Romani youth documentary filmmaking in Eastern Europe: making a political statement
In: Jugend und Politik: Generationendialog oder Gesellschaftskonflikt?, S. 161-170
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In: Jugend und Politik: Generationendialog oder Gesellschaftskonflikt?, S. 161-170
Participant observation during a 1994 cross-country (New York City to San Francisco, CA) adventure travel tour on the bus, The Green Tortoise, during which a documentary film was made, is drawn on examine the relationship between the self & various forms of visual media in contemporary culture. Reflections are also offered on the nature & power of "simulations" in a way different from Jean Beaudrillard's (1988) analysis of the US landscape. The role of the researcher & documentary filmmaker as "voyeur" is explored, along with the process of restructuring the voyeuristic gaze during the project. Ways that the author's "scientific gaze" was transformed during the journey are described, together with differences between the various "gazes" of the filmmakers & the author-as-researcher & their impacts on the other passengers. Particular emphasis is on the manner by which passengers' self-presentations were influenced by the presence of the cameras & how these "simulated" presentations differed from their "normal" ones. The interaction of processes of reactivity, negotiation, & performativity in the representation of self, & how these are impacted under the "gaze" of the camera, are discussed. 32 References. K. Hyatt Stewart
Examines women's role in contemporary racist movements & the impact of their growing membership on organized racism, drawing on observational, documentary, & interview data; in particular, unstructured life-history interviews were conducted with 34 female members, ages 16-90, of US racist groups in the mid-1990s to examine their level of racist identification & commitment. Familial, social, & operative roles of women are detailed. Tensions concomitant with the introduction of women into the racist movement are then discussed in terms of conflicts within racist groups & personal relationships. In this light, the problematic nature of gender inclusion in racist groups is evident. J. Zendejas
Draws on documentary & academic/popular writings & research on friendship among gay men & lesbians to focus on the nature & functions of friendships in the gay male community, highlighting their potential for enacting sociopolitical change in the larger heteronormative society. The nature of communities as potential bases for social action is discussed, & the unique sense of community created among homosexuals, particularly in urban areas, is described. Gay males' perceptions of friendship are reported, drawing on narrative data obtained via interviews & questionnaires from 191 respondents, emphasizing the sense of belonging, acceptance, & identity that they foster. 40 References. K. Hyatt Stewart
Draws on data from a 1976-1984 field study on the anthropology of mass communications in Benin City, Nigeria, to analyze the 1984 documentary, "A Squandering of Riches," which offered a scathing analysis of political & military crisis through the eyes of popular singer Onyeka Onwenu. However, content analysis of Nigerian newspapers following the documentary's broadcast revealed criticisms of this personal style of journalism, focusing on issues of tribalism & encroaching individualism, both antithetical to national unity. Onwenu was chastised for transgressing accepted rules of discourse, eg, airing "dirty laundry" in public & promoting an individualism associated with Western hegemony & cultural imperialism. Further analysis of leading newspapers & magazines revealed a marked absence of personal or biographical stories about public figures in general. This is attributed to the economic, social, religious, & political factors governing the production of print media in Nigeria. K. Hyatt Stewart
Employs a political opportunity structure framework to investigate how political factors contribute to the organizational development of new social movements, drawing on documentary data & structured interviews with movement representatives from France, Federal Republic of Germany, the Netherlands, & Switzerland. Movements in these states are typologized by ecology, peace, solidarity, gay, & autonomous categories. It is found that the internal structuration of a given movement largely depends on internal organizational dynamics, & important differences exist between the organizational development of different movements that are independent of the political context. However, different types of movements are found to garner different amounts of resources, align with different sources of external support, & undergo different kinds of transformations over time. Political context, therefore, significantly impacts resource levels, external structuration, & transformation of goals & action repertoires in a systematic manner. 7 Tables, 7 Figures. D. M. Smith
An examination of the New Left protest cycle in the US & Japan from the late 1960s through 1999 focuses on activists who joined the movement during its later militant phase & continued to take part in violent encounters with the state after the cycle had ended. Special attention is given to activist responses to an escalation of state repression & the formation of new mobilizations of resistance. Information was obtained from field research in both countries that included several hundred lengthy interviews; attendance at trial sessions/support group meetings; & a review of documentary materials. In spite of different national conditions in the US & Japan, similar patterns related to the insurgents & their interactions were discovered. It was concluded that the radicalization of a small minority of New Left protestors generated a much longer mobilization of resistance that developed its own structures/strategies & was able to respond to repression with greater resilience. The implications for both activists & the state are discussed. 59 References. J. Lindroth
An examination of the New Left protest cycle in the US & Japan from the late 1960s through 1999 focuses on activists who joined the movement during its later militant phase & continued to take part in violent encounters with the state after the cycle had ended. Special attention is given to activist responses to an escalation of state repression & the formation of new mobilizations of resistance. Information was obtained from field research in both countries that included several hundred lengthy interviews; attendance at trial sessions/support group meetings; & a review of documentary materials. In spite of different national conditions in the US & Japan, similar patterns related to the insurgents & their interactions were discovered. It was concluded that the radicalization of a small minority of New Left protestors generated a much longer mobilization of resistance that developed its own structures/strategies & was able to respond to repression with greater resilience. The implications for both activists & the state are discussed. 59 References. J. Lindroth
Statistical, survey, & documentary evidence are drawn on to examine the educational experiences of immigrants & refugees in Toronto, Ontario, over 4 decades The role of education in immigrant-host relations is discussed & public initiatives in immigrant/refugee education are reviewed, focusing on the work of federal & provincial government agencies & policies as well as those of nongovernmental organizations & public actions; difficulties in meeting the needs of different stakeholders & interest groups are documented. Three historical & social factors that have had a major influence on educational policy are identified: (1) the centrality of French-English relations, (2) economics, & (3) the constitutional division of powers. Research on the aspirations, activities, & attainments of different immigrant groups in Toronto schools from the elementary level through university is summarized. The responses of educational institutions to the diverse needs of immigrant/refugee students are analyzed, particularly in terms of their access to English-as-a-second-language training & adult education. K. Hyatt Stewart
Examines the extent to which environmental & climatological factors contributed to hegemonic decline during both the "dark age" that started around 2200-1700 B.C., affecting northwestern India, the Persian Gulf, Mesopotamia, Egypt, West Asia, & the Eastern Mediterranean, & another systemic crisis that began around 1200-700 B.C., affecting West Asia, Egypt, eastern Mediterranean, & central Europe. These periods were marked by socioeconomic problems, regime transitions, center-hinterland conflicts, population losses, resource depletion, environmental degradation, & climatological changes. Although documentary evidence indicates that a partial recovery from the systemic political, economic, & ecological crisis that began around 2200 B.C. was realized around 1750 B.C., those regions that experienced severe ecological degradation did not experience recovery until 2200 B.C. or later, resulting in a shift of trade volume away from the southeastern portion of the Bronze Age system to the west & northwestern sectors. It is concluded that ecological problems increase the duration of systemic crises & analyses of hegemonic decline must consider environmental & climatological influences alongside social, political, & economic factors. Tables, References. J. Lindroth
Peter L. Berger's (1997) "four faces of cultural globalization" -- business elite, faculty club, popular culture, & social movements -- are analyzed in the context of the People's Republic of China (PRC). Drawing on data obtained during fieldwork in 1998/99 & documentary evidence collected over the past 2 years, it is shown that globalization in the PRC has manifested itself in diverse ways & to different degrees; its association with the process of modernization is strong. While the globalizing force of popular culture appears to be strongest, it coexists with other factors that work to maintain more traditional elements of Chinese culture. The impact of transnational business & scholarship has been more limited & manifest primarily in particular social strata. The communist party-state has attempted to direct or "manage" the forces of cultural globalization, but has been only partially successful. Key agents & movements in the cultural globalization process are identified & impacts at the level of the everyday lives of Chinese citizens are assessed. K. Hyatt Stewart
Peter L. Berger's (1997) "four faces of cultural globalization" -- business elite, faculty club, popular culture, & social movements -- are analyzed in the context of the People's Republic of China (PRC). Drawing on data obtained during fieldwork in 1998/99 & documentary evidence collected over the past 2 years, it is shown that globalization in the PRC has manifested itself in diverse ways & to different degrees; its association with the process of modernization is strong. While the globalizing force of popular culture appears to be strongest, it coexists with other factors that work to maintain more traditional elements of Chinese culture. The impact of transnational business & scholarship has been more limited & manifest primarily in particular social strata. The communist party-state has attempted to direct or "manage" the forces of cultural globalization, but has been only partially successful. Key agents & movements in the cultural globalization process are identified & impacts at the level of the everyday lives of Chinese citizens are assessed. K. Hyatt Stewart
After reviewing social constructionist approaches to emotion, the construction of "oppositional emotions" among members of the movement against child sexual abuse is analyzed. This process is likened to that of the development of a collective identity, in which interactive processes working at the microlevel of the organization link members on the basis of their feelings & experiences; in this case, most members are themselves survivors of child sexual abuse. The display of emotions in public contexts by movement members is analyzed as a form of "emotional labor" afforded by certain external contexts that present "emotional opportunities" for such expression. These concepts are explicated using data obtained via 45 in-depth interviews with activists in the movement against child sexual abuse, documentary data from movement organizations, & participant observation at two national conferences of activists. It is shown how the movement encourages the public expression of survivors' emotions & offers a context for the politicization of their personal experiences; parallels are drawn to the early feminist movement. K. Hyatt Stewart
Examines the 1981 no-wash protest of women in Ireland's Armagh prison in the context of discourses of Mother Ireland, & contrasts how those who participated in the protest inside the prison discussed it with representations of the protest from feminists who often had conflicting agendas. Data from a publication of the Sinn Fein, documentary video, & books on the protest show that, in its insistence on women as political beings capable of taking political action, the no-wash protest brought the image of Mother Ireland into a state of crisis. However, a generational gap is discerned between older prisoners, who still clung to the traditional image of Mother Ireland, & younger ones, who found it not only an inadeqaute representation of women, but also a potentially damaging one. It is suggested that this generation gap represents a new possibility for articulation as the social formation & historical forces change. Recent feminist readings of the no-wash protest, particularly those of Margaretta D'Arcy (1991) & Elizabeth Shannon (1989), are interpreted as examples of such articulations that, while often working at cross-purposes, nonetheless demonstrate the power of the protest to incite new imaginative understandings of feminist subjectivity. D. M. Smith
Newly uncovered archival & other documentary data are drawn on to examine the unacknowledged role of race & ethnicity in shaping US government policy since the 1940s. The procedures through which certain groups became designated as "official minorities" deserving of affirmative action policies, & factors contributing to the exclusion of other groups from such consideration, are analyzed. The origins of antidiscrimination laws are traced to President Franklin D. Roosevelt's Fair Employment Practices Committee, established in 1941. The emergence of similar federal advisory bodies is chronicled, including the President's Committee on Civil Rights (1946), the US Commission on Civil Rights (1957), the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, the Office of Federal Contract Compliance, the Small Business Administration (1953), & the Office of Civil Rights. By the 1970s, these agencies shifted their focus from nondiscrimination to an underutilization model of affirmative action directed at four designated minority groups. It is shown how the closed nature of this policy-making process & the agencies' lack of a rationale to justify their racial & ethnic categories & criteria for bestowing "official minority" status continue to the present day. Ways in which the perpetuation of "color-coded citizenship" & related affirmative action policies & programs serve the political & bureaucratic-administrative goals of these government agencies are delineated. 18 References. K. Hyatt Stewart