Suchergebnisse

The article explains the mechanisms leading to achieving the Russian Federation's dominance in the regional and global security environment. To solve the research problems, a systemic approach was applied and methods of literary analysis and critique, non-participant observation, and uncategorized interviews were used. In the research process, it was established that the dominance of the Russian Federation in the international arena is based on force. The key factors enabling its achievement are displayed by the quantitative and qualitative superiority of the armed forces, expressed by force correlation coefficients, strategic forecasting, and operational prediction as well as the modern forms and methods of using armed forces. The Russian Federation balances the existing international disparities with the use of adaptive strategy, blackmail of conflict escalation with the use of nuclear weapons, modern and technologically advanced operational capabilities, and offensive asymmetric activities.

Computer games (video games) are becoming increasingly popular way to relax, or even to maintain social relationships with other people. However, they are not just only entertainment. Treated as a mass media become a source of income, knowledge and social problems, which may distort the reality presented in them. It may also become the basis for manipulation and propaganda, to serve the struggle for cultural dominance, and indicate social problems.

The articles presents how thestrategy of populism was used by Polish liberaldemocratic elitesin the presidential and parliamentary campaigns of 2015. Thestrategy
was used in two ways. Firstly,theelection promisesmade by theliberals' opponents were
assigned a derogatory terms of populism. Secondly, theliberals madetheir own promises
to the public, which fulfilled the main characteristics ascribed to populism. This way the
strategies of populism was used by neoliberalelitesto securetheir own position in power.
It served to maintain the existing dominance and concentration of power. The observations presented in the articlewere based on thorough research and analysis of political discourse of the 2015 elections.

The aim of this article was to portray the complexity of the crisis/war in Ukraine, an event that has shaken Europe more than any other since World War II. The complexity of the crisis could be located in the involvement of external powers (Russia, US, NATO, EU, Turkey, etc.). Zbigniew Brzezinski throws light on the geopolitical significance of Ukraine in the context of the tendency of great powers to secure dominance in Eurasia. Brzezinski assigned Ukraine as a "pivotal" figure on the "Eurasian chessboard" due to its vital geostrategic position, major resources, access to the Black Sea, and importance for Russian strategic interests. In terms of a realist perspective and geopolitical thoughts, Brzezinski's writings still represent a valuable asset in the analysis of the current crisis in Ukraine.

Predomination of Liberal Democratic Party of Japan in the Party System – Selected AspectsThe Japanese party system, according to assumptions of Giovanni Sartori's classification, should be considered as the predominant-party system. Liberal Democratic Party is occupying a dominant position in this system. The LDP has been in power since 1955, except for a brief period in 1993 and 2009, when the party was deprived of power because of electoral defeats. In remaining elections, the party has been achieving victories and thanks to that the LDP gained an absolute majority in the parliament and could self-govern. The LDP should be considered as a conservative political power, realizing the neoliberal program in the economy. Among the reasons for the dominance of the party, particular attention should be paid to the fact that it bases on the rural electorate and that the electoral system works to its advantage

This article aims to present the Ukrainian war refugees' experience. Twenty-one interviews focused on autobiographical memoirs of Ukrainian war refugees were collected during the field research project in Poland and Germany in the summer and autumn of 2022. The text aimed to point out the peculiarities of Ukrainian refugeeism in the context of its specificity related to the evolution of the phenomenon of migration and forced migration over recent years in Central Europe. The content was analyzed for the fleeing and adaptive context of personal experience. It considers social ties, including family ties, which appeared in the interviewees' statements. The studied material insights into the course of the war in Ukraine in 2022 from the perspective of civilians. It shows numerous and diverse examples of survival and adaptation activities under armed attacks, during the evacuation, border crossing, and anchoring in the places of their new residence. Due to the dominance of women in the sample, these examples can contribute to the analysis of the specificity of female migration, which differs from the previous profiles of economic migration in the region.

The Impact of Great Powers on the Structure and Competences of the International Humanitarian Organisation the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA)UNRRA – United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration, whose achievements are not sufficiently reflected in the historiography of the post-war period, is an interesting object of research for many reasons. In this article, we have attempted to show the mechanisms which great powers resorted to in order to secure a dominant position not just in terms of prerogatives but also administrative structure. The main task of the UNRRA was to offer aid needed for the economic and moral reconstruction of the countries occupied by the Axis. This was a massive challenge in logistical and theoretical terms. An efficiently functioning aid organisation could serve not just peace building on humanitarian foundations but also be a test for the paradigm of the United Nations the founding of which it preceded. And it was for just those reasons that many countries expressed apprehension as to the US dominance visible in the negotiations while realising that humanitarian assistance without taking account of the economic potential of that power would have been doomed to fail.

The central concern of this paper is the growing influx of Russian migrants to the Czech Republic and the consequences for political and social order. With nearly 40,000 migrants, Russians are the fourth biggest foreign community in Czechia. Due to their material status, the history of bilateral relations, and the significant role of their homeland in Czech politics, the growing Russian community poses a problem for Czech society. The fear of Russian dominance – in political as well as economical dimensions – as well as resentment about the communistic era, is still present among Czech people. Although most Russians come to Czech to study or to do business and are not engaged in political activity, relations between migrants and the host society can be strained. Mutual prejudices make themselves felt in moments of the political crisis between two countries, such as the recent row over Soviet monuments in Prague. However, this doesn't necessarily mean that the Russian community could easily become a tool for Kremlin propaganda. Russians appreciate the opportunity to live in a rich, liberal and democratic society and even though they keep strong emotional ties with their homeland they are not keen to affirm all of Moscow's deeds.

Celem artykułu jest analiza federalno-regionalnego modelu stosunków w odniesieniu do międzynarodowej aktywności poszczególnych regionów. Uporczywy trend centralizacji modelu federalno-regionalnego, zapoczątkowany za prezydentury Władimira Putina, spowodował powstanie nietypowej koncepcji centralnej koordynacji międzynarodowymi działaniami regionów. Pomimo dominacji Federacji Rosyjskiej nad regionami, nie jest to koncepcja utrwalona, ponieważ Kreml nie dysponuje wystarczającymi zasobami, głównie personalnymi, aby w pełni kontrolować sytuację polityczną w regionach. Wyłaniająca się koncepcja centralizmu wydaje się nie tylko szkodzić interesom poszczególnych regionów, ale podważać także siłę putinowskiego reżimu autorytarnego w dalszej perspektywie. ; The paper's aim is to explore the federal-regional model of relations as far asinternational activities of regions is concerned. A persistent centralization tendency, applied to the federal-regional model of relations and started under Vladimir Putin's presidency, has created an unusual concept of centralist coordination concerning the international activity of regions. Despite the federal dominance over regions, the concept is far from being consolidated, since the Kremlin lacks the resources, mainly human, to fully control the political situation in the regions. Yet, this evolving centralist concept seems to be detrimental not only to regions' interest, but also questions the strength of Putin's model of an authoritarian regime in the long term.

Celem artykułu jest analiza federalno-regionalnego modelu stosunków w odniesieniu do międzynarodowej aktywności poszczególnych regionów. Uporczywy trend centralizacji modelu federalno-regionalnego, zapoczątkowany za prezydentury Władimira Putina, spowodował powstanie nietypowej koncepcji centralnej koordynacji międzynarodowymi działaniami regionów. Pomimo dominacji Federacji Rosyjskiej nad regionami, nie jest to koncepcja utrwalona, ponieważ Kreml nie dysponuje wystarczającymi zasobami, głównie personalnymi, aby w pełni kontrolować sytuację polityczną w regionach. Wyłaniająca się koncepcja centralizmu wydaje się nie tylko szkodzić interesom poszczególnych regionów, ale podważać także siłę putinowskiego reżimu autorytarnego w dalszej perspektywie. ; The paper's aim is to explore the federal-regional model of relations as far as international activities of regions is concerned. A persistent centralization tendency, applied to the federal-regional model of relations and started under Vladimir Putin's presidency, has created an unusual concept of centralist coordination concerning the international activity of regions. Despite the federal dominance over regions, the concept is far from being consolidated, since the Kremlin lacks the resources, mainly human, to fully control the political situation in the regions. Yet, this evolving centralist concept seems to be detrimental not only to regions' interest, but also questions the strength of Putin's model of an authoritarian regime in the long term.

Located in the South Pacific, for many years New Zealand has been an important part of a great power concert taking place within the region. The post- 1945 process which had given independence and the right to self-government to various states and territories formerly administered by the great powers, allowed them to shape their external relations with other states autonomously, and thus rendered the position of formal dominance previously held by the great powers obsolete. This included also New Zealand whose international position at that time was highly conditioned by trusteeship responsibilities performed pursuant to a UN mandate. Combining David A. Baldwin's contextual approach to power analysis with Ray S. Cline's resource-based power model, the author examines the presentday distribution of military and socio-economic potential within the South Pacific region and depicts the unilateral exercise of local preponderance by the Wellington government conducted in the last 10 years. He reaches a conclusion that, stemming either from individual actions conducive to an efficient exploitation of the social potential, or a close cooperative relationship with Australia, which gives rise to an asymmetrical great-power military tandem, in which the Wellington side plays a complementary role, New Zealand currently holds a position of a regional military and social power, whereas its capabilities predestine it obtain a similar status also with respect to economic matters.

Located in the South Pacific, for many years New Zealand has been an important part of a great power concert taking place within the region. The post- 1945 process which had given independence and the right to self-government to various states and territories formerly administered by the great powers, allowed them to shape their external relations with other states autonomously, and thus rendered the position of formal dominance previously held by the great powers obsolete. This included also New Zealand whose international position at that time was highly conditioned by trusteeship responsibilities performed pursuant to a UN mandate. Combining David A. Baldwin's contextual approach to power analysis with Ray S. Cline's resource-based power model, the author examines the presentday distribution of military and socio-economic potential within the South Pacific region and depicts the unilateral exercise of local preponderance by the Wellington government conducted in the last 10 years. He reaches a conclusion that, stemming either from individual actions conducive to an efficient exploitation of the social potential, or a close cooperative relationship with Australia, which gives rise to an asymmetrical great-power military tandem, in which the Wellington side plays a complementary role, New Zealand currently holds a position of a regional military and social power, whereas its capabilities predestine it obtain a similar status also with respect to economic matters.

Located in the South Pacific, for many years New Zealand has been an important part of a great power concert taking place within the region. The post- 1945 process which had given independence and the right to self-government to various states and territories formerly administered by the great powers, allowed them to shape their external relations with other states autonomously, and thus rendered the position of formal dominance previously held by the great powers obsolete. This included also New Zealand whose international position at that time was highly conditioned by trusteeship responsibilities performed pursuant to a UN mandate. Combining David A. Baldwin's contextual approach to power analysis with Ray S. Cline's resource-based power model, the author examines the presentday distribution of military and socio-economic potential within the South Pacific region and depicts the unilateral exercise of local preponderance by the Wellington government conducted in the last 10 years. He reaches a conclusion that, stemming either from individual actions conducive to an efficient exploitation of the social potential, or a close cooperative relationship with Australia, which gives rise to an asymmetrical great-power military tandem, in which the Wellington side plays a complementary role, New Zealand currently holds a position of a regional military and social power, whereas its capabilities predestine it obtain a similar status also with respect to economic matters.

Zmiany polityczne na Ukrainie dokonują się w szczególny sposób. Są one efektem rywalizacji różnych grup politycznych, ale także bywają wymuszane przez ruchy obywatelskie takie, jak pomarańczowa rewolucja czy Euromajdan. Autor artykułu podejmuje próbę analizy przyczyn, przebiegu i obecnych oraz przyszłych konsekwencji zmian systemu sprawowania władzy na Ukrainie. W oparciu o analizę systemową dokonuje szczegółowej analizy kolejnych zmian w systemie politycznym Ukrainy, wskazując na ich niekonstytucyjność i naruszenie zasad demokratycznego państwa prawa. ; Political changes in Ukraine are taking place in a peculiar way. They are the outcome of the competition between different political groups on the one hand, but they are also enforced by such social movements as the Orange Revolution a Euromaidan on the other. The author of this paper analyzes the reasons, the course and the present as well as future consequences of the changes in the system po\{er in Ukraine. On the basis of systemic analysis, he examines the subsequeril changes in the political system of ukraine in detail, indicating that they are unconstitutional and in breach of the principles of a democratic state of law. author also presents his forecast concerning the long-term outcomes produced by taking instrumental advantage of the temporary dominance enjoyed by vari groups of politicians and the threats related to the implementation of changes the political System of the state by means which go beyond the realm of law.