Suchergebnisse

The problem of the process of establishment/self-establishment of modern selfgovernment in Šiauliai region at the end of 1918 is analysed in the article. The modern self-government emerged in Lithuania at the end of 1918. An emergence of modern self-government was a common result of Lithuanian government activity and activity of citizenry. The modern self-government in Lithuania has been built in complicated political circumstances. Local self-government was formed differently in solitary localities of the country. There were different speed and forms of local self-government. Therefore a base and demand investigate historical circumstances and a specific of formation of local self-government in different regions exist. The establishment/self-establishment of local self-government in Šiauliai region is analysed in the Lithuanian context. In order to highlight an originality of Šiauliai region in the process of formation of local self-government, an establishment of self-government of Šiauliai city was analysed. To clear-up an originality of an establishment of Šiauliai city self-government a situation of other cities of Lithuania – Vilnius, Kaunas, Panevėžys – has been investigated in this aspect. The formation of Šiauliai county self-government is compared with the formation of other counties self-government. The accomplished investigation shows that Šiauliai region distinguished from other regions with very weak influence of central government and with dominance of left wing politicians, especially social democrats, who operated absolutely separately. Citizenry of Šiauliai city organized general and in principle democratic election earlier than other cities of Lithuania and established local self-government.

The problem of the process of establishment/self-establishment of modern selfgovernment in Šiauliai region at the end of 1918 is analysed in the article. The modern self-government emerged in Lithuania at the end of 1918. An emergence of modern self-government was a common result of Lithuanian government activity and activity of citizenry. The modern self-government in Lithuania has been built in complicated political circumstances. Local self-government was formed differently in solitary localities of the country. There were different speed and forms of local self-government. Therefore a base and demand investigate historical circumstances and a specific of formation of local self-government in different regions exist. The establishment/self-establishment of local self-government in Šiauliai region is analysed in the Lithuanian context. In order to highlight an originality of Šiauliai region in the process of formation of local self-government, an establishment of self-government of Šiauliai city was analysed. To clear-up an originality of an establishment of Šiauliai city self-government a situation of other cities of Lithuania – Vilnius, Kaunas, Panevėžys – has been investigated in this aspect. The formation of Šiauliai county self-government is compared with the formation of other counties self-government. The accomplished investigation shows that Šiauliai region distinguished from other regions with very weak influence of central government and with dominance of left wing politicians, especially social democrats, who operated absolutely separately. Citizenry of Šiauliai city organized general and in principle democratic election earlier than other cities of Lithuania and established local self-government.

All for One, One for All: Concepts of Solidarity in Protests of Lithuanian Educational System in 2019 The thesis analyzes how the motivation and goals of the participants' relations during the 2019 protest for education reforms can be explained with regard to solidarity functions. The study systematizes the typologies of solidarity, paying special attention to the solidarity functions. Interpretation of the analysis material – semi-structured in-depth interviews with protest activists – reveals their concepts of solidarity. Special attention is paid to the reasoning why protesters maintain commonality relations and what is the significance of political collective identity in the resistance activities. In this study, the actions of the 2019 protesters are approached as a symbolic expression of solidarity. Solidarity is a strategy for proving community membership and can be implemented in both interpersonal and intergroup relations. According to Rainer C. Baum, when two individuals share the norms of commonality, the solidarity performs autotelic, instrumental, socio-moral, political functions, and thus mutual benefits are obtained. If the structure of protesters solidarity corresponds to all of these features, then it is full-fledged, and if some aspects are absent, then the potential of interpersonal and intergroup commonality is not actualized. The study revealed that various macro-level collaboration strategies, most often dominated by one or more functions, were used in 2019 protests. Usually, the intergroup commonality performed a political function, because the external goals seemed to be the most important and the interests of the group were being pushed to the foreground. Cooperation among various organizations took place to overcome the antagonist, improve the conditions of the group by participating in the political sphere, thus strengthening the political identity which promoted active participation and leadership. However, the intergroup solidarity did not perform a socio-moral function that should have helped to imbue the commonality with moral values. In the absence of this function, power games began to take place among groups prioritizing political identity, leading to a lack of unity. Contrarily, a group of protesters with an excess of socio-moral function was putting too much focus on maintaining one's identity, forgetting external goals. The commonalities with instrumental and autotelic functions revealed that solidarity was scarce if the group or intergroup collaboration did not perform other functions. The groups with the instrumental function dominance had too much focus on the pursuit of the goal, did not foster the loyalty of the members, did not care for personal identities and different interests of individuals. Whereas communications of the groups sharing a commonality with the autotelic function dominance could be equated to networking. On the other hand, in such cases, the strategies of the group members were aimed at maintaining collectivity and shared a sense of respect and commitment. The cooperation of several groups performed almost all the functions of solidarity. Their strategies did not lack the desire to preserve both personal identity and group values. Thus, clear goals were pursued, each participant had and could contribute in a certain way, there was a will to maintain the group's discourse in the political sphere. However, the study revealed a number of 2019 protest weaknesses, an excessive willingness to demonstrate power, intergroup divisions, and a lack of balanced relations. It's hard to say that one or other solidarity strategy undermined the protest, but it has been showed that solidarity can function only by maintaining a balance of relations, and in some cases, this did not happen. That may have been one of the reasons why the protest did not achieve its goal.

All for One, One for All: Concepts of Solidarity in Protests of Lithuanian Educational System in 2019 The thesis analyzes how the motivation and goals of the participants' relations during the 2019 protest for education reforms can be explained with regard to solidarity functions. The study systematizes the typologies of solidarity, paying special attention to the solidarity functions. Interpretation of the analysis material – semi-structured in-depth interviews with protest activists – reveals their concepts of solidarity. Special attention is paid to the reasoning why protesters maintain commonality relations and what is the significance of political collective identity in the resistance activities. In this study, the actions of the 2019 protesters are approached as a symbolic expression of solidarity. Solidarity is a strategy for proving community membership and can be implemented in both interpersonal and intergroup relations. According to Rainer C. Baum, when two individuals share the norms of commonality, the solidarity performs autotelic, instrumental, socio-moral, political functions, and thus mutual benefits are obtained. If the structure of protesters solidarity corresponds to all of these features, then it is full-fledged, and if some aspects are absent, then the potential of interpersonal and intergroup commonality is not actualized. The study revealed that various macro-level collaboration strategies, most often dominated by one or more functions, were used in 2019 protests. Usually, the intergroup commonality performed a political function, because the external goals seemed to be the most important and the interests of the group were being pushed to the foreground. Cooperation among various organizations took place to overcome the antagonist, improve the conditions of the group by participating in the political sphere, thus strengthening the political identity which promoted active participation and leadership. However, the intergroup solidarity did not perform a socio-moral function that should have helped to imbue the commonality with moral values. In the absence of this function, power games began to take place among groups prioritizing political identity, leading to a lack of unity. Contrarily, a group of protesters with an excess of socio-moral function was putting too much focus on maintaining one's identity, forgetting external goals. The commonalities with instrumental and autotelic functions revealed that solidarity was scarce if the group or intergroup collaboration did not perform other functions. The groups with the instrumental function dominance had too much focus on the pursuit of the goal, did not foster the loyalty of the members, did not care for personal identities and different interests of individuals. Whereas communications of the groups sharing a commonality with the autotelic function dominance could be equated to networking. On the other hand, in such cases, the strategies of the group members were aimed at maintaining collectivity and shared a sense of respect and commitment. The cooperation of several groups performed almost all the functions of solidarity. Their strategies did not lack the desire to preserve both personal identity and group values. Thus, clear goals were pursued, each participant had and could contribute in a certain way, there was a will to maintain the group's discourse in the political sphere. However, the study revealed a number of 2019 protest weaknesses, an excessive willingness to demonstrate power, intergroup divisions, and a lack of balanced relations. It's hard to say that one or other solidarity strategy undermined the protest, but it has been showed that solidarity can function only by maintaining a balance of relations, and in some cases, this did not happen. That may have been one of the reasons why the protest did not achieve its goal.

All for One, One for All: Concepts of Solidarity in Protests of Lithuanian Educational System in 2019 The thesis analyzes how the motivation and goals of the participants' relations during the 2019 protest for education reforms can be explained with regard to solidarity functions. The study systematizes the typologies of solidarity, paying special attention to the solidarity functions. Interpretation of the analysis material – semi-structured in-depth interviews with protest activists – reveals their concepts of solidarity. Special attention is paid to the reasoning why protesters maintain commonality relations and what is the significance of political collective identity in the resistance activities. In this study, the actions of the 2019 protesters are approached as a symbolic expression of solidarity. Solidarity is a strategy for proving community membership and can be implemented in both interpersonal and intergroup relations. According to Rainer C. Baum, when two individuals share the norms of commonality, the solidarity performs autotelic, instrumental, socio-moral, political functions, and thus mutual benefits are obtained. If the structure of protesters solidarity corresponds to all of these features, then it is full-fledged, and if some aspects are absent, then the potential of interpersonal and intergroup commonality is not actualized. The study revealed that various macro-level collaboration strategies, most often dominated by one or more functions, were used in 2019 protests. Usually, the intergroup commonality performed a political function, because the external goals seemed to be the most important and the interests of the group were being pushed to the foreground. Cooperation among various organizations took place to overcome the antagonist, improve the conditions of the group by participating in the political sphere, thus strengthening the political identity which promoted active participation and leadership. However, the intergroup solidarity did not perform a socio-moral function that should have helped to imbue the commonality with moral values. In the absence of this function, power games began to take place among groups prioritizing political identity, leading to a lack of unity. Contrarily, a group of protesters with an excess of socio-moral function was putting too much focus on maintaining one's identity, forgetting external goals. The commonalities with instrumental and autotelic functions revealed that solidarity was scarce if the group or intergroup collaboration did not perform other functions. The groups with the instrumental function dominance had too much focus on the pursuit of the goal, did not foster the loyalty of the members, did not care for personal identities and different interests of individuals. Whereas communications of the groups sharing a commonality with the autotelic function dominance could be equated to networking. On the other hand, in such cases, the strategies of the group members were aimed at maintaining collectivity and shared a sense of respect and commitment. The cooperation of several groups performed almost all the functions of solidarity. Their strategies did not lack the desire to preserve both personal identity and group values. Thus, clear goals were pursued, each participant had and could contribute in a certain way, there was a will to maintain the group's discourse in the political sphere. However, the study revealed a number of 2019 protest weaknesses, an excessive willingness to demonstrate power, intergroup divisions, and a lack of balanced relations. It's hard to say that one or other solidarity strategy undermined the protest, but it has been showed that solidarity can function only by maintaining a balance of relations, and in some cases, this did not happen. That may have been one of the reasons why the protest did not achieve its goal.

All for One, One for All: Concepts of Solidarity in Protests of Lithuanian Educational System in 2019 The thesis analyzes how the motivation and goals of the participants' relations during the 2019 protest for education reforms can be explained with regard to solidarity functions. The study systematizes the typologies of solidarity, paying special attention to the solidarity functions. Interpretation of the analysis material – semi-structured in-depth interviews with protest activists – reveals their concepts of solidarity. Special attention is paid to the reasoning why protesters maintain commonality relations and what is the significance of political collective identity in the resistance activities. In this study, the actions of the 2019 protesters are approached as a symbolic expression of solidarity. Solidarity is a strategy for proving community membership and can be implemented in both interpersonal and intergroup relations. According to Rainer C. Baum, when two individuals share the norms of commonality, the solidarity performs autotelic, instrumental, socio-moral, political functions, and thus mutual benefits are obtained. If the structure of protesters solidarity corresponds to all of these features, then it is full-fledged, and if some aspects are absent, then the potential of interpersonal and intergroup commonality is not actualized. The study revealed that various macro-level collaboration strategies, most often dominated by one or more functions, were used in 2019 protests. Usually, the intergroup commonality performed a political function, because the external goals seemed to be the most important and the interests of the group were being pushed to the foreground. Cooperation among various organizations took place to overcome the antagonist, improve the conditions of the group by participating in the political sphere, thus strengthening the political identity which promoted active participation and leadership. However, the intergroup solidarity did not perform a socio-moral function that should have helped to imbue the commonality with moral values. In the absence of this function, power games began to take place among groups prioritizing political identity, leading to a lack of unity. Contrarily, a group of protesters with an excess of socio-moral function was putting too much focus on maintaining one's identity, forgetting external goals. The commonalities with instrumental and autotelic functions revealed that solidarity was scarce if the group or intergroup collaboration did not perform other functions. The groups with the instrumental function dominance had too much focus on the pursuit of the goal, did not foster the loyalty of the members, did not care for personal identities and different interests of individuals. Whereas communications of the groups sharing a commonality with the autotelic function dominance could be equated to networking. On the other hand, in such cases, the strategies of the group members were aimed at maintaining collectivity and shared a sense of respect and commitment. The cooperation of several groups performed almost all the functions of solidarity. Their strategies did not lack the desire to preserve both personal identity and group values. Thus, clear goals were pursued, each participant had and could contribute in a certain way, there was a will to maintain the group's discourse in the political sphere. However, the study revealed a number of 2019 protest weaknesses, an excessive willingness to demonstrate power, intergroup divisions, and a lack of balanced relations. It's hard to say that one or other solidarity strategy undermined the protest, but it has been showed that solidarity can function only by maintaining a balance of relations, and in some cases, this did not happen. That may have been one of the reasons why the protest did not achieve its goal.

This paper examines EU's migration policy development. The paper presents a short review of literature and current discussions about the appropriate balance of powers between EU institutions and member states in migration issues. The paper argues that mechanical shift of the responsibility from national to supranational agencies, will not provide satisfactory solutions to the challenges related to migration issues both within the EU area and the world in general. Migration is changing our understanding of regional integration processes, challenging the idea of a united states of Europe. It is almost impossible to regulate migration, especially by hard measures such as border control. Instead concentration upon migration limitations, mass deportations, \"border-walls\", active migrant detention and assimilation, EU has to examine other possible alternatives of police measures to provide better and more effective aid directed towards the reasons for migration. Migration issues must to a larger degree be incrementally transferred from security issues and connected to the development and neighbourhood policy agenda as well as Lisbon strategy objectives (problems of competitiveness, demographical tensions etc.). Especially when it comes to the developing world EU should increase their effort on poverty reduction, brain drain and facilitate political stability and circular migration. The neo-liberal dominance on political and economical policies, lead to a perception of the world without borders, but this has to be confronted by the realities and further a more diverse understanding of the state's role in redistribution of the global economy. Human beings are not goods, although they are also free to move anywhere. The nation-state still provides the only effective protection to the individuals in terms of human rights and especially social rights criteria. This should be taken into account when shaping future migration regulations.

This paper examines EU's migration policy development. The paper presents a short review of literature and current discussions about the appropriate balance of powers between EU institutions and member states in migration issues. The paper argues that mechanical shift of the responsibility from national to supranational agencies, will not provide satisfactory solutions to the challenges related to migration issues both within the EU area and the world in general. Migration is changing our understanding of regional integration processes, challenging the idea of a united states of Europe. It is almost impossible to regulate migration, especially by hard measures such as border control. Instead concentration upon migration limitations, mass deportations, \"border-walls\", active migrant detention and assimilation, EU has to examine other possible alternatives of police measures to provide better and more effective aid directed towards the reasons for migration. Migration issues must to a larger degree be incrementally transferred from security issues and connected to the development and neighbourhood policy agenda as well as Lisbon strategy objectives (problems of competitiveness, demographical tensions etc.). Especially when it comes to the developing world EU should increase their effort on poverty reduction, brain drain and facilitate political stability and circular migration. The neo-liberal dominance on political and economical policies, lead to a perception of the world without borders, but this has to be confronted by the realities and further a more diverse understanding of the state's role in redistribution of the global economy. Human beings are not goods, although they are also free to move anywhere. The nation-state still provides the only effective protection to the individuals in terms of human rights and especially social rights criteria. This should be taken into account when shaping future migration regulations.

General education programs of Lithuania state, that all general education is oriented to children, young people, their needs and abilities. Therefore, the goal of modern school is to help a person to develop the maximum power of individual creativity and capacity to meet the needs of his or her innate needs such as self - expression, freedom, love, respect, creativity, trim and harmony. However, in modern society, the standing of schools is decreasing, school attendance is falling and the learning motivation has a negative tendency as well. To answer these questions, the author examines one of the most urgent problems - students' reluctance to attend school. Reluctance of students to attend school is the loss not only in the education system, but also in general context of Lithuania as a state. The accounting and the return of the education system of students under the age of 16 who do not attend school in Lithuania has already been in solving process for some time. The school attendance problem s well as the attitude of students towards school and learning has always been under consideration. The reasons why students avoid going to school have been relevant since the origination of science. Nowadays it has become a social problem in Lithuania and abroad because the family as an essential institution for ensuring the safety weakened morally and economically. Parents became indifferent to children's success and progress at school. Lack of motivation, stiff school curriculum, poor microclimate and other reasons cause indisposition towards school attendance. That is why the author sets the hypothesis that students' reluctance to attend school not only leads to the family or the motivation of the learning factors, but also a significant impact has the atmosphere of a modern school and the student's relation with it. The author also analyzes various scientific literature, legislation, and reviews students' attendance problem at Vladas Jurgutis secondary school of Palanga, elicits the main factors that affect school attendance at the above mentioned school and presents the results of a survey, which clearly demonstrates dominance between the school relations including family and learning factors.

General education programs of Lithuania state, that all general education is oriented to children, young people, their needs and abilities. Therefore, the goal of modern school is to help a person to develop the maximum power of individual creativity and capacity to meet the needs of his or her innate needs such as self - expression, freedom, love, respect, creativity, trim and harmony. However, in modern society, the standing of schools is decreasing, school attendance is falling and the learning motivation has a negative tendency as well. To answer these questions, the author examines one of the most urgent problems - students' reluctance to attend school. Reluctance of students to attend school is the loss not only in the education system, but also in general context of Lithuania as a state. The accounting and the return of the education system of students under the age of 16 who do not attend school in Lithuania has already been in solving process for some time. The school attendance problem s well as the attitude of students towards school and learning has always been under consideration. The reasons why students avoid going to school have been relevant since the origination of science. Nowadays it has become a social problem in Lithuania and abroad because the family as an essential institution for ensuring the safety weakened morally and economically. Parents became indifferent to children's success and progress at school. Lack of motivation, stiff school curriculum, poor microclimate and other reasons cause indisposition towards school attendance. That is why the author sets the hypothesis that students' reluctance to attend school not only leads to the family or the motivation of the learning factors, but also a significant impact has the atmosphere of a modern school and the student's relation with it. The author also analyzes various scientific literature, legislation, and reviews students' attendance problem at Vladas Jurgutis secondary school of Palanga, elicits the main factors that affect school attendance at the above mentioned school and presents the results of a survey, which clearly demonstrates dominance between the school relations including family and learning factors.

In the Times of struggle between neoliberal capitalism and global civil movement Questions regarding global governance and the possibility of global democracy are of specific concern. Currently, many social movements are organized around human rights under a variety of platforms (i.e., labor, indigenous rights). It is my contention that the need for transnational multi-issue movements is evident in the struggle for global democracy. The Internet is an important resource for the mobilization of mass global movements because it allows for quick and broad dissemination of information. Network society as a society in which a combination of social and media networks shapes its prime mode of organization and most important structures at all levels (individual, organizational and societal). It is necessary to understand nature of network society and its dynamics to further look at its influence on emerging social movements. Power is the condition and limit of politics, culture and authority. Power seeps through and around all forms of subjectivity, at times bringing opposites into conflict in a way that reinforces the fundamental flow of power. Power concerns not immediately obvious forms of politics, culture and authority but the structures that condition and limit these three. Grassroots activism exists in constant flows of power. Democracy is invented and reinvented between the demands of those without power and the limitations those with power try to impose. How are these two almost obsessively analysed figures of politics "the grassroots and democracy" transformed by being digitised and sent into cyberspace. Here arises global civil movement against neoliberal globalisation. This movement is not opposed to globalisation per se but instead is developing a new internationalism in the course of challenging the neoliberal nature of contemporary globalisation. This challenge is producing a universalising dynamic which is moving the movement beyond being a series of isolated militant particularist struggles. It consists of many different internet social movements united by using information and communication technologies and one goal counter the neoliberal power dominance

In the Times of struggle between neoliberal capitalism and global civil movement Questions regarding global governance and the possibility of global democracy are of specific concern. Currently, many social movements are organized around human rights under a variety of platforms (i.e., labor, indigenous rights). It is my contention that the need for transnational multi-issue movements is evident in the struggle for global democracy. The Internet is an important resource for the mobilization of mass global movements because it allows for quick and broad dissemination of information. Network society as a society in which a combination of social and media networks shapes its prime mode of organization and most important structures at all levels (individual, organizational and societal). It is necessary to understand nature of network society and its dynamics to further look at its influence on emerging social movements. Power is the condition and limit of politics, culture and authority. Power seeps through and around all forms of subjectivity, at times bringing opposites into conflict in a way that reinforces the fundamental flow of power. Power concerns not immediately obvious forms of politics, culture and authority but the structures that condition and limit these three. Grassroots activism exists in constant flows of power. Democracy is invented and reinvented between the demands of those without power and the limitations those with power try to impose. How are these two almost obsessively analysed figures of politics "the grassroots and democracy" transformed by being digitised and sent into cyberspace. Here arises global civil movement against neoliberal globalisation. This movement is not opposed to globalisation per se but instead is developing a new internationalism in the course of challenging the neoliberal nature of contemporary globalisation. This challenge is producing a universalising dynamic which is moving the movement beyond being a series of isolated militant particularist struggles. It consists of many different internet social movements united by using information and communication technologies and one goal counter the neoliberal power dominance

The impact of interbudgetary redistribution of funds on the financial independence of local authorities is analysed in this article. The authors argue that interbudgetary redistribution of funds in Lithuania proves to be the important mean retaining the dominance of central government's on the local finances. Transfer payments from the state budget reflect the central government's policy towards local governments. Financial transfers from the state budget reinforce the role of the state institutions in the sub national finances field and restrict the financial independence of local governments. Besides this fact, local budget income equalization and revenue redistribution through the state budget does not contribute to the natural development of local financial system. Current problems, their consequences and possible solutions for increasing local financial independence had been analyzed in the article. In order to explore the practice of interbudgetary redistribution in the context of public finance system, categories of the institutionalism theory was chosen. Institutionalism provides a framework for defining the logic of state and local government institutions interaction in the process of allocating resources. Article explores the institutional interests and institutional conflicts in Lithuanian public finance institutional field. The main conflict arenas are defined as follows: redistribution of local governments' revenues through the state budget; the domination of special grants in local budgets revenue structure; and special grants for investment projects. ; Straipsnyje analizuojama tarpbiudžetinio lėšų perskirstymo įtaka Lietuvos savivaldybių finansiniam savarankiškumui. Akcentuojama, kad tarpbiudžetinis lėšų perskirstymas Lietuvoje pasireiškia kaip centrinės valdžios dominavimo vietos finansų srityje užtikrinimo priemonė, o transferiniai išmokėjimai iš valstybės biudžeto atspindi jos politiką vietos savivaldos atžvilgiu, kadangi valstybės biudžeto finansiniai transferai stiprina valstybės valdžios institucijų vaidmenį subnacionalinių finansų srityje ir tokiu būdu riboja vietos savivaldybių finansinį savarankiškumą. Todėl pagrindinis dėmesys straipsnyje sutelkiamas į tarpbiudžetinio lėšų perskirstymo poveikį subnacionalinių institucijų finansiniam savarankiškumui. Analizuojamos esamų problemų priežastys ir jų padariniai savivaldybių finansiniam savarankiškumui bei galimi sprendimų būdai. Tarpbiudžetinio lėšų perskirstymo praktikos analizei pasirinktos institucionalizmo teorijos kategorijos, leidžiančios nusakyti valstybės ir vietos savivaldos institucijų sąveikos logiką išteklių paskirstymo procese. Nagrinėjami Lietuvos viešųjų finansų institucinio lauko instituciniai interesai ir instituciniai konfliktai. Kaip pagrindinės konfliktų arenos išskiriamos savivaldybių biudžetų pajamų perskirstymas per valstybės biudžetą, specialiųjų tikslinių dotacijų dominavimas savivaldybių biudžetų pajamų struktūroje ir specialios tikslinės dotacijos valstybės investicijų programoje numatytiems projektams finansuoti.

The tolerance is apprehensible as value which if achieved can consolidate nations, prevent discrimination and assure peace and unity in the entire world. The role of media is very important because it represent the interest of community and has a possibility to influence our attitudes, opinions and thinking. So media can help to preserve the tolerance in community, promote and guide democratic values, protect ideals of the equality. The object of this master's paper is the expression of tolerance in Lithuanian periodical press. The aim of the paper is to analyze the problem of tolerance in Lithuanian periodical press. Papers goals are to explore the conception of tolerance, review the role of tolerance in the alterations of the community, explore the media's influence on tolerance and analyze the role of rumors, gossips and objectivity in media. In order to analyze the problem of tolerance in Lithuanian press (in the newspapers "Lietuvos rytas" and "Vakaro žinios"), master's work presents the analysis of the peculiarities of the Romany presentation in press. The methods of the analysis are information gathering, analysis of the data, comparative quantitative and qualitative analysis. Analysis reveals that tolerance means respect and acceptance of the persuasions, attitudes and values of the otherwise thinking people without reference to their gender or race or other differences. Tolerance has a close connection with human rights, which must be ensured by every democratic state. This research reveals that there is lack of tolerance in most popular periodical press in Lithuania. The presentation of the Romany ethnicity in analyzed newspapers is in particular unfavorable. It shows the dominance of the negative information about this ethnic minority. The Romany people are presented only as a felony group. Media highlights their criminal offences, conflicts with the governmental institutions and their negative features of character. It can be an inducement for community to form a low opinion of the Romany and bad stereotypes about them. This master's paper is important for it's originality, because there have not been any research on tolerance in Lithuanian press. The master's paper can be useful to the experienced scientists and the beginners, to practicing journalists and students, lectures, newspaper editors and readers.

The tolerance is apprehensible as value which if achieved can consolidate nations, prevent discrimination and assure peace and unity in the entire world. The role of media is very important because it represent the interest of community and has a possibility to influence our attitudes, opinions and thinking. So media can help to preserve the tolerance in community, promote and guide democratic values, protect ideals of the equality. The object of this master's paper is the expression of tolerance in Lithuanian periodical press. The aim of the paper is to analyze the problem of tolerance in Lithuanian periodical press. Papers goals are to explore the conception of tolerance, review the role of tolerance in the alterations of the community, explore the media's influence on tolerance and analyze the role of rumors, gossips and objectivity in media. In order to analyze the problem of tolerance in Lithuanian press (in the newspapers "Lietuvos rytas" and "Vakaro žinios"), master's work presents the analysis of the peculiarities of the Romany presentation in press. The methods of the analysis are information gathering, analysis of the data, comparative quantitative and qualitative analysis. Analysis reveals that tolerance means respect and acceptance of the persuasions, attitudes and values of the otherwise thinking people without reference to their gender or race or other differences. Tolerance has a close connection with human rights, which must be ensured by every democratic state. This research reveals that there is lack of tolerance in most popular periodical press in Lithuania. The presentation of the Romany ethnicity in analyzed newspapers is in particular unfavorable. It shows the dominance of the negative information about this ethnic minority. The Romany people are presented only as a felony group. Media highlights their criminal offences, conflicts with the governmental institutions and their negative features of character. It can be an inducement for community to form a low opinion of the Romany and bad stereotypes about them. This master's paper is important for it's originality, because there have not been any research on tolerance in Lithuanian press. The master's paper can be useful to the experienced scientists and the beginners, to practicing journalists and students, lectures, newspaper editors and readers.