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"Domestic-International Conflict Linkages" published on by Oxford University Press.

Analyse der Verwobenheit der internationalen Beziehungen Südafrikas mit seiner inneren Situation. Skizzierung der Stationen der politischen Entwicklung seit der Erhebung der Bevölkerung von Sharpeville (1960). Bedeutung von Zugeständnissen an die schwarze Bevölkerungsmehrheit, wie z.B. die Aufhebung der "Kleinen Apartheid", als Strategien zur Beruhigung der Weltöffentlichkeit. Versuch der Befestigung südafrikanischer regionaler Vorherrschaft durch die Abkommen mit Angola und Mosambik im Jahre 1984. Skeptische Einschätzung der Wirksamkeit von Wirtschaftssanktionen. (DÜI-Fwr)

This article examines how the World Trade Organization (WTO) affects institutional development and policy responses in India. India is a country traditionally resistant to external pressures but in which participation in an international organization stimulated a transformation in trade policy processes and procedures and unleashed a new bureaucratic politics, institutional innovation, and activation of policy—expert linkages. The author argues that we go beyond zero-sum assumptions in understanding the relationship between globalization and national state institutions. Key rules of international organizations increase transaction and sovereignty costs for states, which may catalyze new domestic capacities and create the impetus for new governance mechanisms. The author demonstrates this argument with an analysis of India's engagement with the WTO and with illustrative evidence of the interaction of China, Brazil, Japan, and United States with the WTO. The evidence is drawn from 18-month fieldwork in India, Washington, D.C., and Geneva; a newspaper database; and reliance on 100 interviews.

ABSTRACTThe article analyses the relationship between the Anglican Church of Rwanda and evangelical Episcopalians in the United States. In 2000, the archbishop of Rwanda, Emmanuel Kolini, in a move that gained great support for Rwanda's post-genocide recovery, ordained several bishops to preside over congregations of orthodox, evangelical Americans who had severed their relationship with the Episcopalian Church of the United States over issues such as the blessing of same-sex marriages and the ordination of openly gay clergy. The result was the creation of the Anglican Mission in the Americas, a missionary province in the United States that acknowledges Kolini as its archbishop. Such actions have made Rwanda the currentcause célèbrenot only of AMIA but the wider evangelical community. While the relationship offers great support for Rwanda's recovery, the Anglican Church has presented to American evangelicals a misleading narrative of Rwanda's past and present political situation.

The article analyses the relationship between the Anglican Church of Rwanda and evangelical Episcopalians in the United States. In 2000, the archbishop of Rwanda, Emmanuel Kolini, in a move that gained great support for Rwanda's post-genocide recovery, ordained several bishops to preside over congregations of orthodox, evangelical Americans who had severed their relationship with the Episcopalian Church of the United States over issues such as the blessing of same- sex marriages and the ordination of openly gay clergy. The result was the creation of the Anglican Mission in the Americas, a missionary province in the United States that acknowledges Kolini as its archbishop. Such actions have made Rwanda the current cause celebre not only of AMIA but the wider evangelical community. While the relationship offers great support for Rwanda's recovery, the Anglican Church has presented to American evangelicals a misleading narrative of Rwanda's past and present political situation.

While on the surface the Turkish state appears to have asymmetrical power vis-à-vis downstreamers and local societal opponents, and therefore, the ability to shape basin politics, domestic, basin and international protest over the 'securitised' Ilısu Dam in Turkey proved more decisive in that respect. A cornerstone of the GAP (Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi, Southeast Anatolia Project) multi-dam project to harness the water from the Euphrates and Tigris, the dam project elicited successful resistance from Turkey's downstream neighbours, social and environmental NGOs and professionals targeting the international donors and contractors. On the basis of document research and interviews, this article investigates which factors opened up the space for politicising the project, and how this politicisation played out in both the domestic and international domain. The link between the securitised (where water is almost by default a security issue) and non-securitised spheres of hydropolitical decision-making (where it is not) proved crucial to the success of the anti-dam opposition.

THIS ARTICLE APPLIES O-FACTOR ANALYSIS TO IDENTIFY DOMESTIC AND EXTERNAL RELATIONSHIPS IN SYRIA. THIS TECHNIQUE ISOLATED A LONG SEQUENCE OF INTERNALS AFTER THE BREAKUP OF THE UAR IN 1961 IN WHICH THE DOMESTIC AND EXTERNAL DOMAINS OF SYRIAN POLITICS WERE RELATED TO A MODERATELY STRONG DEGREE. IT MAY BE THAT STRONG DOMESTIC /EXTERNAL LINKAGES PREVAIL ONLY UNDER SPECIAL CIRCUMSTANCES.