This text describes the influence of the European Union's regulations on the member states' development cooperation. The article identifies and comments on relevant norms from the two key legal agreements on which the EU is based: the Treaty on European Union, and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. It also highlights the content and show's possible implication of subsidiary EU acts, that are included in the acquis, and need to be accepted by every country willing to join the EU. Currently, the leading and most comprehensive document regulating EU's development cooperation is the new European consensus on development from 2017, which, formally, is just a non-binding joint statement of the EU institutions and governments. The goal of the text is to show the impact of the EU's norms, including those non-legally binding, with regard to the creation, and further evolution, of development assistance donors. ; Tekst przybliża regulacje unijne dotyczące współpracy rozwojowej i wskazuje mechanizm wpływu, jaki wywierają one na wypełnianie roli donatora przez wstępujące do Unii Europejskiej (UE) państwa. Analiza nie ogranicza się tylko do norm prawnych, płynących choćby z traktatów, ale rozpatruje również dokumenty tworzące zobowiązania o charakterze politycznym, które notabene dominują w sferze unijnej kooperacji rozwojowej. Najbardziej aktualnym zbiorem zasad drugiego typu jest Nowy Europejski Konsensus w sprawie Rozwoju z 2017 r. W tekście weryfikowana jest hipoteza głosząca, że regulacje unijne są czynnikiem bezpośrednio wymuszającym podjęcie roli donatora pomocy rozwojowej przez kraj wstępujący do UE, a następnie determinującym kształt i wielkość jego współpracy rozwojowej.
Tekst przybliża regulacje unijne dotyczące współpracy rozwojowej i wskazuje mechanizm wpływu, jaki wywierają one na wypełnianie roli donatora przez wstępujące do Unii Europejskiej (UE) państwa. Analiza nie ogranicza się tylko do norm prawnych, płynących choćby z traktatów, ale rozpatruje również dokumenty tworzące zobowiązania o charakterze politycznym, które nota bene dominują w sferze unijnej kooperacji rozwojowej. Najbardziej aktualnym zbiorem zasad drugiego typu jest Nowy Europejski Konsensus w sprawie Rozwoju z 2017 r. W tekście weryfikowana jest hipoteza głosząca, że regulacje unijne są czynnikiem bezpośrednio wymuszającym podjęcie roli donatora pomocy rozwojowej przez kraj wstępujący do UE, a następnie determinującym kształt i wielkość jego współpracy rozwojowej. ; This text describes the influence of the European Union's regulations on the member states' development cooperation. The article identifies and comments on relevant norms from the two key legal agreements on which the EU is based: the Treaty on European Union, and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. It also highlights the content and show's possible implication of subsidiary EU acts, that are included in the acquis, and need to be accepted by every country willing to join the EU. Currently, the leading and most comprehensive document regulating EU's development cooperation is the new European consensus on development from 2017, which, formally, is just a non-binding joint statement of the EU institutions and governments. The goal of the text is to show the impact of the EU's norms, including those non-legally binding, with regard to the creation, and further evolution, of development assistance donors.
This paper deals with the reality of political finance in Japan. In the text I describe how the election system influenced the process of creation of party system, especially segmentation of the Liberal-Democratic Party into factions. Consequences of this system include expensive election campaigns which in turn lead to close relationships between political parties and individual politicians and large, particularly corporate, donors. In effect the costs of election campaigns continue to increase and political parties, perpetually in need of money, constantly search for new donors. In this context it is not surprising that in Japan corruption is important problem. What is also important, however, is the fact that dysfunctional relationships between large, corporate donors and political parties were and are fundamental factors influencing economic policies of successive governments.
The fundamental thesis of this paper is that Moldovan civil society needs to improve its communication with society. The dependence of Moldovan NGOs on financial aid from EU donors could create a Principal/Agent relationship. NGOs should respect the needs of society and stimulate the government on a pro-European path. The author proves that communication between public administration and civil society is crucial in the process of integration with the EU. ; Artykuł przedstawia wybrane elementy sytuacji społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w Mołdawii. Podstawową tezą artykułu jest stwierdzenie, że organizacje społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w Mołdawii muszą poprawić swoją komunikację ze społeczeństwem. Uzależnienie mołdawskich NGO od pomocy finansowej od donatorów z UE może tworzyć stosunki zleceniodawca/agent. NGO powinny uwzględniać potrzeby społeczeństwa i stymulować rząd na ścieżce proeuropejskiej. Autor dowodzi, że komunikacja między administracją publiczną i społeczeństwem obywatelskim ma kluczowe znaczenie w procesie integracji z UE.
After the relatively successful system transformation, some young democratic countries from Central and Eastern Europe which used to receive democratic aid in the 1980s and 90s have engaged as new donors in assisting pro-democratic changes in other post-communist countries. The donor-recipient relations between two post-communist countries can be observed on the example of the development of cooperation between Poland and Ukraine. This paper deals with Polish assistance to new media in Ukraine in from 2007-2017 as a part of supporting democracy in Ukraine under the Polish Cooperation Development Program. Firstly, this work examines whether the Polish government's support of Ukrainian media as part of cooperation development will be sustained regardless of changes in the Polish government. Secondly, the paper explores whether Polish NGOs tailor their projects, financed by the Polish MFA, to the recipients' respective needs and the current situation in Ukraine. By examining Polish media assistance, the authors aim to explain the efforts of the new donor in developing media in a partner country, emphasizing the relation between the involvement of external actors and the presence of independent media which play an important role in democratization processes.
The article analyses and evaluates Polish-American cooperation in support of Ukraine after Russia's full-scale aggression in 2022. It answers the question regarding the importance of Polish-American cooperation in supporting the Ukrainian state and society. It assumes that Polish-American cooperation plays a key role in the areas of military and non-military assistance for Ukraine and Ukrainians. Both countries are among the main donors of military equipment to Ukraine, which is delivered via the territory of Poland. In addition, they put great pressure on European countries to increase military support to Ukraine. Polish-American cooperation in non-military areas is also of great importance. Poland's aid for Ukrainian refugees is crucial, and the US is involved in its delivery and financing. The US, in turn, is of paramount importance in imposing sanctions on Russia to force it to stop its aggression and in providing economic assistance to Ukraine. Poland participates in the sanctions system and strives to make them as severe as possible. Another area of Polish-American cooperation is LNG trade, which allows Poland, and potentially also other CEE countries, including Ukraine, to secure natural gas supplies after abandoning imports from Russia. During the research, interviews with American scientists and experts were conducted, and the method of analysing the content of text sources was used.
Konfederacja Szwajcarska, jako państwo neutralne o niewielkich rozmiarach, zmuszona jest do stosowania w swej polityce zagranicznej instrumentów zaliczanych do tzw. soft power. Jednym z nich jest pomoc rozwojowa, udzielana państwom słabiej rozwiniętym, także znajdującym się w stanie tranzycji ustrojowej. Przykładem tego rodzaju działań jest pomoc Szwajcarii dla państw Kaukazu Południowego, wynikająca m.in. z historycznych kontaktów, a w czasach współczesnych rozpoczęta w ramach pomocy humanitarnej po trzęsieniu ziemi w 1988 r. Armenia, Azerbejdżan i Gruzja wspierane są w ramach planów strategicznych zarówno przez państwo szwajcarskie, jak i prywatnych donatorów. Oprócz tego Szwajcaria z powodzeniem pełni rolę mediatora w sporze gruzińsko-rosyjskim i turecko-armeńskim. ; The Swiss Confederation, as a neutral state, is forced to apply in its foreign policy instruments classifi ed as the so-called soft power. One of them is development assistance granted to less developed countries, also undergoing the period of political transition. An example of this type of Swiss activities is the assistance to the countries of the South Caucasus, resulting, inter alia, from historical contacts, in modern times initiated as part of humanitarian aid after the earthquake in 1988. Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia are supported as part of strategic plans by both the Swiss state and private donors. Switzerland also successfully plays the role of a mediator: in the Georgian-Russian and Turkish-Armenian dispute.
Official Development Aid as an idea is an implement of assistance, a kind of redistribution of the global income on the governmental level. Nevertheless, it is also a source of influence and as a result peculiarly understood imperialism. The opposition between political vision and reality is the factor which backs up this thesis. Political plans and prospects of the EU aid policy, such as "The European Consensus of Development" or "The EU and Africa: Towards a Strategic Partnership", are concerned about supporting good governance and providing fair conditions of international trade. On the other hand, introducing this policy often, more or less, increases dependency of poor economies on the rich. It is also not eradicated from the European Union policy, for example in the case of the European Development Bank. However, EU development aid, coming to 49 billions euro, could be named munificent when compared to the United States. U.S. Official Development Aid amounts to only 0,19% of GDP, when the obligations confirmed by the government in a few declarations, among which is the Millennium Declaration of the United Nations, are about 0,7% of GDP. Secondly it is commonly shaped as an interrelated aid, which augment dependency of the recipient country. International institutions established in Bretton Woods, like International Monetary Fund and World Bank Group, have also a huge impact on the way of development of poor countries. There are a lot of groups of interest whose opinions are clear – above-mentioned institutions are the U.S. instruments of imperialism. It is caused by American predominance in these institutions and the line of policy which it supports. In the XXI century imperial aspirations are also present in recently developing countries – like China or Brazil. Changing roles in the system of international relations are now coming, creating a diffusion between clubs of rich North and poor, developing South. Leaders of development from developing countries are trying to build a strong position in relations with recipients of ODA. It is easier for them than for the West, mostly because of the lack of bad, colonial past relations. Their imperialism is not linked with history whatsoever, making their role of foreign relations easier to build up. Despite these cases of using development assistance in order to build up an imperium, there are a lot of non-governmental institutions whose perception of aid is beyond politics and burdens of imperialism. Best example of that is Grameen Bank – an institution founded by M. yunus, a Noble Prize winner. Its way of helping people is mainly intended to being unprofitable. There are a lot of ideas about how to describe development aid – more like a charity or kind of imperialism. Some aspects of business are desirable in ODA, partly because of increasing efficiency. It is economically proved that the return of capital in any way of benefit will strengthen willingness to providing aid. On the other hand, people are naturally liable to help and perform activities which do not give them any interest or gain. What is most interesting – nowadays developing countries are strengthening and they are evaluating theirs powers as equal partners of the rich, developed world. It comprises change in the system of international relations. Moreover United Nations should find a way of enforcing obligations of donors – like 0,7 percent of GDP for ODA to 2015. If the line of politics is steady, similar to current line, this goal will not be reached, so ODA will be more seen as a way of imperialism than help. In general, there are a lot of aspects of development which indicate that ODA is an implement of imperialism. On the other hand – some kind of interest improves the willingness of donors to provide aid. Besides that question – imperial or not – development aid is still increasing the number of people whose conditions of living are better because of ODA.
Official Development Aid as an idea is an implement of assistance, a kind of redistribution of the global income on the governmental level. Nevertheless, it is also a source of influence and as a result peculiarly understood imperialism. The opposition between political vision and reality is the factor which backs up this thesis. Political plans and prospects of the EU aid policy, such as "The European Consensus of Development" or "The EU and Africa: Towards a Strategic Partnership", are concerned about supporting good governance and providing fair conditions of international trade. On the other hand, introducing this policy often, more or less, increases dependency of poor economies on the rich. It is also not eradicated from the European Union policy, for example in the case of the European Development Bank. However, EU development aid, coming to 49 billions euro, could be named munificent when compared to the United States. U.S. Official Development Aid amounts to only 0,19% of GDP, when the obligations confirmed by the government in a few declarations, among which is the Millennium Declaration of the United Nations, are about 0,7% of GDP. Secondly it is commonly shaped as an interrelated aid, which augment dependency of the recipient country. International institutions established in Bretton Woods, like International Monetary Fund and World Bank Group, have also a huge impact on the way of development of poor countries. There are a lot of groups of interest whose opinions are clear – above-mentioned institutions are the U.S. instruments of imperialism. It is caused by American predominance in these institutions and the line of policy which it supports. In the XXI century imperial aspirations are also present in recently developing countries – like China or Brazil. Changing roles in the system of international relations are now coming, creating a diffusion between clubs of rich North and poor, developing South. Leaders of development from developing countries are trying to build a strong position in relations with recipients of ODA. It is easier for them than for the West, mostly because of the lack of bad, colonial past relations. Their imperialism is not linked with history whatsoever, making their role of foreign relations easier to build up. Despite these cases of using development assistance in order to build up an imperium, there are a lot of non-governmental institutions whose perception of aid is beyond politics and burdens of imperialism. Best example of that is Grameen Bank – an institution founded by M. yunus, a Noble Prize winner. Its way of helping people is mainly intended to being unprofitable. There are a lot of ideas about how to describe development aid – more like a charity or kind of imperialism. Some aspects of business are desirable in ODA, partly because of increasing efficiency. It is economically proved that the return of capital in any way of benefit will strengthen willingness to providing aid. On the other hand, people are naturally liable to help and perform activities which do not give them any interest or gain. What is most interesting – nowadays developing countries are strengthening and they are evaluating theirs powers as equal partners of the rich, developed world. It comprises change in the system of international relations. Moreover United Nations should find a way of enforcing obligations of donors – like 0,7 percent of GDP for ODA to 2015. If the line of politics is steady, similar to current line, this goal will not be reached, so ODA will be more seen as a way of imperialism than help. In general, there are a lot of aspects of development which indicate that ODA is an implement of imperialism. On the other hand – some kind of interest improves the willingness of donors to provide aid. Besides that question – imperial or not – development aid is still increasing the number of people whose conditions of living are better because of ODA.
The text presents the problem of the health interest of a child conceived as a result of the use of medically assisted procreation techniques using donor genetic material. The use of modern medical technology is becoming increasingly common nowadays and the procedures which a few years ago were seen as experimental are now becoming standard. The present text covers the issues of risks and conflicts for family members related to the use of technology for the conception and birth of a child. The issue is the physical and mental well-being that can be derived from knowing one's origin from specific persons. Polish law does not provide access to information enabling the identification of a donor of reproductive cells, and the restrictions on the information that can be provided to an authorized person have been narrowly defined. This allows the formulation of the thesis, which is verified in the text, that the Polish legislator does not ensure the implementation of the right to know one's own genetic identity as the right to information in the field of donor genome, and even more so the right to know the identity of gamete donors as the right to information in terms of donor identification data. The text presents postulates based on Italian solutions and Recommendation 2156(2019) of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe. ; Artykuł podejmuje problem zdrowotnego interesu dziecka poczętego w wyniku zastosowania technik wspomaganej medycznie prokreacji z użyciem obcych komórek rozrodczych. Zastosowanie nowoczesnych technologii medycznych staje się coraz bardziej powszechne, a procedury, które jeszcze kilka lat temu postrzegane były jako eksperymentalne, obecnie stają się świadczeniami standardowymi. Nie oznacza to jednak, że nie niosą za sobą żadnych zagrożeń. Prezentowany tekst obejmuje problematykę tych zagrożeń i konfliktów dla członków rodziny związanych z wykorzystaniem technologii do poczęcia i urodzenia dziecka. Chodzi o zapewnienie tzw. dobrostanu fizycznego i psychicznego związanego z faktem ...
W efekcie stosunkowo udanej transformacji systemowej niektóre młode, demokratyczne kraje, które jeszcze w latach 80-tych i 90-tych otrzymywały pomoc demokratyzacyjną, zaangażowały się w charakterze nowych donatorów we wspieranie pro-demokratycznych przemian w mniej rozwiniętych państwach. Relacje pomiędzy post-komunistycznymi donatorami a odbiorcami pomocy można obserwować na przykładzie współpracy rozwojowej Polski i Ukrainy. Artykuł koncentruje się na kwestii polskiego wsparcia rozwojowego, udzielanego Ukrainie w latach 2007–2017 w ramach Polskiej Pomocy. Niniejsza praca ma za zadanie udzielić odpowiedzi na pytania o to czy polskie, rządowe wsparcie dla ukraińskich mediów jest kontynuowane pomimo zmiany partii rządzącej oraz czy polskie organizacje pozarządowe, które realizują pomoc rozwojową w oparciu o finansowanie Ministerstwa Spraw Zagranicznych RP, dopasowują swoje projekty do aktualnych potrzeb beneficjentów wsparcia i aktualnej sytuacji na Ukrainie. Autorki stawiają sobie jako cel zwrócenie uwagi na związki pomiędzy zaangażowaniem państw zewnętrznych i istnieniem niezależnych mediów a procesami demokratyzacji i wysiłkami, jakie podejmowane są przez tzw. nowych donatorów w państwach partnerskich. ; After the relatively successful system transformation, some young democratic countries from Central and Eastern Europe which used to receive democratic aid in the 1980s and 90s have engaged as new donors in assisting pro-democratic changes in other post-communist countries. The donor-recipient relations between two post-communist countries can be observed on the example of the development of cooperation between Poland and Ukraine. This paper deals with Polish assistance to new media in Ukraine in from 2007-2017 as a part of supporting democracy in Ukraine under the Polish Cooperation Development Program. Firstly, this work examines whether the Polish government's support of Ukrainian media as part of cooperation development will be sustained regardless of changes in the Polish government. Secondly, the paper explores whether Polish NGOs tailor their projects, financed by the Polish MFA, to the recipients' respective needs and the current situation in Ukraine. By examining Polish media assistance, the authors aim to explain the efforts of the new donor in developing media in a partner country, emphasizing the relation between the involvement of external actors and the presence of independent media which play an important role in democratization processes.
Rozwiązywanie konfliktów i dążenie do ustanowienia trwałego pokoju jest jednym z nadrzędnych celów Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych. Przez lata angażowała się ona w działalność na rzecz budowania pokoju. Do chwili powstania Komisji Budowania Pokoju w 2006 r. żadna część systemu ONZ nie była bezpośrednio odpowiedzialna za pomoc krajom w okresie pokonfliktowym i w dążeniach do budowania trwałego pokoju. Komisja Budowania Pokoju pozwoliła wypełnić tę lukę przez zapewnienie instytucjonalnego i systematycznego połączenia między utrzymywaniem pokoju, operacjami pokonfliktowymi oraz międzynarodową siecią pomocy i działaniami darczyńców, w tym Banku Światowego. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie funkcjonowania Komisji Budowania Pokoju: zasady jej działania, skład oraz zadania jej postawione. Po przedstawieniu strony normatywnej pokrótce opisano konkretne przypadki zaangażowania Komisji. Podjęto też próbę odpowiedzi na tytułowe pytanie – czy działalność Komisji to sukces czy porażka oraz jakie czynniki mają wpływ na sprawne i skuteczne działanie Komisji Budowania Pokoju. ; Resolving conflicts and achieving durable peace is one of the main goals of the United Nations (UN). For many years the UN has been engaged in peace building efforts. Until the creation of the Peace Building Commission in 2006, however, no part of the UN system had been directly responsible for assistance to States in the post-conflict reality or in the efforts aimed at achieving durable peace. The Peace Building Commission managed to fill in this vacuum through systematic and institutional links between peace keeping, post-conflict operations and international network of assistance as well as activities undertaken by donors, including the World Bank. The aim of this article is to present the functioning of the UN Peace Building Commission: its rules of procedure, composition and the tasks is has been given. First, the normative aspect will be delineated, followed by brief characteristics of concrete cases in which the Commission has been engaged. Based on that analysis, the question whether the work of the Commission has been a success of a failure will be examined and an attempt will be made to determine factors that condition effective work of the Peace Building Commission.
After the relatively successful system transformation, some young democratic countries from Central and Eastern Europe which used to receive democratic aid in the 1980s and 90s have engaged as new donors in assisting pro-democratic changes in other post-communist countries. The donor-recipient relations between two post-communist countries can be observed on the example of the development of cooperation between Poland and Ukraine. This paper deals with Polish assistance to new media in Ukraine in from 2007-2017 as a part of supporting democracy in Ukraine under the Polish Cooperation Development Program. Firstly, this work examines whether the Polish government's support of Ukrainian media as part of cooperation development will be sustained regardless of changes in the Polish government. Secondly, the paper explores whether Polish NGOs tailor their projects, financed by the Polish MFA, to the recipients' respective needs and the current situation in Ukraine. By examining Polish media assistance, the authors aim to explain the efforts of the new donor in developing media in a partner country, emphasizing the relation between the involvement of external actors and the presence of independent media which play an important role in democratization processes. ; W efekcie stosunkowo udanej transformacji systemowej niektóre młode, demokratyczne kraje, które jeszcze w latach 80-tych i 90-tych otrzymywały pomoc demokratyzacyjną, zaangażowały się w charakterze nowych donatorów we wspieranie pro-demokratycznych przemian w mniej rozwiniętych państwach. Relacje pomiędzy post-komunistycznymi donatorami a odbiorcami pomocy można obserwować na przykładzie współpracy rozwojowej Polski i Ukrainy. Artykuł koncentruje się na kwestii polskiego wsparcia rozwojowego, udzielanego Ukrainie w latach 2007–2017 w ramach Polskiej Pomocy. Niniejsza praca ma za zadanie udzielić odpowiedzi na pytania o to czy polskie, rządowe wsparcie dla ukraińskich mediów jest kontynuowane pomimo zmiany partii rządzącej oraz czy polskie organizacje pozarządowe, które realizują pomoc rozwojową w oparciu o nansowanie Ministerstwa Spraw Zagranicznych RP, dopasowują swoje projekty do aktualnych potrzeb bene cjentów wsparcia i aktualnej sytuacji na Ukrainie. Autorki stawiają sobie jako cel zwrócenie uwagi na związki pomiędzy zaangażowaniem państw zewnętrznych i istnieniem niezależnych mediów a procesami demokratyzacji i wysiłkami, jakie podejmowane są przez tzw. nowych donatorów w państwach partnerskich. ; The paper is a part of the research project under the funding scheme of NCN Sonata (UMO-2013/09/D/HS5/04381).
