Suchergebnisse

Овај рад представља сажетак истраживања у којем је српска документарно-уметничка проза друге половине 19. века сагледана као драгоцени извор за упознавање токова и веза између српске културне и музичке историје. Истражена грађа потврђује да је музика, у сфери јавног и приватног, била важан сегмент живота свих слојева српског друштва 19. века, у сложеним геополитичким и културноисторијским контекстима. С обзиром на природу извора, сведочанства носе индивидуализовану, парцијалну перспективу, често подређену функцијама и облицима текста, поетици појединих аутора и концепцијама конкретних мемоарских дела. Посебно је коментарисан "ниво документарности" мемоарских извора, односно условљеност типа записа о музици природом документарно-уметничких жанрова. ; In this study the documentary prose (memoirs, diaries, autobiographies and travelogues, as well as selected biographical essays about the renowned individuals) written in the second half of the XIX century by prominent Serbian cultural workers, artists, statesmen, journalists and politicians is regarded as a valuable material for exploring the links and flows between Serbian cultural and musical histories. The sources confirm that, both in the public and private spheres, music was an important segment of all strata of the XIX-century Serbian society in complex geopolitical and cultural-historical contexts. In a diachronic perspective the analysed material reflects the dynamics and evolution of the types of presence of music and musical life in all countries populated by the Serbs in this period: the Habsburg Monarchy, the Principality and Kingdom of Serbia and the Serbian enclaves in other nations. The documents testify about the place of music in the spheres of personal interest, affinities and experiences of the writers and their contemporaries, i.e. they reflect the status of music in the context of everyday cultural life of the Serbs in the XIX century. By means of separate thematic descriptions of music in the sources, the music creators, performers and audiences are portrayed, the activities of important music institutions are presented, various types and opportunities for making music are described, the aspects of musical interpretation are commented on, and the features of traditions of vocal and instrumental musical practices from different regions are analysed. The collected sources have been analysed and assessed with respect to their contents and the authors' attitudes, and the deliberation of the hypotheses posed here is compliant with the inspection of the relevant studies from the realms of general and cultural histories, histories of literature and literary criticism, music history, cultural anthropology and art history. Due to the nature of the sources, these testimonies usually point to an individualised, partial perspective, often subordinated to the function and type of text, the poetics of certain authors and the concepts of specific memoirs. The "level of documentarity" of the memoire sources is discussed separately, as well as the dependence of the types of writings about music on the nature of the genres of documentary prose.

This paper deals with a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of pre-election TV commercials inthe last two campaigns of 2012 and of 2014 in Serbia. The aim of the research is to deconstruct thestrategy of political parties in the field of gender sensitization from a gender perspective based onthe most important activity of parliamentary democracy – the election cycle, using examples ofpaid political advertising – the pre-election TV clip, for which the parties allocated the most resourcesin the campaign of 2012 and of 2014 in Serbia. The aim is also to analyze the personalexperience of female politicians in order to provide a new and different way of analyzing practicesand strategies of the parties in relation to the visibility of female candidate in the mediaduring the election campaign.The basic method is the critical discourse analysis (CDA) complemented by the method ofcomparing the regular election campaign of 2012 and the early elections of 2014, and the methodof life stories of the candidates (oral history). The CDA puts a special emphasis on various forms of discrimination that result from the abuse of power that continues to lead to the emergence ofsocial inequality and injustice (Dijk 2008).There are three levels at which the (in)visibility of women in the political process can be observed:a) the (lack of) presence of women on the candidate lists in the election campaign, andafter the elections, the (decreased) number of women in the parliament; b) (in)visibility of womenin paid media campaigns and c) (in)visibility of women in the language.Practice: a) On the basis of the "principle of affirmative action", women become more presenton the candidate lists and in the parliament as a result of the introduction of quota into the gendersensitive legislation (all SEE countries – Southeast Europe/Western Balkans). b) Women are stillrarely seen in the pre-election TV clip which is the most effective paid advertising, because it is atraditionally male "space", while women are more active in reach-out field work. c) visibility ofwomen in language is achieved, for example, by the use of the Gender-sensitive language Code.(S. Savić).In this paper the focus is on the sub-paragraphs (a) and (b), with (c) being analyzed in a limitedmanner only as part of the pre-election TV clip slogans analysis.A TV clip is comprised of: the slogan and the body of the clip. The slogan is made of aniconic and a linguistic part. In both campaign slogans there were no gender sensitive slogans,except for one in 2014 (URS's campaign for the female Mayor of Belgrade). The body is made ofthe video format and the content. In both campaigns, in 2012 and in 2014 forms of videos werehybrid types that included: documentary footage from the field, speech of the leader speakingdirectly in camera, animation, short fiction form.The analysis confirmed the basic hypothesis: despite the fact that, according to the legal provisionsa female candidate occupied every third position of the candidate lists in both analyzedelection cycles – they are underrepresented in paid political advertising in the media (TV clip).Individual hypotheses are also confirmed.The icons and the contents of the presentation of Serbia in the election cycle in 2012 and in2014 in the election TV clips were masculinized from the standpoint of power in society that isheld by male party leaders. The basic strategy of all parties who had a paid television campaign,in a form of TV clips, in both observed election cycles was the strategy of exclusion from thepolitical space mediated by the media. So we are here talking about a media, and by that, a widersocial invisibility of women in exercising one of the fundamental rights, the right to participationin decision-making and active participation in the elections. ; Cilj rada je da dekonstruiše strategije političkih partija iz rodne perspective u odnosu natelevizijsko predizborno političko plaćeno oglašavanje u kampanjama 2012. i 2014. u Srbiji.Cilj je takođe da se analizira lično iskustvo političarki da bi se na nov i drugačiji način analizirale prakse i strategije partija u odnosu na vidljivost kandidatkinja u vreme predizborne kampanjeu medijima. Metode korišćene u istraživanju su: kritička analiza medijskog diskursa(jedinica analize je tv spot u celini, verbalna, vizuelna i zvučna komponenta), komparativnametoda i životne priče kandidatkinja. Osnovna hipoteza je da bez obzira na to što su, shodnozakonskim odredbama, na kandidatskim listama, u oba analizirana izborna ciklusa, ženezauzimale svako treće mesto – one su podzastupljene u plaćenom političkom medijskom reklamiranju(TV spotu). Osnovni rezultat je da su medijske plaćene kampanje bile maskulinizirane.U fokusu je samo partijski lider. Kandidatkinje su podzastupljene u oba posmatranaperioda. Partije nisu rodno senzibilisane kada je reč o političkom plaćenom oglašavanju uvreme predizborne kampanje.