What ails you ? Your eyes look wild and you seem to know me not. Orl. If any of pity exists in your heart for me leave me alone. Alas, I know not what I say; I want you to leave me and yet I fain would have you stay. Ros. (Coming up.) Pray pardon me for calling you my lover, you received it with such melancholy dignity, methinks 272 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. you do not half appreciate the honor placed upon you. Can I relieve you of the burden of the title? But why do you look at me thus ? Have I done aught against you ? Orl. I show no bravery by standing before you thus. I would that I could die before your very eyes to let you know what havoc you have wrought. But I leave you now this very minute to go far into the forest, perchance to take of my abode with a shepherd and thus spend my remaining days. I leave yet I stay. I cannot stir an inch, (aside.) Sweet Rosalind, has turned my head, Howl love her! Despite her faults, despite her lack of modesty.' Why came you to me thus? Tell me wished you again with your wiles to torment my morbid feelings. Ah, Rosalind, I still shall call you mine. Ros. Orlando, why did you think so ill of me ? Could you not see in my glowing eyes the story of my love. I would rather have had you woo me but bashful man makes maidens bold and love will find a way. We were parted but I could not abide far from thee. Wherever fate led I followed swayed by love alone. And as the days grow brighter and our hearts grow lighter we shall sing for joy, yes, joy without alloy. EDUCATION MORE THAN A MEANS OP GAINING A LIVELIHOOD. THAT education is a means of gaining a livelihood is a fact that needs no proof. Almost every day we are brought into contact with those who are gaining a comfortable liveli-hood by means of their education. In our day there are many others who are striving to get possession of the same means for no other purpose than that of making a living. It is to be regretted, however, that too many look at education as if it were a mere instrument for easily securing the things which satisfy their physical wants. Through this motive men have lost sight of the real and lasting value of education. I would not say that it is wrong to consider education as a means of gaining a livelihood, but I think that it is a very grievous error to consider education as having no other use or value. Indeed, education without any other purpose than that of a means of gaining a livelihood would be of little value to beings created as we are. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 273 Herbert Spencer in his work on Education says, "In education the question of questions is how to decide among the conflicting claims of subjects and determine the relative values of knowledge. Every one in contending for the worth of any particular order of information, does so by showing its bearing upon some part of life. All effort, either directly or by implication, must appeal to the ultimate test of what use is it?" In other words, the writer affirms that the essential question for us to ponder is "How to live." Not how to live in the mere material sense only, but in the widest sense. The general problem which comprehends every special prob-lem is the right ruling of conduct in all directions, under all circumstances. In what way to treat the body; in what way to treat the mind; in what way to manage our affairs; in what way to bring up a family; in what way to behave as a citizen; in what way to utilize all those sources of happiness which nature supplies—how to use all our faculties to the greatest advantage of ourselves and others—how to live completely! And this being the great thing needful for us to learn, it is, by conse-quence the great aim of education. The leading kinds of activities which constitutes human life are: (1) Those activities which directly minister to self preserva-tion; (2) Those activities which, by securing the necessaries of life, indirectly administer to self preservation; (3) Those activities which are involved in the maintenance of proper social and political relations; (4) Those miscellaneous activities which make up the leisure part of life, devoted to the gratification of tastes and feelings. Is it not education which prepares the individual for direct and indirect self-preservation, for parent-hood, for citizenship, and for the miscellaneous refinements of life? Of course ideal education is complete preparation in all these divisions. Some one has said that education is to the soul what sculpture is to the marble. As the sculpture brings out of the marble the god-like form, the symmetrical proportion, the life-like attitude of the finished and polished statue, so education brings out of man as an animal man, a rational being, making him a complete creature after his kind. To his frame it gives vigor, activity and beauty; to his senses correctness and acuteness; to his intellect, power and truthfulness; to his heart, virtue. r
Threats To International Peace And Security. The Situation In The Middle East ; United Nations S/PV.8225 Security Council Seventy-third year 8225th meeting Monday, 9 April 2018, 3 p.m. New York Provisional President: Mr. Meza-Cuadra . (Peru) Members: Bolivia (Plurinational State of). . Mr. Inchauste Jordán China. . Mr. Wu Haitao Côte d'Ivoire. . Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue Equatorial Guinea. . Mr. Ndong Mba Ethiopia. . Mr. Alemu France. . Mr. Delattre Kazakhstan. . Mr. Umarov Kuwait. . Mr. Alotaibi Netherlands. . Mr. Van Oosterom Poland. . Mr. Radomski Russian Federation. . Mr. Nebenzia Sweden . Mr. Skoog United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland . Ms. Pierce United States of America. . Mrs. Haley Agenda Threats to international peace and security The situation in the Middle East This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the translation of speeches delivered in other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room U-0506 (verbatimrecords@un.org). Corrected records will be reissued electronically on the Official Document System of the United Nations (http://documents.un.org). 18-09955 (E) *1809955* S/PV.8225 Threats to international peace and security 09/04/2018 2/26 18-09955 The meeting was called to order at 3.05 p.m. Adoption of the agenda The agenda was adopted. Threats to international peace and security The situation in the Middle East The President (spoke in Spanish): In accordance with rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the following briefers to participate in this meeting: Mr. Staffan de Mistura, Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for Syria, and Mr. Thomas Markram, Deputy to the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs. Mr. De Mistura is joining today's meeting via video-teleconference from Geneva. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I now give the floor to Mr. De Mistura. Mr. De Mistura: This emergency meeting of the Security Council underscores the gravity of the events in recent days in Syria, of which there are severe consequences for civilians. It takes place at a time of increased international tensions, drawing national, regional and international actors into dangerous situations of potential or actual confrontation. It is an important meeting. There is an urgent need for the Council to address the situation with unity and purpose. How did we reach this point? The month of March saw devastating violence in part of eastern Ghouta, which resulted in at least 1,700 people killed or injured in opposition-controlled areas, dozens and dozens of people killed or injured in Government-controlled areas and, ultimately, the evacuation of 130,000 people, including fighters, family members and other civilians. However, in Douma there was a fragile ceasefire, which continued for most of March. The United Nations good offices played an important role in that regard. Since 31 March, the United Nations has no longer been able to be involved in talks, since, at that time, the Syrian Government did not agree to our presence, although we made efforts to propose concrete ways to address the issues that we understood were arising in the continuing contacts, including the proposal to activate the detainee working group agreed in Astana. However, that proposal was not taken up at the time. From 2 April, the evacuation of some 4,000 fighters, family members and other civilians from Douma to northern Syria took place. However, on 6 April there was a major escalation in violence. There were reports of sustained air strikes and shelling against Douma, the killing of civilians, the destruction of civilian infrastructure and attacks damaging health facilities. There were also reports of shelling on Damascus city, which reportedly again killed or injured civilians. Jaysh Al-Islam requested our involvement in emergency talks in extremis, but there was no positive response to that request when it conveyed the same message to the other side. At approximately 8 p.m. local time on 7 April, reports of an alleged chemical weapons attack in Douma started to emerge. Pictures immediately circulated on social media showing what appeared to be lifeless men, women and children. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) on the ground claimed to have received hundreds of cases of civilians with symptoms consistent with exposure to chemical agents. The same NGOs claimed that at least 49 people had been killed and hundreds injured. I wish to recall what the Secretary-General, Mr. António Guterres, noted, namely, that the United Nations "is not in a position to verify these reports". However, he also made it very clear that he cannot ignore them and that he "is particularly alarmed by allegations that chemical weapons have been used against civilian populations in Douma" once again. He further emphasized "that any use of chemical weapons, if confirmed, is abhorrent and requires a thorough investigation". I note that a number of States have strongly alluded to or expressed the suspicion that the Syrian Government was responsible for the alleged chemical attack. I also note that other States, as well as the Government of Syria itself, have strongly questioned the credibility of those allegations, depicting the attacks as a fabrication or/and a provocation. My comment is that this is one more reason for there to be a thorough independent investigation. 09/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8225 18-09955 3/26 The Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons has said that it has made the preliminary analysis of the reports of the alleged use of chemical weapons and is in the process of gathering further information from all available sources. My colleague Mr. Thomas Markram, Deputy of the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, who is with us in the Chamber today, will further address this matter. But I urge the Security Council, in accordance with its own mandate to maintain international peace and security and uphold international law, to, for God's sake, ensure that a mechanism is found to investigate these allegations and assign responsibility.Returning to the narrative of the events, at around midnight on 7 April, hours after the alleged chemical-weapons attack, Jaysh Al-Islam informed the United Nations that it had reached an agreement with the Russian Federation and the Syrian Government. The Russian Federation Ministry for Defence stated that the agreement encompasses a ceasefire and Jaysh Al-Islam fighters laying down their arms or evacuating Douma. The Russian Federation also reported that up to 8,000 Jaysh Al-Islam fighters and 40,000 of their family members were to evacuate.As I brief the Security Council now, we understand that additional evacuations from Douma are already under way. We have also received reports that some detainees — the ones we had heard about before — had begun to be released from Douma today. We note reports that the agreement provides for civilians who decide to stay to remain under Russian Federation guarantees, with the resumption of services in coordination with a local committee of civilians.I urge the Syrian Government and the Russian Federation to ensure the protection of those civilians so that as many civilians as possible can stay in their homes if they choose to, or leave to a place of their own choosing or return as per international law. I urge that there be, for there should be, an immediate refocusing for the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). What we have see is basically an escalation before a de-escalation.Clearly, the dangers of further escalation arise from situations beyond Ghouta as well. We have received reports of missiles targeting the Syrian Government's Tiyas, or T-4, airbase early this morning. No State has claimed responsibility for that reported strike. The United States and France have explicitly denied any involvement. The Syrian Government, the Russian Federation and Iran have suggested that Israel could have carried out the attack, with Iranian State media reporting that over a dozen military personnel were killed or injured, including four Iranian military advisers. The Government of Israel has not commented. The United Nations is unable to independently verify or attribute responsibility for that attack, but we urge all parties to show their utmost restraint and avoid any further escalation or confrontation.We are also concerned about the dynamics in other areas of Syria. Syrians in Dar'a, northern rural Homs, eastern Qalamoun, Hamah and Idlib have all expressed to us their own fears that they may soon face escalations similar to what we have seen in eastern Ghouta. We therefore urge the Security Council and the Astana guarantors and those States involved in the Amman efforts to work towards reinstating de-escalation in those areas and elsewhere in Syria. The indications are the opposite at the moment.Meanwhile, following its operations in Afrin, the Turkish Government has indicated the potential for further operations in other areas of northern Syria if Partiya Yekitiya Demokrat and Kurdish People's Protection Units forces are not removed from those areas. Military operations in such areas have the potential of raising international tensions. We therefore urge all parties concerned to de-escalate, show restraint and find means to implement resolution 2401 (2018) through dialogue and fully respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Syria. Let me also highlight the fact that we have recently seen — and this is particularly tragic when we consider the efforts all of us, including all members of the Security Council, have made in the last year — the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant launch new operations within Syria, south of Damascus, in rural Damascus, in remote areas near the Iraqi border.I would like to conclude with some bottom lines, if I may.First, civilians are paying a very heavy price for the military escalation. We are not seeing de-escalation; we are seeing the contrary. Today our first priority must be to protect civilians from the war, from the conflict, from chemical weapons, from hunger. We call on all sides to ensure respect for international humanitarian law and human rights law, including humanitarian access across Syria to all people in need. We urge once S/PV.8225 Threats to international peace and security 09/04/2018 4/26 18-09955 more for concrete respect for resolution 2401 (2018) throughout Syria, which is, after all, a resolution of the Security Council.Secondly, continued allegations of the use of chemical agents are of extremely grave concern. Those allegations must be independently and urgently investigated. Any use of chemical weapons is absolutely prohibited and constitutes a very serious violation of international law, the Chemical Weapons Convention and resolution 2118 (2013). Preventing impunity and any further use of chemical weapons and upholding international law must be an utmost priority for all members of the Security Council.Thirdly, I have to say this very slowly because today is the first time, in over four years of briefing the Security Council in person, that I have reached a point in which I have to express a concern about international security, not just regional or national or Syrian security, but international security. Recent developments have more than ever before brought to the surface the dangers that the Secretary-General warned about recently at the Munich Security Conference, when he spoke of "different faultlines" in the Middle East that are interconnected and crossing each other, of conflicting interests of both global and regional Powers, and forms of escalation that can have absolutely devastating consequences that are difficult for us to even imagine. The Council cannot allow a situation of uncontrollable escalation to develop in Syria on any front. Instead, it must find unity and address the concrete threats to international peace and security in Syria today.I am sorry to have been this brief, but I wanted to focus on one specific concern, namely, the threat to international security related to what we are seeing now in Syria and the danger of the alleged chemical-weapons attacks being repeated. Next time I will brief the Council on humanitarian and other issues and on the political process, which I know we are all interested in focusing upon, but today is the day for talking about security — international security — and peace.The President (spoke in Spanish): I thank Mr. De Mistura for his very informative briefing.I now give the floor to Mr. Markram.Mr. Markram: I thank you for the opportunity to address the Council again today, Mr. President. The High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, Mrs. Izumi Nakamitsu, is away on official travel.It has been less than a week since I last briefed the Council (see S/PV.8221) on the issue of chemical weapons in the Syrian Arab Republic. In the intervening period, new and deeply disturbing allegations of the use of chemical weapons have come to light. Over the past weekend, there have been reports on the alleged use of chemical weapons in Douma, in the Syrian Arab Republic. According to reports that came in yesterday, it is alleged that at least 49 people were killed and hundreds more injured in a chemical-weapon attack. More than 500 other individual cases reportedly presented with symptoms consistent with such an attack. The Office for Disarmament Affairs has been in touch with the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) on the matter. The OPCW, which implements the Chemical Weapons Convention, to which Syria is a State party, is gathering information about the incident from all available sources, through its Fact-finding Mission in Syria. After completing its investigation, the Fact-finding Mission will report its findings on the alleged attack to the States parties to the Convention.Sadly, there is little to say today that has not already been said. The use of chemical weapons is unjustifiable. Those responsible must be held to account. That those views have been stated on many previous occasions does not lessen the seriousness with which the Secretary-General regards such allegations. Nor does it lessen the truth behind them, which is that what we are seeing in Syria cannot go unchallenged by anyone who values the decades of effort that have been put in to bring about the disarmament and non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. As the body charged with the maintenance of international peace and security, the Council must unite in the face of this continuing threat and fulfil its responsibilities. To do otherwise, or simply to do nothing, is to accept, tacitly or otherwise, that such a challenge is insurmountable. The use of chemical weapons cannot become the status quo, nor can we continue to fail the victims of such weapons.Just over one year ago, in responding to the attack on Khan Shaykhun, the Secretary-General called for those responsible to be held accountable, stating that there can be no impunity for such horrific acts. Just over one week ago, speaking on behalf of the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, I noted that unity in the Security Council on a dedicated mechanism for accountability would provide the best foundation for success in that regard. I reiterate that belief here, as 09/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8225 18-09955 5/26 well as the readiness of the Secretary-General and the Office for Disarmament Affairs to assist.The President (spoke in Spanish): I thank Mr. Markram for his informative briefing.I now give the floor to members of the Security Council who wish to make statements.Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): If you imagine, Mr. President, that I derive pleasure from the subject of my statement today, or from speaking at great length, you are wrong. Unfortunately, however, the situation is such that I have a lot to say today. And you will have to listen to me.We thank Mr. De Mistura and Mr. Markram for their briefings.The Russian Federation asked that this meeting be convened under the agenda item "Threats to international peace and security" because we are deeply alarmed about the fact that a number of capitals — Washington first and foremost, with London and Paris blindly following its lead — are purposely steering a course designed to supercharge international tensions. The leadership of the United States, Britain and France, with no grounds and no thought for the consequences, are taking a confrontational line on Russia and Syria and pushing others towards it too. They have a broad range of weapons in their arsenal — slander, insults, bellicose rhetoric, blackmail, sanctions and threats of the use of force against a sovereign State. Their threats against Russia are brazen, and the tone they take has gone beyond the limits of the permissible. Even during the Cold War their predecessors did not express themselves so crudely about my country. What next?I remember the rhetorical question that President Putin of Russia put to our Western partners, and especially the United States, from the rostrum of the General Assembly in 2015 (see A/70/PV.13), about their careless geopolitical experiments in the Middle East, when he asked them if they at least realized what they had done. At the time, the question went unanswered. But there is an answer, and it is that no, they do not realize what they have done. As they do not realize what they are doing now. It is not only we who are perplexed at their lack of any coherent strategy on any issue. It perplexes most of the people in this Chamber. They just do not want to ask them about it openly. Wherever they go, whatever they touch, they leave behind chaos in their wake in the murky water where they have gone fishing for some kind of fish. But the only fish they catch are mutants. I will ask them another rhetorical question. Do they understand the dangerous place they are dragging the world to?One of the areas where the hostility manifests itself most strongly is Syria. The terrorists and extremists supported by external sponsors are being defeated. Let me remind those responsible that these are the terrorists and extremists whom they equipped, financed and dumped into the country in order to overthrow the lawful Government. Now we can see why this is causing hysteria among those who have invested their political and material capital in such dark forces.In the past few weeks, thanks to Russia's efforts to implement the Security Council's resolutions, a massive operation has been carried out to unblock eastern Ghouta, whose residents have been forced to endure the humiliation of the rebel militias for several years. More than 150 thousand civilians were evacuated from this suburb of Damascus, completely voluntarily and under the necessary security conditions. Tens of thousands of them have already been able to return to liberated areas and many have been taken in by relatives. The changes in their demographic composition that the defenders of the Syrian opposition have been screaming about have not happened. That is a lie. Some extremely complex negotiations were conducted with the leaders of the armed groups, as a result of which many left the neighbourhoods they were occupying, with full guarantees for their security. Incidentally, there were several attempted acts of terrorism during these transport operations when militias tried to bring suicide belts onto the buses and were prevented. Others preferred to regulate their status with the Syrian authorities. Thanks to the presidential amnesty, they will now be able to return to civilian life, and may even eventually be able to join Syria's security forces. That represents the implementation of the United Nations principle of demobilization, disarmament and reintegration.However, not everyone is so keen on such positive dynamics. The outside sponsors — that is, the leading Western countries — were ready to grasp at any straw in order to hang on to any centre of terrorist resistance, however tiny, within striking distance of the Syrian capital, so that the militias could continue to terrorize ordinary residents, taking their food and begging humanitarian aid from the international community. Incidentally, they were not about to S/PV.8225 Threats to international peace and security 09/04/2018 6/26 18-09955 share medicines with those ordinary civilians, as an inspection of the strongholds left behind by the fighters revealed. As happened previously in eastern Aleppo, the improvised hospital facilities in basements were full of medicines that thanks to Western sanctions were not to be had for love or money in Damascus and other Government-controlled areas. Mass graves and bodies that showed evidence of torture were also discovered. The dimensions of the tunnels that the jihadists used were astonishing. Some of them could easily accommodate small trucks travelling in both directions. Those impressive underground facilities connected the positions of groups that some view as moderate to the strongholds of Jabhat Al-Nusra.On 6 April, at their sponsors' instructions, Jaysh Al-Islam's new ringleaders prevented the fourth group of militia fighters from evacuating Douma and resumed rocket and mortar fire on residential areas of Damascus, targeting Mezzeh, Mezzeh 86, Ish Al-Warwar, Abu Rummaneh and Umayyad Square. According to official data, eight civilians were killed and 37 were wounded. It is regrettable that we seen no statements from Western capitals condemning the shelling of a historic part of Damascus.The next day, 7 April, militias accused the Syrian authorities of dropping barrel bombs containing a toxic substance. However, they got their versions mixed up, referring to it sometimes as chlorine and sometimes as sarin or a mixture of poison gases. In a familiar pattern, the rumours were immediately seized on by non-governmental organizations financed by Western capitals and White Helmets operating in the guise of rescue workers. These so-called reports were also just as quickly disseminated through media outlets. I should once again point out that many of these dubious opposition entities have an accurate list of the email addresses of the representatives of Security Council members, which leads us to conclude that some of our colleagues, with a reckless attitude to their position, have been leaking sensitive information to those they sponsor. Incidentally, we all should remember the incident in which the White Helmets accidentally posted on the Internet a video showing the preparation stages for filming the next so-called victim of an attack allegedly perpetrated by the Syrian army. The chemical "series" that began in 2013 has continued to run, with each subsequent episode designed to top the impact of the previous one.In Washington, London and Paris, conclusions have immediately been reached as to the guilt of the Syrian authorities, or regime, as they call it. Has no one wondered why Damascus needs this? While the Syrian leadership has received its share of insults, the main burden of responsibility has been laid at the door of Russia and Iran, to no one's surprise, I believe. As is now customary, it has occurred at lightning speed and without any kind of investigation. On 8 April, Syrian troops searching the village of Al-Shifuniya, near Douma, discovered a small, makeshift Jaysh Al-Islam chemical-munitions factory, along with German-produced chlorine reagents and specialized equipment.The Istanbul-based opposition journalist Asaad Hanna posted a video on his Twitter feed that was allegedly from the area of the incident. In it, an unidentified individual in a gas mask, presumably from the White Helmets, is posing against a backdrop of a homemade chemical bomb that allegedly landed in a bedroom in a building in Douma. It is accompanied by commentary about what it calls another of the regime's attacks on civilians. There can be no doubt that this production was staged. The trajectory of the alleged bomb is entirely unnatural. It fell through the roof and landed gently on a wooden bed without damaging it in any way and was clearly placed there before the scene was shot.In an interesting coincidence, the chemical act of provocation in Douma on Saturday, 7 April, occurred immediately after the United States delegation in the Security Council was instructed to call for expert consultations for today, Monday, 9 April, on its draft resolution on a mechanism for investigating incidents involving chemical weapons. Today far-reaching changes were made to the initial text. In such murky circumstances, of course, we have to determine what happened. But we have to do it honestly, objectively and impartially, without sacrificing the principle of the presumption of innocence and certainly not by prejudging the process of an investigation.Despite this provocation, the Russian specialists have continued their efforts to resolve the situation in eastern Ghouta. On Sunday afternoon, 8 April, according to new agreements, the evacuation of Jaysh Al-Islam combatants was resumed. Following Douma's liberation from militants, Russian radiological, chemical and biological protection specialists were sent there to collect evidence. They took soil samples that showed no presence of nerve agents or substances 09/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8225 18-09955 7/26 containing chlorine. Local residents and combatants who were no longer fighting were interviewed. Not one local confirmed the chemical attack. At the local hospital, no one with symptoms of sarin or chlorine poisoning had been admitted. There are no other active medical facilities in Douma. No bodies of people who had died from being poisoned were found, and the medical staff and residents had no information about where they might have been buried. Any use of sarin or chlorine in Douma is therefore unconfirmed. By the way, representatives of the Syrian Red Crescent refuted statements allegedly made on their behalf about providing assistance to victims of toxic gases. I call on those who plan to denounce the regime when they speak after me to assume that there was no chemical-weapon attack.Sweden has drafted a resolution calling for the incident to be investigated. The Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) does not need a resolution to investigate it, but we are willing to consider it. Today we propose to do what is envisaged in the draft resolution, which is to let the OPCW, which Mr. Üzümcü, Director-General of its Technical Secretariat, has announced is ready to deal with the situation, fly to Damascus immediately, if possible tomorrow. There the Syrian authorities and the Russian military will ensure the necessary conditions so that the OPCW experts can travel to the site of the alleged incident and familiarize themselves with the situation. That, by the way, is what President Trump and other Western leaders have been urging us to do.The Syrians have repeatedly warned that there might be chemical provocations. At the Russian Centre for the Reconciliation of Opposing Sides in the Syrian Arab Republic they are saying that the equipment needed to film the next purported chemical attack has already been brought in. We have also made statements to that effect in the Security Council. Everyone has heard those warnings, but has deliberately ignored them because they do not correspond to the doctrinal positions espoused by those who dream of seeing the legitimate Government of yet another Arab country destroyed.There has still been no attention given to the discovery in November and December 2017 of a significant quantity of chemical munitions on Syrian territory that had been liberated from militias. In terrorist warehouses in Az-Zahiriya and Al-Hafiya in Hama governorate, 20 one-ton containers and more than 50 pieces of ordnance containing toxic chemicals were discovered. In Tel Adel in Idlib governorate, 24 tons of toxic chemical, presumed to be chlorine, were discovered. At a storage site in Moadamiya, 30 kilometres to the north-east of Damascus, 240- and 160-millimetre-calibre munitions and plastic canisters of organo-phosphorous compounds were found. In the area around As-Suwayda in Idlib governorate, an manufacturing facility for synthesizing various toxic substances was found, along with 54 pieces of chemical ordnance and 44 containers of chemicals that could be used to manufacture toxic substances.Since the beginning of this year alone, four instances of militias using toxic chemicals against Government troop positions have been established in Suruj and Al-Mushairfeh districts, and more than 100 Syrian troops have been hospitalized. On 3 March, during the liberation of Khazram and Aftris in eastern Ghouta, soldiers from a sub-unit of Government troops discovered an auxiliary workshop for homemade chemical munitions. This far from exhaustive list is an indication of the misdeeds of the still unreconciled opposition. And yet we have seen no eagerness to send OPCW expert groups there to collect evidence of these events. We demand that the OPCW verify all of these areas. They are accessible. We are also seeing information that American instructors in the Al-Tanf camp have trained a number of groups of fighters to carry out provocations using chemical weapons in order to create a pretext for a rocket strikes and bombings.It has been clear to us that sooner or later there would be an attempt to bring the jihadists out of harm's way and at the same time to punish the regime that some Western capitals hate. The talking heads on television have thrown themselves into urging a repeat of last year's effort at a military attack on Syria. This morning there were missile strikes on the T-4 airfield in Homs governorate. We are deeply troubled by such actions.The provocations in Douma are reminiscent of last year's incident in Khan Shaykhun, with their shared element being the planned nature of the attacks. Analysis of the operations conducted by the United States in April 2017, on the eve of the incident in Khan Shaykhun and after it, shows that Washington prepared its operation in advance. From 4 to 7 April of last year — in other words, from the day that a toxic substance was used in Khan Shaykhun until the strike on the Al-Shayrat airbase — the USS Porter and Ross naval destroyers S/PV.8225 Threats to international peace and security 09/04/2018 8/26 18-09955 were already present in the Mediterranean Sea, where they were engaged in planned operations. They did not call into any ports where an exchange of munitions could have been effected as a way to increase their quantity of cruise missiles.Specifically, from 4 to 5 April, the USS Porter was located south-east of Sicily and the Ross was en route from the Rota naval base to an area south of Sardinia. Later, on 6 April, both ships were observed moving at accelerated speed towards the area of the firing positions to the south-west of Cyprus, from where they launched a massive strike on Al-Shayrat on 7 April. However, the 59 Tomahawk missiles that were launched would have exceeded the two destroyers' total munitions capacity if they had actually been engaged in the anti-missile defence operations that they were assigned to, which required only 48 units. That means, therefore, that even before the chemical incident in Khan Shaykhun, these United States naval vessels undertook a military operation with a strike capability above the number of cruise missiles necessary for their anti-missile defence operations, which could be evidence of advance planning by Washington of an action against Damascus.Among other things, Saturday's fake news from Douma was aimed at diverting the public's attention from the circus that is the Skripal case, in which London has become terminally mired, hurling completely unproven accusations at Russia and accomplishing its basic purpose of extracting solidarity from its allies in order to construct an anti-Russian front. Now the British are shifting away from a transparent investigation and concrete responses to the questions they have been asked while simultaneously covering their tracks.At the Security Council meeting on 5 April on the Skripal case (see S/PV.8224), we warned the Council that the attempt to accuse us, without proof, of involvement in the Salisbury incident was linked to the Syrian chemical issue. There was an interesting new development regarding the issue yesterday. As Britain's Foreign Minister Boris Johnson was continuing his display of rapier wit "exposing" Russia, another gem emerged. The Times informed us that Royal Air Force experts in southern Cyprus had intercepted a message sent from outside Damascus to Moscow on the day of the Skripals' poisoning that contained the phrase "the package has been delivered" and said that two people had "successfully departed". Apparently this formed part of the intelligence that London provided to its allies before expelling our Russian diplomats. Is not it obvious to everyone that there is an irrefutable Syria-Russia-Salisbury connection? I will give the British intelligence services one more huge hint, for free. Why do they not assume that the Novichok they are so thrilled about reached Salisbury directly from Syria? In a package. To cover its tracks. How pathetic.Ambassador Haley recently stated that Russia will never be a friend of the United States. To that, I say that friendship is both reciprocal and voluntary. One cannot force a friendship and we are not begging the United States to be friends. What we want from it is very little — normal, civilized relations, which it arrogantly refuses, disregarding basic courtesy. However, the United States is mistaken if it thinks that it has friends. Its so-called friends are only those who cannot say no to it. And that is the only criterion for friendship that it understands.Russia has friends. And unlike the United States, we do not have adversaries. That is not the prism through which we view the world. It is international terrorism that is our enemy. However, we continue to propose cooperating with the United States. That cooperation should be respectful and mutual, and aimed at resolving genuine problems, not imaginary ones, and it should be just as much in the interests of the United States. Ultimately, as permanent members of the Security Council, we have a special responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security.Through the relevant channels, we already conveyed to the United States that military action conducted on false pretences against Syria, where Russian troops are deployed at the request of its legitimate Government, could have extremely serious repercussions. We urge Western politicians to temper their hawkish rhetoric, seriously consider the possible repercussions and cease their feeble, foolhardy efforts, which merely produce challenges to global security. We can see very good examples of what becomes of the military misadventures of the West in Yugoslavia, Iraq and Libya. No one has invested Western leaders with the power to take on the roles of the world's policeman and its investigators, prosecutors, judges and executioners as well. We urge them to return to the world of legality, comply with the Charter of the United Nations and work collectively to address the problems that arise rather than attempting to realize its own selfish geopolitical dreams at every step. All our energy should be focused on supporting the political process in Syria, and for that, all stakeholders with influence must unite in a 09/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8225 18-09955 9/26 constructive effort. Russia is always ready for that kind of cooperation.In conclusion, I would like to take this opportunity to request a briefing of the Security Council on the results of the United Nations assessment mission in Raqqa and on the situation in the Rukban camp. We can see how the coalition members are trying to complicate a resolution of the problems resulting from their actions in Syria, particularly the carpet-bombing operation designed to wipe out Raqqa. No chemical provocations will distract our attention from that issue.Mr. Van Oosterom (Netherlands): We thank Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura and Deputy High Representative for Disarmament Affairs Thomas Markram for their briefings.Only five days ago, here in this Chamber (see S/PV.8221), we mourned as we remembered the sarin attack at Khan Shaykhun that occurred a year ago. This weekend another devastating gas attack was carried out in the city of Douma, killing more than 45 civilians and injuring more than 500. It was another in a series of chemical-weapon attacks in Syria. That is unacceptable. The Kingdom of the Netherlands is one of nine Security Council members that requested today's emergency meeting because we all believed that it was critically important to address this horrific attack. We must reinstate the prohibition on the use of chemical weapons. We must underscore the basic norms of the international legal order and stop the ongoing tragedy in eastern Ghouta and Douma.We almost met twice today because one permanent member of the Council seemed not to want a focused discussion on the issue at hand, the chemical attack in Douma. That begs the question of whether that particular member State would prefer the international community to stand by and watch like a spectator while it covers for the crimes of its ally, the Syrian regime, some of which amount to serious war crimes. The Council must not stand idly by. It is high time for us to act in three ways, condemning, protecting and holding to account. First, today we should condemn in the strongest possible terms any use of chemical weapons. International law has been trampled on. Silence and impunity are not an option. However, condemnation alone is not enough.Secondly, we must deliver on our responsibility to protect. The protection of civilians must remain an absolute priority. We call on the Astana guarantors to use their influence to prevent any further attacks. They must ensure a cessation of hostilities and a de-escalation of the violence, as per resolution 2401 (2018). An immediate ceasefire is needed in Douma so that humanitarian and medical aid can reach the victims of the attack and so that humanitarian personnel can continue their life-saving work. We owe it to the men, women and children of Douma and of Syria. We owe it to our own citizens.Furthermore, the Kingdom of the Netherlands would also like to point out that the majority of the States Members of the United Nations count on the permanent members of the Council not to use their veto in cases of mass atrocities. The international community should be able to count on the Council to uphold international humanitarian law and the international prohibition on the use of chemical weapons, and to act when international law is trampled. Let me be clear. We support the humanitarian work of the White Helmets. They do extremely important humanitarian work for civilians in Syria in dire circumstances.Thirdly, all members of the Council regularly stress the importance of accountability for perpetrators who use chemical weapons. Yet the Council has not been able to move forward on that issue for months owing to one permanent member's use of the veto. We have been unable to tackle this crisis because one permanent member is a direct party to the conflict and has proved that it will defend the Syrian regime at all costs. We must intensify our efforts to establish a mechanism that can continue the meticulous work of the Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM) and investigate and identify perpetrators independently of the politics in the Council. The JIM has identified both the Syrian regime and a non-State actor as responsible for the use of chemical weapons in Syria. As I said last week (see S/PV.8221), the discontinuation of the JIM mandate cannot be the end of the story — all the more so because since the JIM ceased to operate, we have received reports that the regime has carried out at least six more chemical-weapon attacks and perhaps even more. For those who claim that chemical-weapon attacks have not taken place or that such accounts have been fabricated, I have a clear message. The establishment of an effective, impartial and independent attribution and accountability mechanism must not be vetoed.Let us not forget that the United Nations is bigger than the Council alone. We have strong leadership at the helm of Organization and a powerful General S/PV.8225 Threats to international peace and security 09/04/2018 10/26 18-09955 Assembly. Both must consider all instruments to advance accountability for the use of chemical weapons. The work should build on the important work of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) Fact-finding Mission and the JIM. We welcome the Fact-finding Mission's immediate investigation of the terrible incident in Douma this weekend. It should be given full access and cooperation by all parties. We reiterate our strong support for, first, the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism to Assist in the Investigation and Prosecution of Those Responsible for the Most Serious Crimes under International Law Committed in the Syrian Arab Republic since March 2011; secondly, the Commission of Inquiry; thirdly, the International Partnership against Impunity for the Use of Chemical Weapons, initiated by France; and fourthly, a referral of the situation in Syria to the International Criminal Court in The Hague as the most appropriate path to accountability and justice.In conclusion, the Council must act. The OPCW Fact-finding Mission must complete an investigation as soon as possible, and there can be no impunity for the use of chemical weapons. To do otherwise is tantamount to condoning such appalling attacks, failing in our responsibilities and undermining the international architecture that we have collectively designed to stop such attacks. It is time for the Council and the international community as a whole to act.Mrs. Haley (United States of America): I thank Mr. De Mistura and Mr. Markram for their briefings.Almost exactly one year ago, I stood on the floor of the Security Council and held up pictures of dead Syrian children (see S/PV.7915). After that day, I prayed that I would never have to do that again. I could; there are many truly gruesome pictures. Many of us have worked hard to ensure that one day we would not have to see images of babies gassed to death in Syria. However, the day we prayed would never come, has come again. Chemical weapons have once again been used on Syrian men, women and children. And once again, the Security Council is meeting in response.This time I am not going to hold up pictures of victims. I could; there are many, and they are gruesome. Worse are the videos imprinted in our minds that no one should ever have to see. I could hold up pictures of babies lying dead next to their mothers, brothers and sisters — even toddlers and infants still in diapers, all lying together dead. Their skin is the ashen blue that is now tragically familiar from chemical-weapon scenes. Their eyes are open and lifeless, with white foam bubbles at their mouths and noses. They are pictures of dead Syrians who are unarmed, not soldiers and fit the very definition of innocent and non-threatening. Rather, they are women and children who were hiding in basements from a renewed assault by Bashar Al-Assad. They are of families who were hiding underground to escape Al-Assad's conventional bombs and artillery, but the basements that Syrian families thought would shelter them from conventional bombs were the worst place to be when chemical weapons fell from the sky. Saturday evening, the basements of Douma became their tombs.It is impossible to know for certain how many have died, because access to Douma is cut off by Al-Assad's forces. Dozens are dead that we know of, and hundreds are wounded. I could hold up pictures of survivors — children with burning eyes and choking for breath. I could hold up pictures of first responders washing the chemicals off of the victims and putting respirators on children, or of first responders walking through room after room of families lying motionless with babies still in the arms of their mothers and fathers. I could show pictures of a hospital attacked with chemical weapons. I could show pictures of hospitals struck by barrel bombs following the chemical attack. Ambulances and rescue vehicles have been repeatedly attacked, maximizing the number of dead civilians. Civil defence centres have been attacked in order to paralyse the medical response so as to increase the suffering of the survivors. Who does that? Only a monster does that. Only a monster targets civilians, and then ensures that there are no ambulances to transfer the wounded, no hospitals to save their lives and no doctors or medicine to ease their pain.I could hold up pictures of all of that killing and suffering for the Council to see, but what would be the point? The monster who was responsible for those attacks has no conscience, not even to be shocked by pictures of dead children. The Russian regime, whose hands are all covered in the blood of Syrian children, cannot be ashamed by pictures of its victims. We have tried that before. We must not overlook Russia and Iran's roles in enabling the Al-Assad regime's murderous destruction. Russia and Iran have military advisers at Al-Assad's airfields and operation centres. Russian officials are on the ground helping direct the 09/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8225 18-09955 11/26 regime's starve-and-surrender campaign, and Iranian allied forces do much of the dirty work.When the Syrian military pummels civilians, they rely on the military hardware given by Russia. Russia could stop that senseless slaughter if it wanted, but it stands with the Al-Assad regime and supports without any hesitation. What is the point of trying to shame such people? After all, no civilized Government would have anything to do with Al-Assad's murderous regime. Pictures of dead children mean little to Governments like Russia, who expend their own resources to prop up Al-Assad.The Council, which saw the pictures last year, has failed to act because Russia has stood in its way every single time. For a year we have allowed Russia to hold the lives of innocent Syrians hostage to its alliance with the Al-Assad regime. That also allowed Russian to weaken the credibility of the United Nations. We are quick to condemn chemical weapons in the Security Council, but then Russia prevents any action. It vetoed five draft resolutions on this issue alone and used 11 vetoes all together to save Al-Assad. Our lives go on as usual.The Council created the Joint Investigative Mechanism. It found the Syrian regime responsible for the attack at Khan Shaykhun a year ago. Because Russia supported Al-Assad and his actions, Russia killed the Mechanism. We condemned it, and our lives went on as usual. We pushed for a ceasefire. The Council unanimously agreed, but it was immediately ignored by Russia and Al-Assad. We condemned it, and our lives went on as usual. Now here we are, confronted with the consequences of giving Russia a pass in the name of unity — a unity that Russia has shown many times before it does not want. Here we are, in a world where chemical-weapons use is becoming normalized — from an Indonesian airport to an English village to the homes and hospitals of Syria. Since the Al-Assad regime used chemical weapons at Khan Shaykhun one year ago, chemical weapons have been reportedly used dozens of times, and the Council does nothing.What we are dealing with today is not about a spat between the United States and Russia. It is about the inhumane use of chemical agents on innocent civilians. Each and every one of the nations in the Council is on record opposing the use of chemical weapons. There can be no more rationalizations for our failure to act. We have already introduced and circulated to the Council a draft resolution demanding unrestricted humanitarian access to the people of Douma. Al-Assad is doing all he can to assure maximum suffering in Douma. Our priority must be to help the starving, the sick and the injured who have been left behind. We also call on the Council to immediately re-establish a truly professional and impartial mechanism for chemical-weapons attacks in Syria, including the attack this weekend. We hope that our colleagues on the Council will join us, as they have before.That is a very minimum we can do in response to the attack we just witnessed. Russia's obstructionism will not continue to hold us hostage when we are confronted with an attack like that one. The United States is determined to see the monster who dropped chemical weapons on the Syrian people held to account. Those present have heard what the President of the United States has said about that. Meetings are ongoing. Important decisions are being weighed, even as we speak. We are on the edge of a dangerous precipice. The great evil of chemical-weapons use, which once unified the world in opposition, is on the verge of becoming the new normal. The international community must not let that happen. We are beyond showing pictures of dead babies. We are beyond appeals to conscience. We have reached the moment when the world must see justice done. History will record this as the moment when the Security Council either discharged its duty or demonstrated its utter and complete failure to protect the people of Syria. Either way, the United States will respond.Mr. Delattre (France) (spoke in French): I thank the Peruvian presidency for having convened this emergency Security Council meeting, at the request of France, together with eight other Council members. I also wish to thank the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for Syria, Mr. Staffan de Mistura, and the Deputy to the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, Mr. Thomas Markram, for their insightful briefings.There are times in the lives of nations where what is essential is at stake: life or death; peace or war; civilization or barbarism; the international order or chaos. That is the case today following the dreadful chemical carnage that once again pushed the boundaries of horror on Saturday in Douma. We are aware that two new and particularly serious chemical-weapons attacks took place in Douma on 7 April. The provisional toll of human life is appalling. There are nearly 50 dead, including a number of children, and 1,000 wounded. S/PV.8225 Threats to international peace and security 09/04/2018 12/26 18-09955 That toll is likely to be even higher, as assistance cannot reach some areas. Once again, toxic substances have been dropped to asphyxiate, to kill and to terrorize civilians, reaching them even in the basements where they sought refuge. Chlorine gas has the particular characteristic of being a heavy gas, capable of entering basements. For that reason, it is used. That is the level of deadly cynicism that has been reached in Syria.There are no words to describe the horror of the images that surfaced on 7 April, nearly one year after the Khan Shaykhun attack, which killed nearly 80 people. What we see in the thousands of photos and videos that surfaced in the course of several hours after the 7 April attacks reminds us of the images we have seen far too often: children and adults suffocating due to exposure to concentrated chlorine gas. What we also see are people suffering from violent convulsions, excessive salivation and burning eyes, all of which are symptomatic of exposure to a potent neurotoxin mixed with chlorine to heighten the lethal effect. As I mentioned, in total more than 1,000 people were exposed to that deadly chemical compound.The experience and the successive reports of the Joint Investigative Mechanism leave no room for doubt as to the perpetrators of this most recent attack. Only the Syrian armed forces and their agencies have the requisite knowledge to develop such sophisticated toxic substances with such a high degree of lethality. And only the Syrian armed forces and its agencies have a military interest in their use. This attack took place in Douma, an area that has been subjected to relentless shelling by the Syrian armed and air forces for several weeks. Unfortunately, the use of such weapons enables much swifter tactical progress than conventional weapons.We are all aware that the Syrian regime has already been identified by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism as the party responsible for the use, on at least four occasions, of chlorine and sarin gas as a chemical weapon. There are no illusions as to the sincerity of the declaration delivered by Syria on the state of its chemical stockpiles in 2013. Unfortunately, we once again we have proof in the form of empirical evidence. This dovetails with the regime's strategy of terror against civilians. We have already experienced this. At the worst, this is bad faith or, even worse, complicity. The Damascus regime clearly seeks, by sowing terror, to accelerate the capture of other urban areas that it wishes to control. What could be more effective to prompt those who resist the regime to flee than sieges, a tactic worthy of the Middle Ages, in addition to chemical terror. Let us make no mistake: the children frozen in an agonizing death are not so-called collateral victims. They are deliberate targets of these chemical attacks, designed and planned for the purpose of waging terror. The Damascus regime is conducting State terrorism, with its litany of war crimes and even crimes against humanity.The offensive and the shelling conducted by the regime, as well as by its Russian and Iranian allies, over the past 48 hours prove the degree to which they have engaged in a military race without any consideration of the human cost. This latest escalation of violence, punctuated by a new instance of the use of chemical weapons, brings us face to face with the destructive madness of a diehard regime that seeks to destroy its people completely. And that regime's Russian and Iranian allies are either unable or unwilling to stop it. We are aware of the fact, and the Russian authorities have confirmed this on several occasions, that Russian military forces have a presence on the ground and in the air in eastern Ghouta. On 7 April, as the second chemical attack took place in Douma, Russian aircraft were also taking part in air operations in the Damascus region. Russian and Iranian military support is present on the ground and at all levels of the Syrian war machinery. No Syrian aircraft takes off without the Russian ally being informed. These attacks took place either with the tacit or explicit consent of Russia or despite its reluctance and military presence. I do not know which is more alarming when it comes to our collective security.The stakes revolving around this recent attack are extremely grave. This is the latest proof of the normalization of chemical weapons use, which we should attribute not only to a regime that has become uncontrollable and continues to gas civilians with complete impunity, but also to its supporters, including a permanent member of the Security Council. That member failed in its commitment to implement resolution 2118 (2013), which it, itself, co-sponsored. That member's responsibility in the endless tragedy that is the war in Syria is overwhelming.France therefore of course turns towards Russia today in order to put forward two demands. The first demand is a cessation of hostilities and the establishment of an immediate ceasefire in Syria, in line with resolution 2401 (2018), adopted on 24 February, 09/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8225 18-09955 13/26 which to date has never been upheld by the Damascus regime. France deeply deplores the fact that, although it was unanimously adopted, it was not possible to implement that resolution, which provides for a truce and emergency humanitarian access. The second demand is the establishment of a new international investigative mechanism that will be able to document all of the factors of the attack in Douma and ensure that the perpetrators are brought to justice. The end of the Joint Investigative Mechanism last November due to two successive Russian vetoes has stripped us of an essential tool of deterrence. For that reason, we support any initiative to bridge that gap. And in that spirit France has committed to a partnership to combat impunity for the use of chemical weapons. In that same spirit, we endorse the draft resolution that has been put forward today by the United States.With this attack the Al-Assad regime is testing yet again the determination of the international community to ensure compliance with the prohibition against chemica-weapons use. Our response must be united, robust and implacable. That response must make it clear that the use of chemical weapons against civilians will no longer be tolerated, and that those who flout that fundamental rule of our collective security will be held accountable and must face the consequences. The Al-Assad regime needs to hear an international response, and France stands ready to fully shoulder its role alongside its partners.Ultimately, we know that only an inclusive political solution will bring an end to the seven-year conflict, which has claimed the lives of 500,000 people and pushed millions to take the route of exile. That is why France will remain fully committed alongside the United Nations Special Envoy and in line with the Geneva process. However, in the light of this most recent carnage, we can no longer merely repeat words. Without being followed up by deeds, such words would be meaningless. I wish to reiterate here what President Macron has stressed on several occasions: France will assume its full responsibility in the fight against the proliferation of chemical weapons. France's position is clear. It will uphold its commitments and keep its word.Ms. Pierce (United Kingdom): I thank the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for Syria and Mr. Markram for their briefings. I also thank all the United Nations teams on the ground for the important and incredibly difficult work they do.As Staffan de Mistura said, this is an important Security Council meeting. My Government shares the outrage that other colleagues have eloquently described today. It is truly horrific to think of victims and families sheltered underground when the chlorine found them.This is the third time in five days that the Council has convened to discuss chemical weapons. This is dreadful in the true sense of that word. The Council should dread what we risk happening — for chemical weapons to become a routine part of fighting. As one of the five permanent members of the Council (P-5), the United Kingdom believes that we have a particular responsibility to uphold the worldwide prohibition on the use of weapons of mass destruction (WMDs). We agree with the Netherlands Ambassador that the P-5 has specific responsibilities. I believe that four members of the P-5 do believe that, but there is one that does not. The Russian Ambassador referred to a resurgence of the Cold War. This is not the Cold War. In the Cold War there was not this flagrant disregard for the prohibitions that are universal on the use of WMDs.The Special Representative of the Secretary-General also referred to the risks of escalation, and to international peace and security more broadly. We share his fears, but it is the Syrian Government and its backers, Iran and Russia, who are prolonging the fighting and risking regional and wider instability. There are real questions about what is happening in the T-4 airbase, with its foreign fighters and its mercenaries.We have been challenged today by our Russian colleague to say why we believe the attack was carried out by Syria and why we believe, further, that chemical weapons were used. The reasons are as follows. The Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW)-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism found six uses of chemical weapons between 2014 and 2017. Two it ascribed to Da'esh for the use of mustard gas, three it ascribed to the regime for the use of chlorine and one further use it ascribed to the Syrian regime for the use of sarin. That is the attacks that we talked about in the Council just last week at Khan Sheykhoun, which led to the United States strike — which we support — on Al-Shayrat. In addition, as the French Ambassador has said, we had reports of Russian and Syrian warnings before the chemical-weapon attack took place and of a pattern of Mi-8 Hip helicopters flying overhead. Those reports have come from the ground.S/PV.8225 Threats to international peace and security 09/04/2018 14/26 18-09955 I listened carefully to the Russian Ambassador's argument. As I have just set out, we, as the United Kingdom believe that the Syrian regime is responsible for these latest attacks. But there is one way to settle this — to have an independent fact-finding mission followed by an independent investigation — as we all know that fact-finding missions are there to determine whether chemical weapons have been used and, if they have been used, what sort of chemical weapons. But only an investigation can determine who is responsible for their use, and therefore start the path to accountability.I was very interested to hear the Russian offer that an OPCW fact-finding mission could visit and would have the protection of Russian forces. I believe that this is an offer worth pursuing, but it would, of course, be necessary for the OPCW mission to have complete freedom of action and freedom of access. That still leaves us with the question of who committed these atrocities. That is why we support the United States text for a draft resolution and we believe that there is no legitimate reason not to support the call for the Council to set up an independent investigative mechanism. As I said before, we have nothing to hide, but it appears that Russia, Syria and their supporters, Iran, do have something to fear.The Russian Ambassador singled out the United Kingdom, the United States and France for criticism. I would like, if I may, to turn to that. The responsibility for the cruelty in Syria belongs to Syria and its backers — Russia and Iran. The use of chemical weapons is an escalatory and diabolical act. It strikes me that what Russia is trying to do is to turn the debate in the Council away from the discussion of the use of chemical weapons into a dispute between East and West, presenting itself as the victim. It is far too important to play games with the politics between East and West in respect of chemical weapons. Russia's crocodile tears for the people of eastern Ghouta has an easy answer. It is to join us in the non-political attempt to get in humanitarian and protection workers from the United Nations to do their job of looking after and mitigating the risk to civilians. Russia's concern about attribution for the use of chemical weapons also has an easy answer. It is to join us in allowing the United Nations to set up an international investigative mechanism to pursue the responsible parties. I repeat here the two demands of my French colleague, and I hope we will be able to make progress.I had not intended to address the Skripal case in Salisbury, but since my Russian colleague has done so, I will address it today. He asked what the similarities were between Salisbury and Syria. I think it is important that I point out that the cases are different in the following respects. First, there is a thorough investigation under way in Salisbury. As we have heard, there is no investigation under way in Syria. The British Government in Salisbury is seeking to protect its people, as is its duty. The Syrian Government, on the contrary, as we have heard today, attacks and gasses its people. I am sorry to say that what the two do have in common though, is Russia's refusal to assume P-5 responsibilities to prevent the use of WMDs and its reckless support for the use of WMDs by its agents and by its allies.It is not we who want to alienate Russia. It alienates herself by not joining in the vast majority of the Council who wish to find a non-polemical way through and to address the use of chemical weapons against civilians in Syria. The Russian Ambassador mentioned friends of the United States. My Government and its people are proud to be a friend of the United States. We stand with everyone on the Council who wants to find a way through the chemical weapons problem, to have a proper fact-finding mission and to have a proper investigation as the first step to bringing this dreadful conflict to a close.Mr. Wu Haitao (China) (spoke in Chinese): China would like to thank Special Envoy de Mistura and the Deputy to the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, Mr. Markram, for their briefings. China takes note of the reports alleging that chemical weapons were once again used in Syria and caused civilian casualties. That is of great concern to China.China's position on chemical-weapons has been consistent and clear. We are firmly opposed to the use of chemical weapons by any State, organization or individual under any circumstances. Any use of chemical weapons, whenever and wherever, must not be tolerated. China supports a comprehensive, objective and impartial investigation of the incident concerned so that it can reach a conclusion based on substantiated evidence that can stand the test of history and facts so that the perpetrators and responsible parties can be brought to justice.The Syrian chemical-weapons issue is closely linked to to a political settlement of the Syrian situation. China 09/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8225 18-09955 15/26 supports the ongoing important role of the Security Council and the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) as the main channels for dealing with the Syrian chemical-weapons issue. We hope that the parties concerned will take a constructive approach so as to seek a solution through consultations, establish the facts, prevent any further use of chemical weapons, preserve the unity of the Security Council and cooperate with the efforts by the parties concerned to advance the political process in Syria.The Syrian conflict has entered its eighth year and is inflicting tremendous suffering on the Syrian people. A political settlement is the only solution to the Syrian issue. The international community must remain committed to a political settlement of the question of Syria, while fully respecting its sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity.China has always opposed the use or threat of force in international affairs. We always advocate adherence to the Charter of the United Nations. All parties should increase their support for the United Nations mediation efforts and compel the parties in Syria to seek a political settlement under the principle of Syrian leadership and ownership in accordance with resolution 2254 (2015).The fight against terrorism is an important and urgent issue in the political settlement of the Syrian question. The international community must strengthen its coordination, uphold uniform standards and combat all terrorist groups identified as such by the Security Council.At a recent Security Council meeting, China set out its principled position with regard to the Skripal incident (see S/PV.8224). China believes that the parties concerned should strictly comply with their obligations under the Chemical Weapons Convention and, in line with the relevant provisions of the Convention, carry out a comprehensive, impartial and objective investigation and deal with the issues concerned within the framework of the OPCW. China hopes that the parties concerned will work in accordance with the principles of mutual respect and equality, engage in consultations, cooperate, avoid politicization and measures that might further exacerbate tensions and resolve their differences properly through dialogue.Mr. Skoog (Sweden): I thank Mr. Staffan de Mistura and Mr. Thomas Markram for their briefings this afternoon. I would also like to thank you, Mr. President, for acceding to our request for an emergency meeting.We are dismayed by the general escalation of violence in Syria, as described today by Staffan de Mistura, in clear violation of the various resolutions, including resolution 2401 (2018). In that regard, I want to plea with the Syrian authorities represented in the Chamber and with the Astana guarantors to live up to the Security Council's resolutions.We asked for this meeting today because over the weekend we were yet again faced with horrifying allegations of chemical-weapons attacks in Syria, this time in Douma, just outside Damascus. There are worrying reports of a large number of civilian casualties, including women and children. The graphic material that has been shared is beyond repugnant. We are alarmed by those extremely serious allegations. There must now be an immediate, independent and thorough investigation.Let me reiterate that Sweden supports all international efforts to combat the use and proliferation of chemical weapons by State or non-State actors anywhere in the world. We unequivocally condemn in the strongest terms the use of chemical weapons, including in Syria. It is a serious violation of international law and constitutes a threat to international peace and security. The use of chemical weapons in armed conflict is always prohibited and amounts to a war crime. Those responsible must be held accountable. We cannot accept impunity.Addressing the use of chemical weapons in Syria has become a central test of the credibility of the Council. How we respond to the most recent reports from Douma is therefore decisive. Despite the odds, we must put aside our differences and come together. Now is the time to show unity. In our view, the following needs to happen.First, we must condemn in the strongest terms the continued use of chemical weapons in Syria.Secondly, our immediate priority must be to investigate the worrying reports from Douma. In that context, we welcome the announcement by the Director-General of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) that the Fact-finding Mission for Syria — to which we reiterate our full support — is in the process of gathering information from all available sources. We express our hope that the Fact-finding Mission can be urgently deployed to Syria.S/PV.8225 Threats to international peace and security 09/04/2018 16/26 18-09955 Thirdly, all States, as well as the parties to the conflict, including the Syrian authorities, must fully cooperate with the Fact-finding Mission. What is particularly needed is safe and unhindered access to the site in Douma, as well as any information and evidence deemed relevant by the Fact-finding Mission to conduct its independent investigation.Fourthly, we need to urgently redouble our efforts in the Council to agree on a new independent and impartial attributive mechanism to identify those responsible for chemical-weapons use.Finally, if the allegations of chemical-weapons use are indeed confirmed and those responsible are eventually identified, the perpetrators must be held to account.We are ready to work actively and constructively with other members for urgent Council action. To that end, we have circulated elements as input to our discussions. We must immediately engage in consultations in order to break the current deadlock and to shoulder our responsibility under the Charter of the United Nations. We owe that to the many victims of the crimes committed in this conflict.Mr. Radomski (Poland): Allow me to thank Special Envoy Mr. Staffan de Mistura and Deputy to the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs Mr. Thomas Markham for their important briefings.We are horrified by the news of another deadly attack in eastern Ghouta, which took place on Saturday evening. Dozens of people perished as a result of a vicious act of violence against civilians in Douma. The available information about the symptoms of the victims affirm that they are consistent with those caused by a chemical agent.Poland condemns that barbaric attack, and expects that it will be possible to hold the perpetrators accountable. No military or political goal can justify the extermination of innocent vulnerable people, especially those seeking help in medical facilities. That atrocious crime seems to be a cynical response to the debates in the Council last week, when we commemorated the first anniversary of the attack in Khan Shaykun (see S/PV.8221).We call on the actors affecting the situation in Syria, especially the Russian Federation and Iran, to take all the necessary actions to prevent any further use of weapons of mass destruction and to achieve the full cessation of hostilities in the whole territory of Syria. We insist that all parties to the conflict comply with their obligations under international humanitarian law.As has been stated many times by members of the Council, as well as United Nations officials and European Union representatives, it is highly regrettable that the renewal of the mandate of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism was vetoed, thereby allowing those responsible for the subsequent chemical attacks to remain unpunished. Today we face the results of that impunity, witnessing further attacks against civilians with the use of chemicals as weapons.We urge all our partners in the Council to engage in a serious discussion in good faith in order to re-establish an accountability mechanism for chemical attacks in Syria. That is the minimum that we owe the victims of Ghouta, Khan Shaykun, Al-Lataminah and the numerous other places where chemical weapons have been used.Mr. Alemu (Ethiopia): We would like to thank Special Envoy De Mistura and Mr. Thomas Markram for their briefings.Reports of the alleged use of chemical weapons in Douma on Saturday and the videos and pictures that we saw through media outlets are indeed very worrisome. It is also deeply disturbing that such reports of the use of chemical weapons have continued in the ongoing military activities in Syria. As we have repeatedly stated, we strongly condemn any use of chemical weapons by any actor under any circumstances. There is no justification whatsoever for the use of chemical weapons. Those responsible for these inhuman acts must be identified and held accountable. This is absolutely vital, not only for the sake of the victims of chemical weapons in Syria but also for maintaining international peace and security and for preserving the non-proliferation architecture.As the Secretary-General said in his 8 April statement, cited by the Special Envoy earlier, any use of chemical weapons, if confirmed, is abhorrent and requires a thorough investigation. That includes the need to establish accountability — something on which the Council has yet to achieve consensus. In the meantime, we believe the reported use of chemical weapons in Douma, and in other parts of Syria, should be investigated by the Fact-finding Mission, and all parties should extend full cooperation in that 09/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8225 18-09955 17/26 regard, in accordance with the relevant Security Council resolutions.While we all agree that accountability is indispensable for deterring and stopping the use of chemical weapons in Syria and beyond, there is currently, as has already be said, no independent, impartial and professional investigative mechanism that could identify those individuals, entities, State or non-State actors that use chemical weapons in the country. In that regard, the Council should recover its unity and engage in a positive and constructive discussion that could address the existing institutional lacunae.We all know that the threats to international peace and security we face today are becoming increasingly more complex by the day. We are seeing that the proliferation of nuclear weapons is posing a real danger and that the international norms on the use of chemical weapons are also being undermined. Since the end of the Cold War, the trust among major Powers has never been so low as it is currently, which has enormous implications not only for global peace and security but also for the transformative agenda that we have set for ourselves in the development sphere. We cannot think of making any meaningful headway towards achieving the Sustainable Development Goals without creating the necessary global security environment. At the moment, we really cannot say that this is an environment conducive to making any progress on that account.The Security Council has the primary responsibility for the promotion and maintenance of international peace and security. Unfortunately, it has not been able to effectively address the new and emerging threats and challenges to peace and security that we are facing today. It has been all the more apparent that the lack of unity and cohesion among members is undermining the credibility of the Council. Perhaps we, the elected members, have to look for ways and means to have a greater impact, with a view to contributing to increasing the Council's effectiveness. Without dialogue among the major Powers to build the necessary trust and understanding, it will be extremely difficult to address some of the most difficult and complex security challenges we have ever seen, including the situation in Syria.Things are in fact bound to get even worse unless something is done. We cannot afford to bury our heads in the sand. The dangers are very palpable. That is why every opportunity should be seized. That is also why we consider the news about the upcoming summit-level meetings being planned to be encouraging. We can only hope that those meetings will help to defuse tensions and allow for serious discussions to take place with a view to finding a common approach to tackling current threats and challenges. The sooner those discussions happen, the better for preserving global peace and stability, which, as we speak, is becoming a source of extremely great concern. In fact, I am understating the magnitude of the potential danger we are facing.Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue (Côte d'Ivoire) (spoke in French): The Ivorian delegation thanks Mr. De Mistura and Mr. Markram for their respective briefings on the latest developments in Syria, after the resumption of fighting in Douma and eastern Ghouta and the bombing of the city of Damascus, following the relative calm of recent weeks. My delegation would like to focus its statement on three main points.First, we remain deeply concerned about recent reports of chemical-weapons attacks against innocent civilian populations, which have reportedly resulted in numerous casualties who have shown symptoms of exposure to a chemical agent. While reaffirming its categorical rejection of any use or resort to chemical weapons, be it in times of peace or in times of war, Côte d'Ivoire strongly condemns such acts and calls for these events to be placed under an intense spotlight, with the contribution of all stakeholders.In the face of allegations of recurrent use of chemical weapons by the warring parties in the Syrian conflict, the Ivorian delegation stresses that it is more important than ever that the international community send a strong signal to show, beyond the usual principled condemnations, its determination to put a definitive end to this infernal cycle.The use of chemical weapons violates the most fundamental norms of international law and poses threats to our collective security. That is why we must engage in a unflagging fight against impunity in the use of chemical weapons and preserving the international chemical non-proliferation regime, which is one of the fundamental pillars of our common security.My second point concerns the need for the international community to put in place a mechanism for accountability and for the fight against impunity for those who use chemical weapons, in order to put an end to the repeated use of these weapons. In that regard, the Ivorian delegation expresses its readiness to work S/PV.8225 Threats to international peace and security 09/04/2018 18/26 18-09955 towards the establishment of such a mechanism and calls on the Council to return to the unity it had when it established the Joint Investigative Mechanism, whose mandate unfortunately could not be renewed despite our common efforts.Thirdly, Côte d'Ivoire notes with regret that resolution 2401 (2018), which remains the framework for our joint action, has not been implemented and that the humanitarian situation in Syria has further deteriorated. In the light of the distress of the civilian populations trapped in the fighting, the urgency for a cessation of hostilities remains more relevant than ever. In the face of the deteriorating situation, my country would like once again to call on all parties to the conflict to immediately cease hostilities and to respect international humanitarian law, including unhindered humanitarian access to persons in distress, in accordance with resolution 2401 (2018).In conclusion, Côte d'Ivoire reiterates its conviction that the solution to the crisis in Syria cannot be military. Only an inclusive political process can put a definitive end to this conflict. Such a political solution must be in accordance with resolution 2254 (2015) and imbued with the results of the Geneva negotiations. My country believes that the Geneva talks remain the right framework for achieving a lasting solution to the Syrian conflict.Mr. Ndong Mba (Equatorial Guinea) (spoke in Spanish): I thank Mr. Staffan de Mistura and Mr. Thomas Markram and their respective teams for their exhaustive briefings.The Republic of Equatorial Guinea expresses its gratitude to the French Republic and to the other members of the Council that called for the convening of this afternoon's meeting. We also thank the President of the Security Council for having decided to hold this afternoon's meeting under the agenda item "Threats to international peace and security: The situation in the Middle East". This is an appropriate topic, since recent events in the Middle East represent a genuine threat to peace and security, not only in that region but at the international level as well. From the protests in the Gaza Strip, with their loss of human lives, to the missile attacks on Syria, as well as the horrendous chemical weapons attack in the Syrian town of Douma, those are all situations of deep concern for the Republic of Equatorial Guinea.This past weekend we awoke to news that added a new low to the saddest and bloodiest episodes of the Syrian conflict. According to reports published in the international media, on 7 April, in the Syrian town of Douma in eastern Ghouta, more than 40 people, mostly women and girls, died from asphyxiation caused by inhaling a poison gas.As we heard in this Chamber on 4 April from the Deputy to the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, Mr. Thomas Markram (see S/PV.8221), the conclusions and recommendations of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) Fact-finding Mission in the Syrian Arab Republic are not binding and do not attribute responsibilities in the case of evidence of the use of chemical substances prohibited under the relevant international treaties. In the light of that fact, we take this opportunity to recall the obligation of all parties to take essential steps towards the full implementation of resolution 2118 (2013), and we underscore the need to establish an independent investigation mechanism of the United Nations whose task should be focused on preventing impunity, identifying those responsible and preventing future attacks to the best of its abilities.As far as the Republic of Equatorial Guinea is concerned, no use of chemical weapons should go uninvestigated or unpunished. As a result, the alarming information coming out of Syria, especially that pertaining to the use of chemical weapons targeting civilians, both the case of Douma, which we are discussing today, as well as similar events in the past, must be investigated exhaustively, fairly, objectively and independently by international bodies in accordance with OPCW standards. The results of such investigations must be made public and those responsible must answer for their crimes before the implacable face of justice.The fact that chemical substances continue to be used, especially against civilians, is cause for serious concern to the Government of Equatorial Guinea. During the general debate of the seventy-second session of the General Assembly, the President of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, His Excellency Mr. Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, condemned in the strongest terms the use, manufacture, possession and distribution of chemical weapons in armed conflicts (see A/72/PV.13). It is worth recalling that no member of the Council should be considered exempt from that obligation, which also reflects Chapter I of the Charter of the 09/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8225 18-09955 19/26 United Nations, which enshrines the determination of Member States to build a world of peace and ensure the well-being of humankind.The Security Council now finds itself at a crossroads with respect to its options. It can either strengthen the presence of international forces with a view to future military intervention, as some military Powers have been suggesting, or we can pursue international negotiations, be they in Geneva, Astana, Sochi or Ankara. However, history continues to teach us that military interventionism has never resolved conflicts; rather, it exacerbates and entrenches them, sowing desolation and ruin in its wake.As far as the Republic of Equatorial Guinea is concerned, the only solution to the Syrian conflict is to be found in the words spoken yesterday by Pope Francis in the traditional Sunday mass in Saint Peter's Square in the Vatican:"There is no such thing as a good war and a bad war. Nothing, but nothing, can justify the use of such instruments of extermination on defenseless people and populations . military and political leaders choose another path, that of negotiations, which is the only one that can bring about peace and not death and destruction."In conclusion, we reiterate the appeal made by the Republic of Equatorial Guinea to the countries and actors with influence in Syria, as well as in Israel and Palestine, to wield that influence in order to force all parties involved in those conflicts to mitigate the suffering of their people and to sit down to negotiate to put an end to that chronic threat to international peace and security which persists in the Middle East.Mr. Umarov (Kazakhstan): We thank Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura and Deputy High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, Thomas Markram, for their briefings. We express our gratitude to Council members for initiating this emergency meeting, which we hope will lead to the launching of a timely and objective investigation of the incident in Douma.We firmly believe that the Security Council remains the main and sole body authorized to counter threats to international peace and security. Unfortunately, the situation within the Council is becoming increasingly strained. In order to achieve an appropriate solution to these critical issues, it is of utmost importance that the Council act unanimously, in a balanced and pragmatic manner. To that end, we must demonstrate greater flexibility and negotiability, rising above our national interests in order to achieve peace and stability. Any controversy that involves prejudices and mutual accusations and lacks conclusive results and irrefutable evidence will have only a destructive effect and will not lead to the results that the world community expects from us.With regard to the chemical attacks in Syria, we mourn together with the families of those killed and express our solidarity with them in the face of such atrocities, by which innocent civilians become victims of the relentless confrontation of the opposing parties. Kazakhstan has always taken a firm and resolute stand, uncompromisingly condemning any use of chemical weapons as the most heinous action and an unacceptable war crime.With regard to the situation in Douma, we call for an investigation into this alleged incident to be carried out and for all the circumstances to be clarified as soon as possible. The Council has the great responsibility to act on verifiable facts, not only before the world community, but before ourselves. Furthermore, history itself will ultimately be the judge of our decisions. Therefore, we need to verify all the details of the incident. In that regard, we would like to draw attention to the following aspects.First, are there any other reliable sources, in addition to White Helmets' claims, and who can verify the veracity of the assessments and testimonies of those sources? Some claim that the number of victims is 70, while others report that there were more than 150 victims and still others believe there were only 25 victims. Even one victim is too many. However, today, the Russian Federation denied the attack altogether. There are many allegations and assumptions regarding the very facts concerning the use of a toxic chemical substance.Secondly, we consider it important to take into account the fact that the Government of Syria has repeatedly notified us and requested that we check its reports that a number of terrorist groups on the side of the opposition were making attempts to transfer chemical weapons and prepare chemical attacks on the territory of eastern Ghouta. Actually, these allegations have not been given due attention and we have had no opportunity to verify all the facts. We are not advocating for any side in this conflict, but rather demanding a full S/PV.8225 Threats to international peace and security 09/04/2018 20/26 18-09955 and objective investigation on the basis of which we can make a thoughtful decision.Thirdly, we believe that it is imperative to conduct an independent investigation. We again recall the urgent need for an investigative mechanism, the establishment of which depends on the permanent members of the Council. They must make every possible effort to find common ground on the issue. We urgently need objective and verifiable information, as well as an immediate, independent, transparent and unbiased investigation before any decision or action, unilateral or otherwise, is taken.We fully support the proposal that the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) Fact-finding Mission be sent at the earliest. We are certain that the Syrian people are very interested in an objective investigation. Therefore, Damascus and opposing parties should provide all assistance and secure access for the speedy visit of the OPCW inspectors to the incident sites to collect facts on the ground.Finally, we again call for the preservation and strengthening of the unity of the Council to reach a consensus-based decision to preserve peace and stability in the world.Mr. Alotaibi (Kuwait) (spoke in Arabic): At the outset, we thank you, Mr. President, for the prompt convening of today's meeting. We were one of the countries that requested it.We also thank Mr. Staffan de Mistura, the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for Syria, and Mr. Thomas Markram, Deputy to the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, for their briefings.Since the beginning of this year, the State of Kuwait has occupied the Arab seat in the Security Council. One of our most important priorities, which we made clear before we joined it, is to defend and uphold Arab issues, voice the concerns about them and work to find peaceful solutions. We deeply deplore the lack of any real and genuine progress on any of these issues, in particular that of the Syrian crisis, which regrettably continues to deteriorate. Security Council resolutions on such issues are not implemented. The Council is responsible for the maintenance of international peace and security but is unable to shoulder that responsibility. It is divided as it faces those dangers and threats. Therefore the crises continue, along with the suffering of the people in the region.The State of Kuwait condemns in the strongest terms the heinous rocket and barrel bomb attacks against residential areas under siege in eastern Ghouta, including the latest attack on Douma, on 7 April. Five days ago we marked the first anniversary of the Khan Shaykhun incident (see S/PV.8221), in which chemical weapons were used, as confirmed by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism. It also identified who used them.Two days ago, scores of civilians, including children and women, were killed or injured in attacks and air strikes against Douma. Many cases of asphyxiation were recorded. Several international reports confirmed that the crimes committed in both incidents were tantamount to crimes against humanity and war crimes, which reminds us once again of the request we all made in the Chamber for the establishment of a new mechanism to determine whether or not and by whom chemical weapons had been used, and to hold the perpetrators in Syria accountable. The mechanism must guarantee impartial, transparent and professional investigations in all chemical attacks in Syria in order to end impunity. For the past five years — specifically, since August 2013 — the perpetrators of chemical attacks in Syria have enjoyed impunity. They have not been punished, even when we witnessed the very first crime of the use of chemical weapons in eastern Ghouta.We do not want to mark the first anniversary of the attack in Douma without a conviction. We call for the Council to establish an accountability mechanism that would determine the perpetrators of the chemical-weapons crimes anywhere in Syria — be they a Government, entity, group or individual — so that they can be held accountable in accordance with the provisions of resolution 2118 (2013). The Council must shoulder its responsibility with regard to the maintenance of international peace and security. The use of chemical weapons in Syria is a genuine threat to the non-proliferation regime. The continued attacks against civilians in medical facilities and residential areas, through air strikes or artillery, are all flagrant violations of the international community's will and relevant Security Council resolutions, in particular resolution 2401 (2018), which demanded a 30-day ceasefire, at the very least, without delay.09/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8225 18-09955 21/26 The provisions of resolution 2118 (2013) are clear and definite. They call for accountability for the use of chemical weapons in Syria, which is a flagrant violation of international humanitarian law and human rights law. However, current events are a clear violation of the provisions of the resolution. As members of the Council, we cannot accept the status quo, which is the continued use of chemical weapons in Syria. It is another disappointment for the Syrian people, whose suffering caused by the use of such weapons in different parts of Syria we have been unable to end.The Council has a collective responsibility. The suffering Syrian people are sick and tired of tuning into meetings of the Council without seeing tangible results on the ground. At several junctures throughout this bloody conflict the Council has been able to find common ground to end the crisis. However, we must overcome our political differences and establish a new accountability mechanism in Syria that is professional, credible and impartial. Such elements are available in the draft resolution under discussion, which has been put forward by the United States. It includes updates on the incident in Douma. We call on all members of the Council to build on that draft as a good basis for negotiations on a future mechanism.We continue to seek a political solution as the only means to end the crisis in all its dimensions. The political road map is clear and agreed, based on the 2012 Geneva communiqué (S/2012/522, annex) and on resolution 2254 (2015). It seeks to maintain the unity, independence and sovereignty of Syria and meet the legitimate aspirations and ambitions of the Syrian people towards living a dignified life.Mr. Inchauste Jordán (Plurinational State of Bolivia) (spoke in Spanish): We thank Mr. Staffan de Mistura, Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for Syria, and Mr. Thomas Markram, Deputy to the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, for their briefings.We are deeply concerned about the reported use of chemical weapons in the city of Douma. Bolivia reiterates its condemnation of the use of chemical agents as weapons and considers it to be an unjustifiable criminal act. There can be no justification for their use, regardless of the circumstances or by whom they are used, as it constitutes a serious violation of international law and a grave threat to international peace and security.We believe that the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons Fact-finding Mission, in line with its mandate, should verify in the most objective, methodological and technical manner the reported use of chemical weapons. Should their use be verified, it must be investigated in an effective and transparent manner in order to ensure that the perpetrators can be identified and tried by the appropriate bodies so as to prevent impunity. We therefore need an independent, impartial and representative entity that will conduct a comprehensive, credible and conclusive investigation. Our major challenge is to ensure that we do not politicize or exploit the Security Council for our own purposes. We regret that so far there have been obstacles to the full implementation of resolution 2401 (2018), and we call on all the parties involved to make every effort to effectively implement it throughout Syrian territory. We emphatically reject the ongoing bombardments and indiscriminate attacks, especially those on civilian infrastructure such as health facilities, and we deplore all military activity in residential areas. Such actions only cause more displacements, injuries and deaths. We call on all the parties to respect international humanitarian law and human rights law, including authorizing humanitarian access throughout Syria and to all persons in need, in accordance with the relevant Security Council resolutions.We reiterate that there can be no military solution to the Syrian conflict and that the only option is an inclusive, negotiated and coordinated political process, led by the Syrian people for the Syrian people, aimed at enabling sustainable peace to be achieved in the area without any foreign pressure, as provided for in resolution 2254 (2015). We also reject any attempt at fragmentation or sectarianism in Syria.Bolivia wants to once again make clear its firm rejection of the use of force or the threat of use of force. We also reject unilateral actions, which are illegal and contrary to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, violate the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Syrian Arab Republic, and undermine any effort to achieve a political solution.Lastly, with regard to the events in the city of Salisbury, we reiterate the importance of conducting an independent, transparent and depoliticized investigation in accordance with current rules and regulations of international law, especially as set forth by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons. S/PV.8225 Threats to international peace and security 09/04/2018 22/26 18-09955 We believe that cooperation among the relevant parties will be essential to making progress through the appropriate diplomatic channels in solving the crime and strengthening the non-proliferation regime.The President (spoke in Spanish): I shall now make a statement in my national capacity.We thank Mr. De Mistura and Mr. Markram for their briefings. Peru is deeply concerned about the new reports of the use of chemical weapons against civilians in Syria, including minors, in the town of Douma. In that regard, we note the urgent need for a thorough investigation. Peru condemns any use of chemical weapons wherever it may take place. We want to point out that it is a heinous crime, a threat to the maintenance of international peace and security and a violation both of the non-proliferation regime and international humanitarian law.In the short term, we believe that the Syrian Government and all parties to the conflict, including countries with influence on the ground, should abide by and implement the humanitarian ceasefire that the Council provided for in resolution 2401 (2018), and to cooperate with the Fact-finding Mission in the Syrian Arab Republic of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons. To that end, we once again reiterate the importance of establishing an independent and impartial accountability mechanism. The investigations should result in the prosecution and punishment of those responsible. The members of the Council cannot permit impunity.We must also remember that any response to the conflict in Syria and the atrocities committed there must be conducted in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. Peru opposes any use or threat of use of force contrary to international law. We reiterate our deep concern about the serious consequences that the ongoing atrocities in the Syrian conflict may have for the stability of the Middle East and for an international order based on minimum standards of humanity and coexistence. In that regard, I would like to conclude by calling on the members of the Council to restore a sense of unity and the common good to our discharge of our high responsibilities. In the case of Syria, that means implementing the ceasefire and ensuring the effective protection of civilians, investigating and punishing atrocity crimes and resuming a serious process of political dialogue, based on resolution 2254 (2015) and the Geneva communiqué (S/2012/522, annex), with a view to promoting the sustainable peace that the Syrian people so badly need.I now resume my functions as President of the Council.The representative of the Russian Federation has asked for the floor to make a further statement.Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): Like my Dutch colleague and friend, I too have three points to make.I would first like to respectfully request of my colleague Mrs. Nikki Haley, Permanent Representative of the United States, that from now on she refrain from labelling any legitimate Governments as "regimes". Right now I am referring specifically to Russia. I have made that request once before, but Ambassador Haley was not present, and I asked for it to be conveyed to her by her colleagues. Now I am requesting it personally. If it happens again, I will interrupt the meeting on a point of order.Secondly, the Permanent Representative of the United Kingdom said that Syria is different from Salisbury in that there no investigation is being conducted in Syria, while one is under way in Salisbury. We would very much like to know more about the details of that investigation and would be grateful if she could communicate them to us. However, for the time being we know nothing other than that all of a sudden the alleged victims of a chemical warfare agent, thankfully, turn out to be alive and, apparently, almost completely well. However, nobody has seen them yet, and we fear for the condition of those important witnesses. At the moment, we have learned from newspaper reports, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) has offered to shelter the Skripals in the United States under new identities. The CIA's participation in this is itself revealing. But it also means that we may never see these people, who are key witnesses to what happened, again.What else do we know? We know about the speedy euthanization of the Skripals' pets and the cremation of the cat and dead guinea pigs. We are also aware of the intention to demolish their house and the restaurant and pub they visited. We also know that Yulia Skripal's sister, Viktoria, who wanted to see her, was denied a British visa. Why? That is all we know. I repeat that we would very much like to learn more details about what is going on, and we would be grateful to our British 09/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8225 18-09955 23/26 colleagues if they could keep us regularly informed during the investigation.Thirdly, and lastly, we did not meet here today to address the situation in Douma. The agenda item is entitled "Threats to international peace and security", although, needless to say, it was the situation regarding Douma and the so-called chemical attack that prompted the meeting. In today's meeting, as Mr. De Mistura mentioned and the Secretary-General has previously discussed, we are moving towards a dangerous area. Unfortunately, the people who are playing these dangerous games and spewing irresponsible threats do not understand that. Today we heard once again what we have already heard many times. None of our Western colleagues want to hear or listen to objective information. None of them has expressed any doubts about the one and only version that has been given of what transpired. So what is the point of an investigation? Why bother? They have accused Damascus of a chemical-weapon attack not just before any investigation has been carried out but before the incident was even known about.They are not convinced by the information that we have provided today. They simply do not want to listen. We have already said that there are no witnesses to the use of chemical weapons at all. There are no traces of chemicals, no bodies, no injuries, no poisoning victims. Nobody went to the hospital. The footage was all clearly staged by the White Helmets. We demand that the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) mission immediately visit Douma and the area of the alleged chemical weapons attack, interview the residents and medical staff and and collect soil samples. My British colleague said that only an investigation can establish who is to blame. We agree, except that did not stop her from blaming the so-called Syrian regime. Those two things do not really jibe. We insist that the OPCW mission visit Douma immediately. The Syrian authorities and Russian troops are ready to provide the necessary conditions for this to take place.Lastly, we too wish there were an independent investigative mechanism. I would like to remind the Council that our draft resolution, which includes a proposal for establishing such a mechanism, is in blue, and we are ready to adopt it today, if necessary.The President (spoke in Spanish): The representative of the United Kingdom has asked for the floor to make a further statement.Ms. Pierce (United Kingdom): I apologize for taking the floor again, but I want to clarify something. The Russian Ambassador's English is far too good for him not to have understood me when I spoke on 5 April (see S/PV.8224). The investigation of the Salisbury incident that is under way is an independent police investigation, and the United Kingdom will be very pleased to update the Council as and when we have something to say.If I may, I would like to add one more thing. The other difference between Salisbury and Syria is that the United Kingdom is a party to the Chemical Weapons Convention in good standing, and the Syrian Government has not complied with its obligations as certified by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons.The President (spoke in Spanish): I now give the floor to the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic.Mr. Ja'afari (Syrian Arab Republic) (spoke in Arabic): The American representative said that Russia spends its resources to support what she calls the regime in Syria. My question to her is: What does the United States spend its resources on in Syria? Does it spend its resources providing milk and medicine to Syrian children, or on providing weapons and munitions to its terrorist groups, which have committed the most heinous crimes against the Syrian people? Or is it spending resources on the its alliance's aircraft, which have wreaked destruction in many places in Syria, particularly in the city of Raqqa? What about the continuous threats that are made against my country at nearly every meeting of the Security Council on this issue? Does she acknowledge that her Administration has no respect for the Security Council, this international Organization or the principles of international law?Let us test the credibility of what my colleague the United States Ambassador said. I ask members to note that I do not refer to the American Administration as the "American regime" because that would be legally shameful in this Chamber. Let us test the credibility of what my colleague the American Ambassador said when she asked the Security Council to act in order to achieve justice in Syria. Well, my test is to request that her Administration and her country allow the disclosure of the results of the United Nations Special Commission that investigated the presence of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq for 18 years. The Commission was headed for some time by a Swede, Mr. Hans Blix.S/PV.8225 Threats to international peace and security 09/04/2018 24/26 18-09955 As Council members know, after 18 years of investigation the Commission found no chemical weapons in Iraq. Nor did they find Coca-Cola or Pepsi Cola. Nevertheless, in a semi-confidential meeting towards the end of 2008, the Security Council decided to end the Commission's work and bury its archives in iron boxes. I repeat — it decided to bury its archives in iron boxes. Only the Secretary-General knows the code that opens those boxes. There was one condition, which was that the boxes could not be opened for 60 years. What is so shameful in those archives? Why did they have to be buried in boxes that cannot be opened for 60 years? That question is directed to the American Ambassador.The Government of my country condemns in the strongest terms the ruthless Israeli aggression that took place this morning on the T-4 airbase in Homs governorate, in which a number of civilians were killed and injured. It was a flagrant violation of Security Council resolution 350 (1974) and of various Security Council resolutions on counter-terrorism, and would not have occurred were it not for the American Administration's unlimited and consistent support for Israel. The American Administration guarantees Israel immunity so that it will not be held accountable in the Council. That allows Israel to continue to practice State terrorism and to threaten peace and security in the region and beyond. Of course, Western countries did not even mention the Israeli aggression in their statements today, which shows that the Governments of their countries are complicit in it and are covering for it. Unfortunately, my dear friend Mr. De Mistura did not hear Netanyahu say this morning that it was Israel that launched the attack. That is why I was surprised when he said that the United Nations has not been able to verify the identity of its perpetrators. If Netanyahu himself says that he launched this aggression, why does Mr. De Mistura not refer to Israel as the aggressor?This Israeli aggression is an indirect response to the successes of the Syrian Arab Army in expelling armed terrorist groups from the suburbs of Damascus, its rural area and other Syrian territory. Those groups have been killing the Syrian people, kidnapping civilians, detaining them and using them as human shields. They targeted Damascus alone with 3,000 missiles over the course of three months, killing 155 martyrs and injuring 865 civilians, most of them women and children. The Syrian Government underscores that the repeated Israeli aggression did not and will not protect Israeli agents operating within terrorist groups, nor will it divert the attention of the Syrian Army from its decisive military achievements in combating terrorism.The American anti-racism activist Martin Luther King Jr. said that "a lie is like a snowball: the further you roll it the bigger it becomes". It would seem that this wise saying holds true at any time and at any place. The Governments of some countries lie incessantly. Fortunately, though, they have not quite perfected the details of their web of lies, much like the famous Baron Munchausen of German literature. How many roosters truly believe that sunrise is the result of crowing?Some permanent members have become professional liars, and that in itself is a weapon of mass destruction. Through their lies, Palestine was stolen. The lies of these countries fuelled the war in the Korean peninsula. Through their lies, they invaded Viet Nam. Through their lies, they invaded Grenada. Through their lies, they destroyed Yugoslavia. Through their lies, they occupied Iraq. Through their lies, they destroyed Libya. Through their lies, they created takfiri terrorist groups, such as Al-Qaida, the Taliban, Da'esh, Al-Nusra Front, Jaysh Al-Islam — and the list goes on and on. Through their lies, the same countries are trying to defeat Syria and prepare the ground for an assault today.It is worth noting that the today's negative statement of the United States representative is in absolute contradiction with a statement made by United States Secretary of Defence General Mattis in an interview with Newsweek two days ago with journalist Ian Wilkie. Mr. Wilkie used the following title for the interview: "Now Mattis Admits There Was No Evidence Assad Used Poison Gas on His People." That was said by the American Defence Secretary, not the Syrian Defence Minister. What a harmonious Administration!On 10 December 2012, some six years ago, we submitted a formal letter to the Council (S/2012/917), before the operators of terrorist groups claimed, for the first time, that sarin gas was used in Khan Al-Assal on 19 March 2013. We informed the Council that the United States, the United Kingdom and France had launched a campaign of allegations claiming that the Syrian Government may have used chemical weapons. Back then, we warned that such allegations would encourage Governments that sponsor terrorists to provide chemical weapons to armed terrorist groups and then claim that the Syrian Government had used such weapons. What happened in the past few years 09/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8225 18-09955 25/26 in Khan Al-Assal, Ghouta, Kafr Zita, Lataminah, Tal Minis, Khan Shaykhun and many other villages and towns in Syria confirms unequivocally what we had warned of five to six years ago, and during all these six years.The United States, the United Kingdom and France have been extremely eager to hold one meeting after another based on fabricated information. That is part of the deep crisis that we are witnessing. They want to involve other Council members in that crisis. Since 2013, those three countries have created a big elephant of lies and deceit in the Security Council. That elephant is living in the Chamber today and is stomping on the credibility of the Council with its huge feet. It seems that these countries called for the holding of today's meeting to support terrorists and to obstruct the agreement reached about Douma.However, those countries were a bit late because the terrorists had hoped this meeting would be held before they were forced to reach an agreement with the Syrian State to leave their strongholds and hand over their weapons. These countries were late in fulfilling their promises to the terrorists. It would have been better not to repeat their nasty story and not to rely on false reports from mercenaries — so-called White Helmets, founded by British intelligence officer James Le Mesurier. He is British, but his name is French. What proves that these countries were lying is that the residents of Douma left the city safely — 170,000 civilians left the city safely. Those terrorists chose to reach an agreement with the Syrian State as a last resort for them and their families. Many buses are transferring them and their families to the city of Jarabulus, after they refused to settle their affairs and chose to go there. However, the vast majority of residents chose to stay in their houses and resort to the Syrian State.It has been proven that the allegations of certain States, including some States members of the Council, on the deteriorating humanitarian situation in eastern Ghouta were lies, just as we saw in Aleppo and other places. As it turned out, terrorist group warehouses were full of medication and food, monopolized by their elements who sold some of those items to civilians at exorbitant prices. At this point, I must ask: Did the three countries call for this meeting in order to legitimize the Israeli aggression that occurred this morning or to impede the implementation of the agreement reached with their terrorist tools?In this context, I must thank the delegation of the Russian Federation for recognizing the true nature of what these countries were preparing for, and aptly called for the meeting to be held under the agenda item "Threats to international peace and security". That is the correct agenda item.We have conveyed to the Security Council, the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) and what used to be called the Joint Investigative Mechanism 145 letters, the latest on 1 April 2018. I thank the Permanent Representative of Kazakhstan for pointing out that the Council members do not read and that the Council does not respond to those letters. The letters contain accurate information. They indicate that armed terrorist groups possess toxic chemical substances, notably chlorine and sarin. We have warned time and again that those groups were preparing to commit crimes involving chemical weapons against innocent Syrians, and were working with the White Helmets to fabricate evidence, photograph locations and film Hollywood-like scenes with everything staged in order to blame the Syrian Government and influence public opinion against Syria and its allies. Those countries call for the holding of meetings such as this in order to create a pretext that would justify any military aggression against Syria.It seems that the directors of that terrorist scene failed to perfect their web of lies. We note that in each of those theatrical scenes on the alleged use of chemical weapons by the Syrian Government, the substances never seem to affect the armed elements, but only women and children. These chemical weapons seem to discriminate against women and children and do not affect armed men. It suffices to wash away these chemicals with water in front of the camera. Water appears to heal everything. Rescue workers never need to wear protective masks. The Syrian Arab Army does not use these substances because it does not possess them to begin with. The Americans destroyed them on the vessel MV Cape Ray in the Mediterranean. So, the Syrian Arab Army uses these substances, which it does not possess, only when it is making military progress. How strange that is!This vehement campaign lacks the minimum standards of credibility. It relies on fabricated information on social media by elements of armed terrorist groups and their operators. I announce from this table that the Syrian Government is fully prepared to facilitate an OPCW fact-finding mission to Douma, S/PV.8225 Threats to international peace and security 09/04/2018 26/26 18-09955 where the incident is alleged to have occurred, as soon as possible to investigate and verify these allegations. We endorse the Russian proposal to hear a briefing on the fact-finding mission's report after its visit to Al-Raqqa. We welcome this visit as soon as possible.I hope that this offer does not suffer the same fate as the first offer we made to former Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon after the Khan Al-Assal incident of chemical substance use in March 2013. At that time, we asked the Secretary-General to provide assistance to the Syrian Government in immediately investigating what happened in the town of Khan Al-Assal. It took the United Nations four months and 11 days to send Mr. Sellström, as Council members recall. Yes, it took the United Nations four months and 11 days. That is how the United Nations interpreted the term "immediately" — four months and 11 days. When Mr. Sellström arrived in Damascus to investigate what had happened in Khan Al-Assal, terrorists in Ghouta were instructed to use chemical substances again. Mr. Sellström therefore left Khan Al-Assal and moved to Ghouta. Council members should be aware that since March 2013, investigations into what happened in Khan Al-Assal have not taken place.Today, we directly accuse Washington, D.C., Paris, London, Riyadh, Doha and Ankara of providing Da'esh, Al-Nusra Front, Jaysh Al-Islam, Faylaq Al-Rahman and scores of other affiliated terrorist groups with toxic chemical substances to be used against Syrian civilians. We accuse them of inciting those massacres and of fabricating evidence to falsely blame the Syrian Government for the use of toxic chemical substances in order to prepare the ground for an aggression against my country, just as the United States and the United Kingdom did in Iraq in 2003.Yes, we say to the United States, the United Kingdom and France that, in Syria and Iraq, we eliminated the vast majority of Da'esh elements within three years — not within 30 years, as President Obama has said. Those States have plans to justify undermining the stability of the region. Yes, we say to Saudi Arabia today that we cut off its terrorist tentacles — the gangs of Jaysh Al-Islam — in eastern Ghouta. Yes, we say to Qatar and Turkey that we cut off their terrorist tentacles — the gangs of the Al-Nusra Front and Faylaq al-Rahman — in eastern Ghouta. I say to all those who sent moderate, armed, genetically modified opposition fighters to our land that we eliminated these toxic exports. We call on those exporters to bear the consequences of their actions, as some surviving elements will return to their original countries.The issue is very simple. Let me just say that on our borders with Turkey and in the separation zone in the Golan with Israel, there are tens of thousands of good, moderate terrorists with their light weapons, long beards, black banners and white helmets. Whoever wants to adopt them should submit an application to their operators. They are ready to go to Europe and the West as refugees.In conclusion, the Syrian Arab Republic stresses once again that it does not possess chemical weapons of any type, including chlorine. We condemn anew the use of chemical weapons at anytime, anywhere and in any circumstances. My country, Syria, reaffirms its readiness to cooperate fully with the OPCW in fulfilling its commitments under the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons and on their Destruction.The Russian Centre for Reconciliation in Syria announced today that Russian military experts have carried out investigations in Douma and confirmed that they have found no sign of the use of chemical weapons there. While treating the sick in the hospitals of Douma, Russian doctors have proven that these patients have not been subjected to any chemical substance. What we were seeing there was nothing but Hollywood-style scenes.The President (spoke in Spanish): There are no more names inscribed on the list of speakers. I now invite Council members to informal consultations to continue our discussion on the subject.The meeting rose at 5.45 p.m.