Suchergebnisse

There are many research on visual perception illusions but still there are many questions how visual system create illusory perception. There is no only theory and only mechanism which could explain the basic depth illusions. There is presumption that different illusions determine by different factors, which ones could be related with the structure of the eye and the neural interactions in retina, other ones – with superior level – the processing of cognitive information. The Poggendorff illusion is not the exception. The goal of this work is to explore the strenth of Poggendorff illusion while changing the angle between sloping and vertical lines and the distance between vertical lines, and its relation with the dominance of the eye. The tasks: 1. To measure the strength of Poggendorff illusion while changing the angle between sloping and vertical lines. 2. To measure the strength of Poggendorff illusion while changing the distance between vertical lines. 3. To explore the relation between the strength of Poggendorff illusion while changing the angle between sloping and vertical lines and the distance between vertical lines. 4. To compare the strength of Poggendorff illusion between left and right dominant eye having subjects. The Poggendorff illusion was given by the computer-based program. The subjects have to find the continuation of the sloping line while changing the angle between sloping and vertical lines and the distance between vertical lines. 135 subjets (17 men, 118 women, age interval 18-40) participated in the research. The results show that the strength of Poggendorff illusion grow while decrease the angle between sloping and vertical lines and increase the distance between vertical lines. There is the correlation between the strength of Poggendorff while changing the angle between sloping and vertical lines and the distance between vertical lines. It is possible to discriminate subjects by dominance left and right eye from the strength of Poggendorff while changing the angle between sloping and vertical lines and the distance between vertical lines.

Looking from a few hundred years of historical perspective, the Western Hemisphere is being dominated by United States of America. In the twenty-first century, however, one can say it is quite noticeable decline in the United States relative power. In addition, the September 11 events have relatively adjusted major U.S. foreign policy priorities and fostered to focus its attention on other regions of the world (particularly Middle East and Middle Asia). Along these lines, a kind of vacuum of influence that has left afterwards in the Latin America has been actively used by other states. One of the most assertive, Brazil, has lots of aspirations to fill and consolidate the regional leadership and thus become a leader of more united and integrated South America. As a rapidly emerging middle power, Brazil tries to counterbalance the U.S. influence in the region and calls for reforms of a particular international governance structures (for example, the UN Security Council). Nevertheless, the United States usually is prone to secure its own national interests by implementation of its own measures. The general subject of this work is the power dynamics of United States and Brazil and their foreign policy initiatives oriented towards keeping or increasing influence in Latin America. The aim of this thesis is to analyze Brazil as a challenge to the United States dominance in Western Hemisphere and to evaluate the U.S. response, in order to maintain their leadership. Seeking to achieve the aim of the study, the following tasks have been fulfilled during the working process. Namely with reference to the international relations theories and conceptions of power, balancing and emergent middle power discussed in the thesis, the place of the United States and Brazil in the international system has been identified. Additionally, the geopolitical context and processes of the historical U.S. leadership consolidation in Western Hemisphere has been analyzed. In the empirical part of this work, the growth of Brazil's power and the impact on regional and global level affairs have been discussed. Moreover, after the analysis of Brazil's soft balancing against the United States, it has been defined how U.S. responses to such actions and seeks to secure its own strategic interests in the Western Hemisphere. The work is carried out using descriptive, analytical and comparative methods as well as the analysis of documents and scientific literature. Brazil pursues foreign policy strategies that are common for the emergent middle powers – coalition–building and soft balancing against the dominant state, when there are a significant military and economic power asimmetry between the states. Thus, pursuit of global influence through bilateral or multilateral instruments, in order to limit or complicate U.S. freedom of action or diplomacy but also avoid direct confrontation to the United States, is quite a rational choice. Also, in order to increase autonomy in foreign policy making and to secure national interests, Brazil creates regional organizations and forums, which excludes the United States (such as the Union of South American Nations or South American Defense Council). During the terms of G.W. Bush administration (2001–2009), the area of Latin America, which U.S. seeks to control totally, was partially reduced. Thus, most of the economic, political or military initiatives and projects have been designed specifically towards the North and Central America, the Caribbean and Colombia. B. Obama (2009–2012) basically continued that foreign policy course in Latin America of former U.S. administration. In other words, the concentration on the specific territory and the militarization of the particular safety corridor remained (U.S.–Central America–Colombia). Moreover, the United States seeks to expand miscellaneous (military or economic) integration of that area. The influence in Latin America is preserved and expanded using initiatives such as Plan Colombia, Merida Initiative, also military bases in Colombia or naval fleet in the Carribean and South Pacific Ocena reactivation.

Looking from a few hundred years of historical perspective, the Western Hemisphere is being dominated by United States of America. In the twenty-first century, however, one can say it is quite noticeable decline in the United States relative power. In addition, the September 11 events have relatively adjusted major U.S. foreign policy priorities and fostered to focus its attention on other regions of the world (particularly Middle East and Middle Asia). Along these lines, a kind of vacuum of influence that has left afterwards in the Latin America has been actively used by other states. One of the most assertive, Brazil, has lots of aspirations to fill and consolidate the regional leadership and thus become a leader of more united and integrated South America. As a rapidly emerging middle power, Brazil tries to counterbalance the U.S. influence in the region and calls for reforms of a particular international governance structures (for example, the UN Security Council). Nevertheless, the United States usually is prone to secure its own national interests by implementation of its own measures. The general subject of this work is the power dynamics of United States and Brazil and their foreign policy initiatives oriented towards keeping or increasing influence in Latin America. The aim of this thesis is to analyze Brazil as a challenge to the United States dominance in Western Hemisphere and to evaluate the U.S. response, in order to maintain their leadership. Seeking to achieve the aim of the study, the following tasks have been fulfilled during the working process. Namely with reference to the international relations theories and conceptions of power, balancing and emergent middle power discussed in the thesis, the place of the United States and Brazil in the international system has been identified. Additionally, the geopolitical context and processes of the historical U.S. leadership consolidation in Western Hemisphere has been analyzed. In the empirical part of this work, the growth of Brazil's power and the impact on regional and global level affairs have been discussed. Moreover, after the analysis of Brazil's soft balancing against the United States, it has been defined how U.S. responses to such actions and seeks to secure its own strategic interests in the Western Hemisphere. The work is carried out using descriptive, analytical and comparative methods as well as the analysis of documents and scientific literature. Brazil pursues foreign policy strategies that are common for the emergent middle powers – coalition–building and soft balancing against the dominant state, when there are a significant military and economic power asimmetry between the states. Thus, pursuit of global influence through bilateral or multilateral instruments, in order to limit or complicate U.S. freedom of action or diplomacy but also avoid direct confrontation to the United States, is quite a rational choice. Also, in order to increase autonomy in foreign policy making and to secure national interests, Brazil creates regional organizations and forums, which excludes the United States (such as the Union of South American Nations or South American Defense Council). During the terms of G.W. Bush administration (2001–2009), the area of Latin America, which U.S. seeks to control totally, was partially reduced. Thus, most of the economic, political or military initiatives and projects have been designed specifically towards the North and Central America, the Caribbean and Colombia. B. Obama (2009–2012) basically continued that foreign policy course in Latin America of former U.S. administration. In other words, the concentration on the specific territory and the militarization of the particular safety corridor remained (U.S.–Central America–Colombia). Moreover, the United States seeks to expand miscellaneous (military or economic) integration of that area. The influence in Latin America is preserved and expanded using initiatives such as Plan Colombia, Merida Initiative, also military bases in Colombia or naval fleet in the Carribean and South Pacific Ocena reactivation.

Looking from a few hundred years of historical perspective, the Western Hemisphere is being dominated by United States of America. In the twenty-first century, however, one can say it is quite noticeable decline in the United States relative power. In addition, the September 11 events have relatively adjusted major U.S. foreign policy priorities and fostered to focus its attention on other regions of the world (particularly Middle East and Middle Asia). Along these lines, a kind of vacuum of influence that has left afterwards in the Latin America has been actively used by other states. One of the most assertive, Brazil, has lots of aspirations to fill and consolidate the regional leadership and thus become a leader of more united and integrated South America. As a rapidly emerging middle power, Brazil tries to counterbalance the U.S. influence in the region and calls for reforms of a particular international governance structures (for example, the UN Security Council). Nevertheless, the United States usually is prone to secure its own national interests by implementation of its own measures. The general subject of this work is the power dynamics of United States and Brazil and their foreign policy initiatives oriented towards keeping or increasing influence in Latin America. The aim of this thesis is to analyze Brazil as a challenge to the United States dominance in Western Hemisphere and to evaluate the U.S. response, in order to maintain their leadership. Seeking to achieve the aim of the study, the following tasks have been fulfilled during the working process. Namely with reference to the international relations theories and conceptions of power, balancing and emergent middle power discussed in the thesis, the place of the United States and Brazil in the international system has been identified. Additionally, the geopolitical context and processes of the historical U.S. leadership consolidation in Western Hemisphere has been analyzed. In the empirical part of this work, the growth of Brazil's power and the impact on regional and global level affairs have been discussed. Moreover, after the analysis of Brazil's soft balancing against the United States, it has been defined how U.S. responses to such actions and seeks to secure its own strategic interests in the Western Hemisphere. The work is carried out using descriptive, analytical and comparative methods as well as the analysis of documents and scientific literature. Brazil pursues foreign policy strategies that are common for the emergent middle powers – coalition–building and soft balancing against the dominant state, when there are a significant military and economic power asimmetry between the states. Thus, pursuit of global influence through bilateral or multilateral instruments, in order to limit or complicate U.S. freedom of action or diplomacy but also avoid direct confrontation to the United States, is quite a rational choice. Also, in order to increase autonomy in foreign policy making and to secure national interests, Brazil creates regional organizations and forums, which excludes the United States (such as the Union of South American Nations or South American Defense Council). During the terms of G.W. Bush administration (2001–2009), the area of Latin America, which U.S. seeks to control totally, was partially reduced. Thus, most of the economic, political or military initiatives and projects have been designed specifically towards the North and Central America, the Caribbean and Colombia. B. Obama (2009–2012) basically continued that foreign policy course in Latin America of former U.S. administration. In other words, the concentration on the specific territory and the militarization of the particular safety corridor remained (U.S.–Central America–Colombia). Moreover, the United States seeks to expand miscellaneous (military or economic) integration of that area. The influence in Latin America is preserved and expanded using initiatives such as Plan Colombia, Merida Initiative, also military bases in Colombia or naval fleet in the Carribean and South Pacific Ocena reactivation.

Summary. Dominance Under Article 82 of the EC Treaty and the Problems of Its Finding This study is devoted to the analysis of the conception of dominance in the European Community competition law. The objective of this study is to ascertain the main features of the aspects of dominance, including its finding problems. The analysis presents such types of dominance as single dominance, collective dominance and super-dominance. Particular attention is given to the research of the possible changes of the concept of dominance, subject to the process of modernization of application of Article 82 EC. It is concentrated to the practice of the European Community courts and the European Commission. However Lithuanian competition law, which regulates dominance, is also examined. Considering the undertaking to approximate Lithuanian national competition law to acquis communautaire of the European Union, the study labours for answering, whether the competition rules, established in Lithuania correspond to the European Community competition law in the light of dominance.

Summary. Dominance Under Article 82 of the EC Treaty and the Problems of Its Finding This study is devoted to the analysis of the conception of dominance in the European Community competition law. The objective of this study is to ascertain the main features of the aspects of dominance, including its finding problems. The analysis presents such types of dominance as single dominance, collective dominance and super-dominance. Particular attention is given to the research of the possible changes of the concept of dominance, subject to the process of modernization of application of Article 82 EC. It is concentrated to the practice of the European Community courts and the European Commission. However Lithuanian competition law, which regulates dominance, is also examined. Considering the undertaking to approximate Lithuanian national competition law to acquis communautaire of the European Union, the study labours for answering, whether the competition rules, established in Lithuania correspond to the European Community competition law in the light of dominance.

Summary. Dominance Under Article 82 of the EC Treaty and the Problems of Its Finding This study is devoted to the analysis of the conception of dominance in the European Community competition law. The objective of this study is to ascertain the main features of the aspects of dominance, including its finding problems. The analysis presents such types of dominance as single dominance, collective dominance and super-dominance. Particular attention is given to the research of the possible changes of the concept of dominance, subject to the process of modernization of application of Article 82 EC. It is concentrated to the practice of the European Community courts and the European Commission. However Lithuanian competition law, which regulates dominance, is also examined. Considering the undertaking to approximate Lithuanian national competition law to acquis communautaire of the European Union, the study labours for answering, whether the competition rules, established in Lithuania correspond to the European Community competition law in the light of dominance.

Summary. Dominance Under Article 82 of the EC Treaty and the Problems of Its Finding This study is devoted to the analysis of the conception of dominance in the European Community competition law. The objective of this study is to ascertain the main features of the aspects of dominance, including its finding problems. The analysis presents such types of dominance as single dominance, collective dominance and super-dominance. Particular attention is given to the research of the possible changes of the concept of dominance, subject to the process of modernization of application of Article 82 EC. It is concentrated to the practice of the European Community courts and the European Commission. However Lithuanian competition law, which regulates dominance, is also examined. Considering the undertaking to approximate Lithuanian national competition law to acquis communautaire of the European Union, the study labours for answering, whether the competition rules, established in Lithuania correspond to the European Community competition law in the light of dominance.

In the article the implementation of private individual's right to recover damages caused by abuse of dominance and cartels in different countries is analyzed. Through the application of historical and comparative analysis methods the author seeks to identify the key factors that stipulate effective implementation of the victims right to recover damages and stimulate claims for such damages. Based on the analysis done a presumption is made that only the particular legal norms or acts are not sufficient for the effective private competition law enforcement (actions for damages) the case law that is favorable to the plaintiff. Rules crated by the courts that reduce the burden of proof for the plaintiff such as "traditional rule" excusing antitrust plaintiffs from an unduly rigorous standard of proving antitrust injury or even guidelines created by the courts that transfer the burden of proof to the defendant to establish that the infringement of competition laws did not happen are particularly important for the effective implementation of the victims right to recover damages. Namely the case law and the aspiration to ensure that even in cases where the precise calculation of the damage suffered due to the infringement of competition law is very difficult or impossible the victim of such damage is always compensated may encourage the victims to actively protect their violated rights and deter potential market competition violators.

In the article the implementation of private individual's right to recover damages caused by abuse of dominance and cartels in different countries is analyzed. Through the application of historical and comparative analysis methods the author seeks to identify the key factors that stipulate effective implementation of the victims right to recover damages and stimulate claims for such damages. Based on the analysis done a presumption is made that only the particular legal norms or acts are not sufficient for the effective private competition law enforcement (actions for damages) the case law that is favorable to the plaintiff. Rules crated by the courts that reduce the burden of proof for the plaintiff such as "traditional rule" excusing antitrust plaintiffs from an unduly rigorous standard of proving antitrust injury or even guidelines created by the courts that transfer the burden of proof to the defendant to establish that the infringement of competition laws did not happen are particularly important for the effective implementation of the victims right to recover damages. Namely the case law and the aspiration to ensure that even in cases where the precise calculation of the damage suffered due to the infringement of competition law is very difficult or impossible the victim of such damage is always compensated may encourage the victims to actively protect their violated rights and deter potential market competition violators.

In the article the implementation of private individual's right to recover damages caused by abuse of dominance and cartels in different countries is analyzed. Through the application of historical and comparative analysis methods the author seeks to identify the key factors that stipulate effective implementation of the victims right to recover damages and stimulate claims for such damages. Based on the analysis done a presumption is made that only the particular legal norms or acts are not sufficient for the effective private competition law enforcement (actions for damages) the case law that is favorable to the plaintiff. Rules crated by the courts that reduce the burden of proof for the plaintiff such as "traditional rule" excusing antitrust plaintiffs from an unduly rigorous standard of proving antitrust injury or even guidelines created by the courts that transfer the burden of proof to the defendant to establish that the infringement of competition laws did not happen are particularly important for the effective implementation of the victims right to recover damages. Namely the case law and the aspiration to ensure that even in cases where the precise calculation of the damage suffered due to the infringement of competition law is very difficult or impossible the victim of such damage is always compensated may encourage the victims to actively protect their violated rights and deter potential market competition violators.

In the article the implementation of private individual's right to recover damages caused by abuse of dominance and cartels in different countries is analyzed. Through the application of historical and comparative analysis methods the author seeks to identify the key factors that stipulate effective implementation of the victims right to recover damages and stimulate claims for such damages. Based on the analysis done a presumption is made that only the particular legal norms or acts are not sufficient for the effective private competition law enforcement (actions for damages) the case law that is favorable to the plaintiff. Rules crated by the courts that reduce the burden of proof for the plaintiff such as "traditional rule" excusing antitrust plaintiffs from an unduly rigorous standard of proving antitrust injury or even guidelines created by the courts that transfer the burden of proof to the defendant to establish that the infringement of competition laws did not happen are particularly important for the effective implementation of the victims right to recover damages. Namely the case law and the aspiration to ensure that even in cases where the precise calculation of the damage suffered due to the infringement of competition law is very difficult or impossible the victim of such damage is always compensated may encourage the victims to actively protect their violated rights and deter potential market competition violators.

This article discusses the concept of the quality of being political and the relationship between power and authority. The theories of Carl Schmitt and Eric Voegelin were chosen as the main points of reference. Problems of the interaction of power and authority are discussed in the paper as well as the genesis of the quality of being political. The article attempts to prove that the phenomenon of power occurs in the Iron Age with the disappearance of the Eastern dominances. The prominence of a principle of supremacy of power becomes an issue when the authority, which demands hierarchy and alludes to the traditions of dominance, is sought to be eliminated.

This article discusses the concept of the quality of being political and the relationship between power and authority. The theories of Carl Schmitt and Eric Voegelin were chosen as the main points of reference. Problems of the interaction of power and authority are discussed in the paper as well as the genesis of the quality of being political. The article attempts to prove that the phenomenon of power occurs in the Iron Age with the disappearance of the Eastern dominances. The prominence of a principle of supremacy of power becomes an issue when the authority, which demands hierarchy and alludes to the traditions of dominance, is sought to be eliminated.

This article discusses the concept of the quality of being political and the relationship between power and authority. The theories of Carl Schmitt and Eric Voegelin were chosen as the main points of reference. Problems of the interaction of power and authority are discussed in the paper as well as the genesis of the quality of being political. The article attempts to prove that the phenomenon of power occurs in the Iron Age with the disappearance of the Eastern dominances. The prominence of a principle of supremacy of power becomes an issue when the authority, which demands hierarchy and alludes to the traditions of dominance, is sought to be eliminated.