Suchergebnisse

Communes as the smallest units of local government in Poland are responsible for social assistance. The growing number of older people can affect the level of care expenses, including these that are spent for care in social welfare houses (SWH). The expenses of municipalities related to the residence of their inhabitants in SWH are increasing systematically, and they are becoming a substantial problem especially for communes at lower socio‑economic development level. The aim of this paper is to identify those voivodeships in which communes are and will be mostly affected in the near future by residual charges for inhabitants of SWH and to check whether this is related to the demographic situation. Statistical data analyzed in this paper were taken from public sources: Ministry of Family, Labour and Social Policy reports, and Central Statistical Office. The current situation of voivodeships in the area of population aging and the expenditures on residual charges for inhabitants of SWH were described. There was diagnosed a diversification of voivodships due to the level of expenditures connected with residual charges for inhabitants of SWH and the lack of diversification due to the participation of the elderly in the population. Basing on linear trend models there was also prepared a forecast of expenditures of communes in the perspective up to 2020. It was shown that the communes located in the warmińsko‑mazurskie voivodship would have to face the greatest level of expenditures (per capita). The expenditures per capita in this voivodeship will be more than two times of the mazowieckie voivodship's expenditures. ; Gminy jako najmniejsze jednostki samorządu terytorialnego w Polsce są odpowiedzialne za działania z zakresu pomocy społecznej. Rosnąca liczba osób starszych może wpływać na poziom wydatków związanych z zapewnieniem im opieki, w tym również tej całodobowej, świadczonej przez domy pomocy społecznej (DPS‑y). Od wielu lat systematycznie rosną wydatki gmin związane z pobytem ich mieszkańców w DPS‑ach i stanowią one coraz bardziej dotkliwy problem, zwłaszcza dla gmin o niższym poziomie rozwoju społeczno‑ekonomicznego. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest wskazanie tych województw, w których gminy są i będą w najbliższej przyszłości najbardziej obciążone z tytułu dopłat do pobytu mieszkańców w DPS‑ach, i sprawdzenie, czy ma to związek z obserwowaną w nich sytuacją demograficzną. Dane poddane analizie statystycznej pochodziły z ogólnodostępnych źródeł: sprawozdań Ministerstwa Rodziny, Pracy i Polityki Społecznej oraz opracowań Głównego Urzędu Statystycznego. Określono aktualną sytuację poszczególnych województw w zakresie starzenia się społeczeństwa oraz obciążenia wydatkami na dofinansowanie pobytu mieszkańców w DPS‑ach. Stwierdzono zróżnicowanie województw ze względu na stopień obciążenia przedmiotowymi wydatkami i brak zróżnicowania ze względu na udział osób starszych w populacji. W oparciu o modele trendu liniowego sporządzono również dla województw prognozy przedmiotowych wydatków gmin w perspektywie do 2020 roku. Wykazano, że największe obciążenie (w przeliczeniu na jednego mieszkańca) dotyczyć będzie gmin zlokalizowanych na terenie województwa warmińsko‑mazurskiego. Przypadające w tym województwie na jednego mieszkańca wydatki będą ponad dwukrotnie wyższe niż w województwie mazowieckim.

Proces integracji z Unią Europejską umożliwił Polsce wkroczenie na nową ścieżkę rozwoju społeczno-gospodarczego, a najważniejszym czynnikiem warunkującym ten rozwój stały się fundusze strukturalne oraz Fundusz Spójności. Niniejszy artykuł ma na celu określenie, w jakim stopniu gminy powiatu żnińskiego, stanowiące obszar badań, skorzystały ze środków europejskich w realizacji zadań własnych. Analiza obejmuje dwie perspektywy finansowe unijnej polityki regionalnej - 2004-2006 oraz 2007-2013 - a ponieważ drugi okres programowania z udziałem Polski niebawem zostanie zakończony, artykuł ten stanowi doskonałą sposobność do podsumowania dotychczasowych rezultatów gmin powiatu żnińskiego w zakresie korzystania ze środków funduszy strukturalnych i Funduszu Spójności. ; The integration with the European Union has enabled Poland to advance its socio-economic development. The Structural Funds as well as the Cohesion Fund have become the most important determinant of this process. The aim of the article is to investigate the extent to which Żnin county communes benefited from the above mentioned funds for implementation of public services imposed on the local government. The spatial scope of the analysis embraces the communes of the Żnin county while the temporal scope of the research covers the years 2004-2006 and 2007-2013 and coincides with two regional policy frameworks which have been accessible to Poland as a member of the European Union. Since the second financial perspective in which Poland has participated in the European Union is coming to an end, this article is a significant opportunity to sum up hitherto prevailing results of Żnin county communes benefiting from the Structural Funds.

Diversification of sources of energy supplies, which is creating secure (stable) methods of obtaining energy is of vital interest to each country. The scope (level) diversification of sources of supply in the Polish energy resources should be adequate to the solutions used in the leading countries of the European Union. The analysis and evaluation of sources of supply in the Polish energy resources show that their diversification is insufficient, because the dominant deliveries are from Russia. ; Dywersyfikacja źródeł zaopatrzenia w surowce energetyczne, czyli kreowanie bezpiecznych (stabilnych) sposobów pozyskiwania nośników energii, jest żywotnym interesem każdego państwa. Zakres (poziom) dywersyfikacji źródeł zaopatrzenia Polski w surowce energetyczne powinien być adekwatny do rozwiązań stosowanych w przodujących państwach Unii Europejskiej. Z analizy i oceny źródeł zaopatrzenia Polski w surowce energetyczne wynika, że ich dywersyfikacja jest niedostateczna, bowiem dominują dostawy z Rosji.

The specific use of the "energy weapon" in the hybrid war is being analyzed. The author highlights the historical retrospective use of the "energy weapon" in general and against Ukraine in particular. Now the energy component of hybrid war is the second in importance and power after the information component. The main political task of the gas conflict between Moscow and Kyiv, which was inspired by the Kremlin, was to demonstrate the inability of Ukraine as a transit partner and to damage the reputation of our country as a reliable transit, geoeconomic and geopolitical partner of the European Union. During the gas conflict Russia tried to position itself as an influential geopolitical player to preserve Ukraine in its sphere of political influence. By blackmail and promises to keep "special conditions" in the price formation Kremlin sought to protect its geopolitical interests in Ukraine. Upon solving the gas conflict, Moscow has tried to block the implementation of the provisions of the Charter on Strategic Partnership between Ukraine and the United States on modernization. The "gas weapon" was used for the first time during the winter of 2005–2006. The first gas war demonstrated the vulnerability of Ukraine and European consumers, and demonstrated how effective and promising may be the further use of energy weapons.Gas weapons are used on several different fronts. First, Russia claims Ukraine is not trustworthy as a transit country for gas as it will act firstly to protect its own interests. In other words, Gazprom offers Europe a choice – or they, European consumers and voters, suffer or Ukraine does. Second, Russian specialists are ready at the first opportunity to accuse Ukraine of unsanctioned gas use, thereby justifying a reduction in supply to Europe. Third, Gazprom intends to prevent establishing reserve gas supplies in Ukraine. Fourth, Russia views Ukrainian gas debts as a source of financial income particularly necessary today.The purpose of the use of gas weapons is the implementation of a direct impact on the economy of the state, in this case – causing economic losses of Ukraine, with long lasting effects.

The specific use of the "energy weapon" in the hybrid war is being analyzed. The author highlights the historical retrospective use of the "energy weapon" in general and against Ukraine in particular. Now the energy component of hybrid war is the second in importance and power after the information component. The main political task of the gas conflict between Moscow and Kyiv, which was inspired by the Kremlin, was to demonstrate the inability of Ukraine as a transit partner and to damage the reputation of our country as a reliable transit, geoeconomic and geopolitical partner of the European Union. During the gas conflict Russia tried to position itself as an influential geopolitical player to preserve Ukraine in its sphere of political influence. By blackmail and promises to keep "special conditions" in the price formation Kremlin sought to protect its geopolitical interests in Ukraine. Upon solving the gas conflict, Moscow has tried to block the implementation of the provisions of the Charter on Strategic Partnership between Ukraine and the United States on modernization. The "gas weapon" was used for the first time during the winter of 2005–2006. The first gas war demonstrated the vulnerability of Ukraine and European consumers, and demonstrated how effective and promising may be the further use of energy weapons.Gas weapons are used on several different fronts. First, Russia claims Ukraine is not trustworthy as a transit country for gas as it will act firstly to protect its own interests. In other words, Gazprom offers Europe a choice – or they, European consumers and voters, suffer or Ukraine does. Second, Russian specialists are ready at the first opportunity to accuse Ukraine of unsanctioned gas use, thereby justifying a reduction in supply to Europe. Third, Gazprom intends to prevent establishing reserve gas supplies in Ukraine. Fourth, Russia views Ukrainian gas debts as a source of financial income particularly necessary today.The purpose of the use of gas weapons is the implementation of a direct impact on the economy of the state, in this case – causing economic losses of Ukraine, with long lasting effects.

This article outlines the social approach of meeting the challenges of energy policy in Poland in the context of potential shale gas extraction, focused on social perception and environmental protection policy. While Poland holds promising shale gas resources, the state of current technology indicates that shale gas exploitation is not imminent. However, shale deposits are still considered a potential future resource that could play a central role in diversifying energy sources, developing the economy, and potentially increasing the country's energy security. This paper presents energy opportunities of Poland, a review of Polish society opinion about energy and environment security. This study shows that Polish society sees a connection between energy, environment and policy problems, as well as potential benefits in the context of shale gas, based on research results of various institutions, including the European Commission. The author draws attention to tasks before the economic exploitation of shale gas in order to optimizing socio-economic benefits, and short- and long-term impacts. Since we are a common Europe, a common space for people, we can create an energy policy. It is the way the topic of energy diversification opportunities in Poland and the building of consistent energy and environmental protection policy is still an important issue to discuss in humanistic and economic fields. ; W niniejszym artykule nakreślono społeczne podejście do wyzwań polityki energetycznej w Polsce w kontekście potencjalnego wydobycia gazu łupkowego, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem percepcji społecznej i polityki ochrony środowiska. Chociaż Polska posiada obiecujące zasoby gazu łupkowego, stan obecnej technologii wskazuje, że eksploatacja tego surowca nie jest bliska. Jednak złoża łupków są nadal uważane za potencjalny przyszły zasób, który mógłby odegrać kluczową rolę w dywersyfikacji źródeł energii i rozwoju gospodarczym oraz potencjalnym zwiększeniu bezpieczeństwa energetycznego kraju. W artykule przedstawiono możliwości energetyczne Polski, przegląd opinii polskiego społeczeństwa na temat bezpieczeństwa energetycznego i ochrony środowiskowego. Z badania różnych instytucji, w tym Komisji Europejskiej wynika, że społeczeństwo polskie widzi związek między problemami energetycznymi, środowiskowymi i politycznymi, a także potencjalnymi korzyściami w kontekście gazu łupkowego. Autorka zwraca uwagę na zadania stojące przed ekonomiczną eksploatacją gazu łupkowego w celu optymalizacji korzyści społeczno-ekonomicznych oraz oddziaływań krótko i długoterminowych. Jako że jesteśmy wspólną Europą, wspólną przestrzenią dla ludzi, możemy wspólnie kształtować politykę energetyczną i środowiskową. Stąd podjęty w `niniejszym artykule temat pozostaje ważną kwestią do dyskusji.

The paper aims to trace development of socio-political thought of "Solidarność" in years 1980-1989 in the light of a model of doctrinal evolution. In the second chapter theoretical assumptions regarding the nature of real socialism, structure of "Solidarność" movement and doctrinal development are presented. In the third chap¬ter the intellectual development of "Solidarność" thought is outline. It is supposed that in years 1980-1989 "Solidarność" was revolutionary (1980-1981) conspirational (1981-1986) and reformist social movement (1986-1989) what influenced its doctrinal development and diversification (emerging of radical and compromise wings). In the fourth chapter, the sociopolitical and socio-economic factors and conditions are identified which influenced the doctrinal development of "Solidarność" after 1989 – namely acceptance of neo-liberal model of transformation and resignation from workers' self-governance. ; The paper aims to trace development of socio-political thought of "Solidarność" in years 1980-1989 in the light of a model of doctrinal evolution. In the second chapter theoretical assumptions regarding the nature of real socialism, structure of "Solidarność" movement and doctrinal development are presented. In the third chap¬ter the intellectual development of "Solidarność" thought is outline. It is supposed that in years 1980-1989 "Solidarność" was revolutionary (1980-1981) conspirational (1981-1986) and reformist social movement (1986-1989) what influenced its doctrinal development and diversification (emerging of radical and compromise wings). In the fourth chapter, the sociopolitical and socio-economic factors and conditions are identified which influenced the doctrinal development of "Solidarność" after 1989 – namely acceptance of neo-liberal model of transformation and resignation from workers' self-governance.

The article presents relations between Georgia and the United States of America in the years 1992–2009. Time frames were not selected randomly and represent the establishment of bilateral relations between states on 23 April 1992 and the signing of strategic partnership agreement on 9 January 2009. United States interest in Georgia was due to a policy of diversification of energy resources of the Caspian Sea within the boundaries of Azerbaijan. In diversification plans, Georgia was to be a transit area for oil and gas to Western Europe. Position of Georgia was reinforced by the intention to avoid the territory of the Russian Federation, and the Armenian direction was impossible because the Azerbaijani-Armenian conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh. The United States supported Georgia's aspirations for membership in NATO and the European Union allocating significant financial assistance and support for administrative reform, economic and government. ; W artykule przedstawiono relacje Gruzji ze Stanami Zjednoczonymi Ameryki w latach 1992–2009. Ramy czasowe nie zostały wybrane przypadkowo i odnoszą się do daty nawiązania relacji bilateralnych między państwami 23 kwietnia 1992 roku oraz podpisania umowy o partnerstwie strategicznym 9 stycznia 2009 roku. Zainteresowanie Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki Gruzją wynikało z polityki dywersyfikacji zasobów energetycznych Morza Kaspijskiego znajdujących się w granicach Azerbejdżanu. Gruzja w planach dywersyfikacyjnych miała stanowić terytorium tranzytowe dla ropy naftowej i gazu ziemnego do Europy Zachodniej. Jej pozycję wzmacniała chęć ominięcia terytorium Federacji Rosyjskiej, a kierunek ormiański był niemożliwy z powodu azersko-ormiańskiego konfliktu o Górski Karabach. Stany Zjednoczone Ameryki wspierały dążenia Gruzji do członkostwa w Sojuszu Północnoatlantyckim oraz Unii Europejskiej, przeznaczając znaczną pomoc finansową oraz wspierając ją w reformach administracyjnych, gospodarczych oraz samorządowych.

An important feature of the development processes in Mazovia is a deep polarization between Warsaw with its metropolitan area and the rest of the region. The capital (and surrounding municipalities) is a center for innovation in the country, but at the same time it leans more towards imitation of external solutions, rather than creation of original innovations. The situation in rural areas in the region is in this respect much worse. Public policy can stimulate innovative economy in these areas, although this is an extremely difficult task. The article presents recommendations on selected public policies, particularly enabling diversification of economic activities beyond agriculture which seems to be the most desirable direction of modernization changes.

The paper aims to trace development of socio-political thought of "Solidarność" in years 1980-1989 in the light of a model of doctrinal evolution. In the second chapter theoretical assumptions regarding the nature of real socialism, structure of "Solidarność" movement and doctrinal development are presented. In the third chap¬ter the intellectual development of "Solidarność" thought is outline. It is supposed that in years 1980-1989 "Solidarność" was revolutionary (1980-1981) conspirational (1981-1986) and reformist social movement (1986-1989) what influenced its doctrinal development and diversification (emerging of radical and compromise wings). In the fourth chapter, the sociopolitical and socio-economic factors and conditions are identified which influenced the doctrinal development of "Solidarność" after 1989 – namely acceptance of neo-liberal model of transformation and resignation from workers' self-governance.

Energy security is a sine qua non condition for functioning and development of the economy of individual countries. The presented analysis concerns the issues of energy security of Poland, Belarus and Ukraine from the perspective of importers and transit countries of crude oil in the infrastructural dimension. The aim of the article is to answer the question: which direction to develop the strategic transmission infrastructure in the transit countries in order to ensure energy security?
Literature research on the subject and a comparative analysis shows that from the perspective of these countries, one of the most important determinant of their energy security is the strategic transmission infrastructure that allows for the diversification of the supplier's sources and directions. However, the implementation of this strategy requires coordinated and consistent political actions as part of an international strategy.

One of the consequences of Poland's membership in EU is the necessity to pursue politics, within the union, which is optimal for EU's interest. This involves, among other things, identifying potential gains, challenges or threats, making choices and decisions, formulating goals and selecting tools to achieve them. This article is an attempt at indentifying major dilemmas and challenges facing Poland as a EU member country in the second decade of the 21st century. They pertain to the following issues: membership in the eurozone, diversification of integration in EU, further deepening of integration within the organization and of its model, development of EU's safety and defence policy, energy and climate policy, accepting new members and the exit of Great Britain from the union. The author outlines some conditions and options that Poland has to take into consideration as a EU member country.

Transformations of forms of state political systems go beyond the established division of states into unitary and federal because it does not fully reflect the complexity of issues related to decentralizing reforms. According to the authors, there exist major differences regarding the classification of states at regional and local level, which do not fall into the fixed diversification between a unitary and federal state. The article proposes an extended classification of the recognized political systems, broadened by a regional and local level, which allows us to distinguish a sub-central system. The authors argue that the main criterion of topology is the relations (competences) between the central (state) government and regional and local governments. The observable vertical distribution of power relates to three levels: local self-government, territorial autonomy and subdividions of a federal state. They are not mutually exclusive; rather, they complement one another.

The aim of this paper is to present the theoretical basis of public diplomacy and the characteristics of methods and areas of cross-border cooperation conducted by local governments in Podlaskie Voivodship. Report, in particular, draws attention to the civic and local government dimension of Polish foreign policy. Undertaken analysis was targeted to recognition of existing practices in this area, as well as to identify conclusions and recommendations for further development of decentralized foreign policy.
This report first discusses the basic theoretical concepts related to citizenship and local government cross-border cooperation. Attention was drawn to priorities of Polish decentralized foreign policy and sectoral diversification of cross-border cooperation actors in the Podlaskie Voivodship. Next the existing and planned cross-border cooperation initiatives present in the public programs and strategies of local governments and districts were discussed. Later in the report an attempt to summarize the areas and methods of cooperation were undertaken as well as some main conclusions and recommendations were pointed out.

The subject of the analysis in the article is the participation of the local government administration in running a cultural institution. The situation in the Podlaskie voivodship has been analyzed on a nationwide basis. The main problems focus on the principles and methods of financing cultural institutions by regional self-government and various ways of obtaining additional, extra-budgetary funding for their activities, especially from Ministry of Culture and National Heritage and the European Union. The author points to spatial, social, and financial diversification related to the access to cultural events and participation in them using the example of Podlaskie voivodship. He propounds greater professionalisation related to running cultural institutions at the level of the voivodship as well as conducting pro-development cultural policy by local government units. He also stresses the need for activating local and regional communities in connection with cultural events and participation in organizing them. Participation in culture at the local and regional level and prudent government policy in this area are the foundation for building a strong social and regional identity.