Crime and violence pose a serious challenge to Mexico. The problem appears to be growing worse, with 2011 on pace to become the most violent year on record. The rising violence in Mexico has resulted in a sharply heightened sense of fear among citizens, who now feel the presence of cartels in their every day lives. The use of extortion and kidnapping by cartels combined with a lack of trust in security forces terrorizes the population and makes them feel like they have no where to turn. Despite this fact, crime rates in Mexico remain lower than in other parts of Latin America. Venezuela, for example, has among the highest homicide rates in the world. Yet the pervasive infiltration of cartels into public life gives Mexicans a heightened sense of the severity of violent crime in their own country. Although accurate statistics are hard to come by, it is quite possible that 60,000 people have died in the last six-plus years as a result of armed conflict between the Mexican cartels and the Mexican government, amongst cartels fighting each other, and as a result of cartels targeting citizens. Mexico has been struggling with drug production and drug transit through its territory from South America to the U.S. for many decades, given the fact that it is the most important transit country for drug production originating from South America. In recent years, the escalating violence in Mexico has led to dramatic deterioration of the security situation. Recent wave of drug-war violence is associated with the beginning of the term of President Felipe Calderón in December 2006. The immediate implications of his assumption of the presidency and his hard-line policy, which he has applied against drug cartels and organized criminal groups across the country, were the deployment of Mexican army to fight cartels and the gradual weakening of the influence of local and state police at the expense of federal troops. This was done in order to combat corruption and collaboration of local law-enforcement institutions with drug trafficking organizations (DTOs). The consequence of such a policy, however, has been increased violence among rival cartels and between them and the federal police and military, resulting in a dramatic increase of the number of victims. The future of US-Mexican counter drug cooperation, as well as of the whole bilateral relation in the area of security, depends on the outcome of US presidential elections. As for Mexico, Enrique Peña Nieto takes the office on December 1, 2012 that will mark a comeback of his party PRI after 12 years in opposition. As far as the security strategy of the future Mexican President is concerned, there are no significant changes to be expected. Peña Nieto seems to be aware of the current situation and its consequences as well as of the inevitability of an extremely close and dynamic mutual cooperation with the US.
Katastrofalni događaji prouzrokovani prirodnim nepogodama i lјudskim delovanjem predstavlјaju jedinstven izazov za osiguravače, jer otežavaju procenu očekivanih odštetnih zahteva te mogu izazvati poremećaj na tržištu osiguranja i nametnuti značajne troškove za vladu, privredu i pojedince. Nestašica dostupnog pokrića ovih rizika na tržištu, usled nesposobnosti ili nespremnosti osiguravača da osiguraju katastrofalne događaje, može značajno ometati ekonomski oporavak i razvoj zemlјe. Iz tog razloga osiguravači su potražili alternativne načine upravlјanja rizikom ovih ekstremnih gubitaka, a jedan od njih, transfer rizika osiguranja na finansijska tržišta, predstavlјa predmet ovog rada. Cilј ovog rada je da prikaže prednosti i nedostatke instrumenata putem kojih se vrši transfer rizika osiguranja na finansijska tržišta, kao i da ukaže na zakonske i druge pretpostavke koje su neophodne za funkcionisanje i razvoj ovog tržišta. ; Catastrophic events caused by natural disasters and human activities pose a unique challenge for insurers, because they make it difficult to estimate expected claims and can cause disruption to the insurance market and impose significant costs on government, businesses and individuals. The lack of available coverage of these risks in the market, due to the insolvency or unwillingness of insurers to ensure catastrophic events, can significantly impede the economic recovery and development of the country. For this reason insurers have sought alternative ways of covering these extreme losses, and one of them, a transfer of the risk of insurance to the capital markets represents the main subject of this research. The aim of this maneuver is to present the advantages and disadvantages of the instruments through which the transfer of insurance risk to financial markets is carried out, as well as to indicate the legal and other assumptions necessary for the functioning and development of this market.
In the course of the second rule of Princes Miloš and Mihajlo Obrenović, i.e. during 1870-ies, ephemeral ceremonies as an artificial ritual of political propaganda underwent considerable development. Leading artistic man-power, primarily Đura Jakšić and Steva Todorović, weree engaged in their realization. Thus, Jakšić wrote a number of long panegyrics, abandoning the traditional manner of court adulation and introducing a romantic dynastic mythology of the Obrenović's, primarily associated with the Takovo riot. Todorović and his coworkers designed the ephemeral architectural scenery and pictures from the vast dynastic mythology, relying upon poetry by their literary argumentation. Known through rare sketches and numerous descriptions in daily press of the time, this simple art of ephemeral festivities had persisted to be built upon the same ideas until the beginning of the 20th century, when the exchange of dynasties entailed the introduction of different mechanisms of court propaganda and different consideration of the »utilifas picturae«. ; Za vreme druge vladavine kneza Miloša i Mihajla Obrenovića, tokom sedme decenije XIX veka, dolazi do snažnog razvitka efemernih svečanosti kao aritificiranog rituala političke propagande. U njihovom ostvarivanju se angažuju vodeće umetničke snage, pre svih Bura Jakšić i Steva Todorović. Jakšić piše brojne panegiričke poeme, kojima napušta tradicionalni manir dvorske laske i ustrojava romantičarsku mitologiju Obrenovića, primarno vezan za Takovski ustanak. Todorović, sa svojim pomoćnicima, radi nacrte za efemerne arhitektonske kulise i slika brojne dinastičke mitologije, koje se literarnom argumentacijom oslanjaju na poeziju. Poznata preko retkih skica i brojnih opisa u dnevnoj štampi, ova jednodnevna umetnost prolaznih svečanosti biće građena na istim idejnim osnovama sve do početka XX veka, kada smenom dinastija dolazi do isticanja drugačijih mehanizama dvorske propagande i drugačijeg shvatanja o utilitas picturae.
The subject and purpose of the research in this paper is based on the analysis of the influence of the central bank on public debt in the conditions of the currency board in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The structure of the work was set up through a dynamic analysis of the ratio of public debt variables, the supply of money, the state of the budget of the governments of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the current account and the nominal exchange rate. The research covers the period from 2000 to 2016. The research methodology is based on the use of empirical data and the application of the vector autoregresion model (VAR). On the basis of an analysis of the function of impulse and response, it is possible to indicate the reactions of the variable variables with one another. On the other hand, the decomposition of variance through the model proves the mutual variability and interaction of the variables for the observed period of research. The practical implications of the work are reflected in the answer to the extent to which monetary authorities, in the conditions of the currency board, due to the endogenous supply of money, contribute to the creation of a budget deficit and public debt. ; Predmet i cilj istraživanja u ovom radu bazira se na analizi uticaja centralne banke najavni dug u uslovima valutnog odbora u Bosni i Hercegovini. Konstrukcija rada je postavljena kroz dinamičku analizu odnosa varijabli javnog duga, ponude novca, stanja budžeta vlada Bosne i Hercegovine, tekućeg računa i nominalnog deviznog kursa. Istraživanje pokriva period od 2000. do 2016. godine. Metodologija istraživanja bazira se na upotrebi empirijskih podataka i primjeni vektorskog autoregresionog modela (VAR). Na bazi analize funkcije impulsa i odgovora moguće je ukazati na reakcije promjenjljivih varijabli međusobno, sa jedne strane. Sa druge strane, dekompozicijom varijanse kroz model dokazuje se međusobna varijabilnost i međusobni uticaj varijabli za posmatrani period istraživanja. Praktične implikacije rada ogledaju se kroz odgovor koliko monetarne vlasti u uslovima valutnog odbora, usljed endogene ponude novca, doprinose stvaranju budžetskog deficita i javnom zaduženju.
Jedno od osnovnih svojstava posebnih bezbednosnih problema, ali i zadataka kojima se oni rešavaju predstavlja složenost. U zavisnosti od osnovih obeležja složenosti posebnih bezbednosnih problema i zadataka, kao odgovora na njih, primenjuju se odgovarajuće koncepcije složenosti. Radi se o logičkoj, teoretsko-informacionoj, algoritamskoj, teoretsko-množinskoj i statističkoj koncepciji. U zavisnosti od primenjene koncepcije složenosti varira struktura procesa odlučivanja o načinu angažovanja snaga određenih za rešavanje konkretnog posebnog bezbednosnog problema, kao i ishodi tog procesa. S tim u vezi, postavlja se pitanje posledica izbora odredjenje koncepcije složenosti na proces i ishod odlučivanja u uslovima rešavanja posebnih bezbednosnih problema. Značaj odgovora na ovo pitanje je u pravilnom shvatanju koncepcija složenosti i njihovog uticaja na odlučivanje povodom rešavanja posebnih bezbednosnih problema. Odgovorom na ta pitanja olakšaće se edukacija u oblasti bezbednosnog menadžmenta s jedne strane i primena stečenih znanja u toj oblasti, s druge strane. ; One of the basic characteristics of special security problems, as well as the tasks with which they are solved is their complexity. Depending on the basic characteristics of the complexity of special security problems and tasks, as responses to them, adequate complexity concepts are implemented. This refers to logical,theoretical-information, algorithm, theoretically multiple and statistical concept. Depending on the implemented complexity concept, the structure of the decision-making process varies regarding the method of engaging the forces determined for the solving of concrete special security problem, as well as the outcomes of this process. Thus, there is the question about the consequences of the selection of certain complexity concepts for the process and outcome of decision-making in the conditions of solving special security problems. The significance of the answer to this question is in proper understanding of the concepts of complexity and their influence on the decision-making regarding solving of special security problems. The answer to this question will facilitate the education in the field of security management on the one hand and implementation of the acquired knowledge in this field, on the other hand. ; Book of papers / 4th International Conference "Crisis management days", 25 - 26 May 2011, Velika Gorica, Croatia
In the last twenty years the world has undergone serious changes, unfortunately not in positive direction. The collapse of the bipolar system and the establishment of one bloc hegemony - NATO headed by the USA, has not only failed to establish more stable and secure international relations, but, on the contrary, it has corresponded with the greatest insecurity and uncertainty of the mankind ever since World War II till the present day. After the 'counter-balance' disappeared, there has been open political, economic, even direct military, interference by the Alliance states in the sovereignty of many countries. Consequently, the world's conflicting potential has largely increased. Apart from the threats present from earlier, the contemporary world is faced with a series of new, formerly unknown or marginal, ones. The most notable among them are: uncontrolled escalation of armed conflicts; international terrorism; proliferation of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction; expansion of drugs trafficking; illegal cross-border migrations; human trafficking and trafficking in human organs; piracy; criminalization of different areas of living; etc. The economic and financial crises have additionally warned the world of the limitedness of natural resources and, in the most serious form, posed the issue of the fight for preservation, or conquest of areas rich in raw minerals. Apart from the current courses of action in the fight for control over the natural resources, both new methods of action and new areas of contest are emerging (Arctic, Antarctic .; above and under the Earth's surface; on the sea, and under the sea bottom), over which the interests of great powers will be increasingly conflicting. Michael Klare, the author of well-known books 'Blood and Oil' and 'Resource Wars', convincingly evokes a growing hunger for resources by the picturesque title of his latest book 'Race for What's Left: Global Scramble for the World's Last Resources'. For success in this new competition in strength and skills, new strategic concepts are required. Some have already been created and preliminarily tested; others are being prepared for implementation and corrected 'on the go' based on the performance of already proved solutions; still others are being hurriedly shaped. Understandably, along with this, what actual and potential rivals do related to this, or what their activities suggest, is watched closely.
Apstrakt: Predmet istraživanja doktorske disertacije "Specifičnosti radnopravnog položaja lokalnih službenika" odnosi se na analizu specifičnih elemenata radnopravnog položaja lokalnih službenika u odnosu na državne i ostale javne službenike ali i lica koja se nalaze u opštem režimu radnih odnosa. Lokalni službenici obavljaju poslove od značaja za uspešno funkcionisanje decentralizovanih teritorijalnih jedinica i ostvarivanje prava i obaveza građana, koji u njima žive. Posredno su od značaja i za uspešno funkcionisanje države u okviru koje se nalaze decentralizovane teritorijalne jedinice u kojima lokalni službenici obavljaju poslove iz svoje nadležnosti. Njihov radnopravni položaj karakterišu upravnopravni i radnopravni element. Komparativno posmatrano njihov položaj je uređen na različite načine, pri čemu se daju zapaziti određena zajednička rešenja, posebno među državama bivše Jugoslavije, uprkos istorijskim, političkim, ekonomskim i društvenim razlikama. U Republici Srbiji njihov status i položaj menjao se kroz istoriju. Trenutno je uređen posebnim zakonom na osnovu koga su doneti i brojni podzakonski akti, koji čine okosnicu lokalnog službeničkog sistema. Poseduju određene specifičnosti u odnosu na zaposlene u opštem režimu radnih odnosa, državne i druge javne službenike. ; Abstract: The subject of the research of the doctoral dissertation "The specifics of the employment status of local officials" refers to the analysis of specific elements of the employment status of local employees in relation to state and other public servants, as well as persons who are in the general regime of labour relations. Local officials perform tasks that are important for the successful functioning of decentralized territorial units and for the accomplish of the rights and obligations of the citizens who live in them. Indirectly, they are also of importance for the successful functioning of the state within which there are decentralized territorial units in which local officials perform tasks within their jurisdiction. Their employment status is characterized by an administrative and labour element. Comparatively speaking, their position has been regulated in different ways, with certain common solutions being noted, especially among the countries of the former Yugoslavia, despite historical, political, economic and social differences. In the Republic of Serbia, their status and position has changed throughout history. It is currently governed by a separate law, based on which numerous by-laws have been passed, which form the backbone of the local civil service system. They have certain specificities in relation to employees in the general mode of labour relations, state and other public servants.
According to actual legislation, the performing of communal activities in the Republic of Srpska is mainly entrusted with public utility companies founded and managed by local governments (municipalities and cities), as well as their majority owners. Municipalities and cities have a legal obligation to prescribe the conditions and manner of performing utility activities, material, technical and other conditions for the financing, development, the construction and maintenance of utility infrastructure, the conditions for the functioning of the technical and technological unity of utility systems and devices and others. One of the constant problems in the present management, financing, and monitoring and reporting on the real effects of the management of public utility infrastructure refers to the fact that it is a property that is owned (usually in the business balance) of local governments, but which is often included in the business balance of public utilities companies, such corporations, which managing these assets realize their regular business income. Different approaches to the legal treatment of utility infrastructure and its different models accounting for, among other things, significantly affecting the quality of information on financial position and performance of public utilities companies, and through it to relation managers and owners acording to its maintenance and renewal. The actual ballast of many years of unresolved dilemmas in this area in the final bears citizens, who are have the right to use public services of appropriate quality and under acceptable economic conditions. ; Prema važećim zakonskim propisima, obavlјanje komunalnih djelatnosti u Republici Srpskoj uglavnom je povjereno javnim komunalnim preduzećima koja osnivaju i kojima upravlјaju jedinice lokalne samouprave (opštine i gradovi), kao njihovi većinski vlasnici. Opštine i gradovi imaju zakonsku obavezu da propišu uslove i način obavlјanja komunalnih djelatnosti, materijalne, tehničke i druge uslove za finansiranje, razvoj, igradnju i održavanje komunalne infrastrukture, uslove za funkcionisanje i tehničko-tehnološko jedinstvo komunalnih sistema i uređaja i dr. Jedan od konstantno prisutnih problema u upravlјanju, finansiranju, kao i praćenju i izvještavanju o stvarnim efektima upravlјanja javnom komunalnom infrastrukturom odnosi se na činjenicu da se radi o imovini koja se nalazi u vlasništvu (obično i u bilansima) jedinica lokalne samouprave, ali koja je nerijetko uklјučena i u poslovne bilanse javnih komunalnih preduzeća, kao korporatizovanih društava kapitala, koja gazdujući tom imovinom ostvaruju svoje redovne poslovne prihode. Različitim pristupima pravnom tretmanu komunalne infrastrukture i različitim modelima njenog računovodstvenog obuhvata, pored ostalog, značajno se utiče na kvalitet informacija o finansijskom položaju i uspješnosti javnih komunalnih preduzeća, a kroz to i na odnos upravlјača prema njenom održavanju i obnavlјanju. Stvarni teret dugo godina nerazriješenih dilema u predmetnoj oblasti u konačnom snose građani, koji imaju pravo na korišćenje javnih usluga odgovarajućeg kvaliteta i pod za njih pristupačnim ekonomskim uslovima.
Izbori i izborni sistemi su veoma važan faktor funkcionisanja političkih sistema i njihove demokratizacije. Kraj prošlog veka doneo je temeljite promene bivšim socijalstičkim društvima širom starog kontinenta. Politički pluralizam, demokratija i tržišna ekonomija postale su široko prihvaćene vrednosti za bivša komunistička društva. Ovo je, sa druge strane, povećalo značaj izbora u svim ovim zemljama, uključujući Republiku Makedoniju. Veoma je teško tvrditi da li su izbori u Republici Makedoniji, od početka njenog postojanja kao nezavisne države, uvek bili u skladu sa pravilima naprednih demokratija, ali svejedno ostaje činjenica da su omogućili demokratiju u ovoj zemlji. Republika Makedonija prihvatila je parlamentarizam i u kontinuitetu iskazivala sve veće poštovanje za volju građana izraženu na fer i slobodnim izborima, iako je u nekoliko aspekata pokazala nedostatak političke kulture i tendencije koje bi se mogle nazvati demokratskim manipulisanjem demokratijom. Glavni cilj ovog rada je da pruži pregled izbora i razvoja izbornih modela u političkom sistemu Republike Makedonije. Kao što će to u radu biti predstavljeno, Republika Makedonija je u ove dve decenije svoje nezavisnosti primenjivala čist većinski izborni model, kombinovani izborni model i proporcionalni model, koji je trenutno u upotrebi. ; Elections and electoral systems are a factor of great importance for the functioning of political systems and their democratization. The end of the last century brought fundamental changes to ex socialist societies all over the old continent. Political pluralism, democracy and market economy became the largely accepted values for ex communist societies. This on the other hand resulted in an increased importance of elections in all these countries, including the Republic of Macedonia. It is very hard to argue weather election in the Republic of Macedonia from the very beginnings of its functioning as an independent country have always been in accordance with the rules of advanced democracies, but never the less the fact remains that they have made democracy in this country possible. The Republic of Macedonia has accepted parliamentarism and has shown in continuity an increasing respect for the will of citizens expressed in fair and free elections, although in several aspects it has shown a lack of political culture and tendencies for what might be called a democratic manipulation of democracy. The main objective of this paper is to provide an overview of elections and the evolution of the electoral models in the political system of the Republic of Macedonia. As will be presented in the paper the Republic of Macedonia in these two decades of functioning as an independent country has implemented the pure majoritarian electoral model, the combined electoral model and the proportional model which is being actually implemented.
Monitoring the readiness of countries for the application of information and communication technologies (ICT) has a long tradition. It is reflected through the application of various synthetic indicators - indexes, which were created for these purposes by various organizations and associations. These indicators are expected to reflect new trends in the field of ICT, and also to measure the readiness and achievements of individual countries in the ICT usage. The aim of this paper is to show significant changes in the structure of one of the most well-known indices in this area - Network Readiness Index, which has been in use for almost two decades. The paper emphasizes the application of this index in monitoring the process of digital transformation at the level of economic and social development of individual countries, especially in the COVID crisis. Also, the tendencies of this process in the post-COVID period are considered. Monitoring the process of digital transformation at the country level is characterized by a multidimensional approach. In this sense, the complex structure of the NRI latest version is presented. It is based on 60 indicators grouped in four areas: technological trends, human resources capacity, government regulations and the impact of new technologies on the economy, quality of life and achieving the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals adopted in 2015. Also, the paper discusses the position of Serbia and other Western Balkans countries measured in the context of the newly created index, and presents a comparison of these countries with European Union countries. ; Praćenje spremnosti zemalјa za primenu informaciono-komunikacionih tehnologija (IKT) ima višegodišnju tradiciju. Ona se ogleda kroz primenu različitih sintetičkih pokazatelјa – indeksa, koje su za te svrhe kreirale različite organizacije i asocijacije. Od ovih pokazatelјa se očekuje da, sa jedne strane, odražavaju nove trendove u IKT oblasti, a sa druge strane, da mere spremnost i postignuća pojedinih zemalјa u primeni tih novih tehnologija. Cilј ovog rada jeste da prikaže značajne promene u strukturi jednog od najpoznatijih indeksa za praćenje spremnosti zemalјa za primenu informaciono-komunikacionih tehnologija - Network Readiness Index (NRI), koji je u upotrebi skoro dve decenije. U radu je posebno naglašeno sagledavanje primene ovog indeksa u praćenju procesa digitalne transformacije na nivou ekonomskog i društvenog razvoja pojedinih zemalјa, posebno u uslovima kovid krize. Takođe, sagledane su i tendencije ovog procesa u postkovid periodu. Praćenje procesa digitalne transformacije na nivou zemalјa karakteriše višedimenzionalni pristup. U tom smislu prikazana je složena struktura najnovije verzije ovog indeksa koja se zasniva na 60 indikatora, a koji su sintetički povezani u četiri oblasti: tehnološki trendovi, kapaciteti lјudskih resursa za primenu novih tehnologija, značaj vladinih regulativa, kao i uticaj novih tehnologija na ekonomiju, kvalitet života i ostvarenje Održivih razvojnih cilјeva Ujedinjenih nacija (UN Sustainable Development Goals - SDGs) prihvaćenih 2015. godine. Takođe, u radu je razmatrana pozicija Srbije i ostalih zemalјa Zapadnog Balkana merena u kontekstu novokreiranog indeksa, i prikazano je poređenje ovih zemalјa sa zemlјama Evropske unije.
Rad istražuje ulogu i doprinos razvojne pomoći u procesu programiranja i implementacije pravosudne reforme u Srbiji od 2002. do 2012. godine. Pojam razvojne pomoći u ovom radu obuhvata donacije i projektnu pomoć međunarodnih partnera u širem smislu, što obuhvata kako međunarodne organizacije tako i razvojne agencije i/ili programe stranih država. Pod pravosudnom reformom rad primarno podrazumeva postizanje nezavisnosti pravosuđa u čijoj je osnovi stručnost nosilaca pravosudne funkcije. Stoga, posebno mesto u istaživanju zauzima jedinstveni slučaj transformacije Pravosudne akademije od projekta do državne institucije u funkciji osnaživanja kriterijuma stručnosti. Osnovna hipoteza rada je da je uspešnost reforme pravosuđa uslovljena primenom kriterijuma stručnosti u izboru, vrednovanju i napredovanju nosilaca pravosudne funkcije. Sprovedeno istraživanje potvrđuje hipotezu i donosi zaključak da nije postignut značajan uspeh u reformi pravosuđa u Srbiji. Utvrdili smo da su stagnaciji reforme doprineli, u jednakoj meri, s jedne strane, međunarodni partneri nekoherentnim pristupom programiranju reforme, a s druge, nacionalni partneri u Srbiji nedostatkom stvarne potražnje za reformom. Sadejstvom ovih razvojnih partnera u primeni tehnika izomorfne mimikrije i preuranjenog opterećenja došlo se do mešovitog rezultata - kapaciteti pravosuđa u Srbiji su u izvesnoj meri uvećani ali nezavisnost suda nije. Rad na osnovu ovih nalaza daje preporuke za unapređenje programiranja i realizaciju reforme pravosuđa kao što su koherentni strateški mehanizmi, koordinacija razvojnih partnera i depolitizacija reformskog procesa. ; The study explores the role and contribution of development assistance within the process of programming and implementation of judicial reform in Serbia from 2002 to 2012. The notion of development assistance, according to the study, includes donations and project assistance from international partners in a wider sense such as from international organizations, development agencies and/or bilateral assistance. The study defines judicial reform as the independence of the judiciary, which is based on the competency of judges and prosecutors. Thus, special attention is given to the unique case of the transformation of the Judicial Academy from a project to a state institution with the mandate to enhance the competency criteria and the merit based system for judges and prosecutors. The basic hypothesis of the study is that the success of judicial reform is conditioned by the application of competency criteria in the appointment, evaluation and career advancement of judges and prosecutors. The research confirms the hypothesis and leads to the conclusion that the judicial reform in Serbia did not achieve significant successes. It concludes that both the international and national partners contributed equally to the stagnation of the judicial reform process. While international partners applied incoherent approaches, through their reform programming, the national partners exercised a lack of genuine reform demand and commitment. The joint actions of these development partners in the implementation of techniques of isomorphic mimicry and the premature load bearing led to mixed results – the capacity of the judiciary in Serbia has been increased to a certain extent, but the independence of the judiciary has not been reached. The study, based on these conclusions provides recommendations for the improvement of programming and implementation of judicial reform such as through a coherent strategic programming mechanism, coordination of development partners and depolarization of the reform process.
Predmet ove uporedne analize je istraţivanje sadrţaja i realizacije izbornih programa relevantnih političkih partija iz BiH, Srbije i Hrvatske u periodu od 2002 do 2012 godine. Analizom izbornih programa utvrĎeni su sadrţaji po relevantnosti, mjerljivosti, sektorskoj pripadnosti, obećanjima i usklaĎenosti sa javnim interesom, a istraţivanjem realizacije izbornih programa relevantnih vladajućih partija dobijeni su rezultati o ispunjavanju izbornih obećanja. TakoĎe, analiziran je partijski, izborni i politički kontekst i procesi, kako bi se rezultati ove analize doveli u vezu sa rezultatima analize sadrţaja i realizacije izbornih programa relevantnih političkih partija. Za ovo istraţivanje odabrani su izborni programi relevantnih političkih partija, koje su bile vodeće vladajuće i opozicione u prethodna tri izborna ciklusa, u tri susjedne drţave, koje imaju zajedničku drţavnu prošlost i druge sličnosti. UsklaĎenost izbornih programa sa javnim interesom i njihova realizacija su problem koji je direktno povezan sa izbornim legitimisanjem, zastupanjem javnog interesa, predstavničkom demokratijom, partokratskim i drugim sistemskim deformacijama i potrebom redefinisanja partijskog i drugih dijelova političkog sistema. Kriza izbornog legitimiteta i institucionalnog zastupanja graĎana polazi od partijskih izbornih programa, koji su nesuklaĎeni sa javnim interesom i koji se, kao takvi, nezadovoljavajuće realizuju, a manifestuje se kada partokratija zamijeni demokratiju, kada privatno-partijski nadvlada javni interes i kada, umjesto zastupanja javnog interesa u institucijama vlasti, postoji samo puko predstavljanje. NeusklaĎeni izborni programi sa javnim interesom i neispunjavanje izbornih obećanja su posljedica sistemske greške, čijim se otklanjanjem stvaraju uslovi za uspostavljanje i postojanje predstavničke i drugih oblika demokratije. ; Subject of this comparison analysis is research of contents and realization of electoral programs of relevant political parties from BiH, Serbia and Croatia in period from year 2002 to 2012. By analysis of electoral programs contents were determined by its relevance, measurability, sector belonging, promises and harmonization with public interest, and by research of realization of electoral programs of relevant ruling political parties results were acquired about fulfilment of electoral promises. Also, we have analyzed partisan, electoral and political context and processes, so we could correlate results of this analysis with results of content analysis and realization of electoral programs and relevant political parties. For this research we have selected electoral programs of relevant political parties which were prime ruling and opposition parties in previous three electoral cycles in three neighbouring countries and which have mutual state history and other similarities. Harmonization of electoral programs with public interest and its realization is a problem which is directly linked with electoral legitimacy, representing of public interest, representative democracy, partisan and other systematic anomalies and need for redefining partisan and other parts of political system. Crisis of political legitimacy and institutional representation of citizens derives from partisan electoral programs which are in disharmony with public interest and which are, as such, and not sufficiently realized, and it is manifested when partisanship replaces democracy, when private-partisan overcomes public interest and when, instead of representing public interest in institutions of authority, there is only mere or symbolic representation. Electoral programs which are not harmonized with public interest and lack of fulfilment of electoral promises is consequence of systematic error, and by its removal, conditions are created for establishing and existence of representative and other forms of democracy.
Konvergencija dohodaka je više od polovine veka predmet mnogih teorijskih i empirijskih istraživanja. Brojni istraživači su posvetili veliku pažnju ovom pitanju na koje, do sadašnjeg trenutka, ne postoji jasan odgovor, niti jedinstven rezultat. Iako je strana literatura bogata radovima čiji je predmet istraživanja konvergencija dohodaka među zemljama Evropske unije, kao i uticaj različitih faktora na konvergenciju dohodaka, u domaćoj literaturi ova oblast nije dovoljno istražena. Osim toga, još uvek je mali broj radova koji se bave ispitivanjem postojanja i brzine konvergencije dohodaka između zemalja Evropske unije i zemalja Zapadnog Balkana. S tim u vezi, predmet doktorske diseratcije je dohodovna konvergencija zemalja Zapadnog Balkana i članica Evropske unije u kontekstu evropske ekonomske integracije. Cilj istraživanja u doktorskoj disertaciji je da se pruži odgovor na pitanje da li postoji konvergencija dohodaka među zemljama Evropske unije. Takođe, cilj istraživanja je utvrđivanje razlike u brzini konvergencije dohodaka između razvijenih zemalja Evropske unije, s jedne strane, i Novih zemalja članica Evropske unije i zemalja Zapadnog Balkana, s druge strane. Pored toga, cilj istraživanja u doktorskoj disertaciji je i utvrđivanje faktora koji utiču na konvergenciju dohodaka. Rezultati empirijske analize pokazuju postojanje dohodovne konvergencije među zemljama Evropske unije. Osim toga, dokazano je da Nove zemlje članice Evropske unije i zemlje Zapadnog Balkana, s jedne strane, imaju bržu konvergenciju dohodaka od grupe razvijenih zemalja Evropske unije. Analizom smera i intenziteta delovanja različitih faktora na konvergenciju dohodaka, dobijeni su rezultati koji ukazuju na pozitivan uticaj bilateralne trgovine na dohodovnu konvergenciju, pozitivan uticaj stranih direktnih investicija na dohodovnu konvergenciju centralnoevropskih tranzicionih zemalja u pretkriznim godinama, kao i pozitivan uticaj prisutnosti ekonomskih sloboda u godinama posle Globalne ekonomske krize. Reformski procesi nisu pokazali snažan i kontinuiran uticaj na dohodovnu konvergenciju centralnoevropskih tranzicionih zemalja. ; Income convergence has been the subject of many theoretical and empirical research for more than half a century. Many researchers devoted great attention analyzing income convergence among countries. However, there is still no clear answer, nor a unique result about this topic. Although foreign literature has vast number of papers that examine income convergence among the European Union countries, as well as the effect of various factors on income convergence, this field has not been sufficiently explored in domestic literature. In addition, there is still a small number of papers that test the existence and speed of income convergence between the developed countries of the European Union and the Western Balkan States. In this regard, the subject of the doctoral dissertation is income convergence of the Western Balkan States and European Union member states in the context of European economic integration. The aim of the research in the doctoral dissertation is to determine the existence of income convergence among the European Union countries. Also, the aim of the research is to determine the difference in the speed of income convergence between developed countries of the European Union, on the one hand, and New Member States and Western Balkan States, on the other. In addition, the aim of the research is to determine factors that affect income convergence. The results of the empirical analysis show the existence of income convergence among European Union countries. The results also show higher speed of income convergence of Western Balkan States and New Member States, compared to developed European Union members, depending on the observed subperiod. By analyzing the direction and intensity of various factors on income convergence, results indicate positive impact of bilateral trade, positive impact of foreign direct investment in the pre-crisis years, and positive effect of presence of economic freedom in the years after Global economic crisis. Reform processes haven't shown a strong and continuous effect on income convergence of Central European transition countries.
Škole se širom sveta nalaze pred novim zahtevima, a jedan od njih, posebno izražen u neoliberalnoj eri i kulturi revizije, jeste standardizacija uspeha učenika preuzeta iz sveta ekonomije. Mišljenja o standardizaciji uspeha učenika ili škola su podeljena. Sistematski smo analizirali relevantnu literaturu kako bismo istražili različita viđenja standarda. Standardi se smatraju dobrim pokazateljima koji omogućavaju poređnje među državama i pružaju smernice za inovacije i/ili reforme, pošto su obrazovni sistemi tradicionalno zasnovani na implicitnim standardima. Postavljanje eksplicitnih standarda olakšava posao nastavnicima i učenicima jer znaju šta se od njih očekuje. Osnovu ovakvog pristupa čini verovanje političara da mogu jasno prepoznati šta bi studenti trebalo da znaju i za šta bi trebalo da budu osposobljeni. Protivnici ovakvom mišljenju smatraju da je postavljanje eksplicitnih standarda inherentno štetno jer može umanjiti kvalitet onoga što se meri. Standardi se ne odnose na potpunu valorizaciju studenata, niti na kompetencije važne za uključivanje u svet rada. Uspeh učenika ima višestruke ciljeve koji se ne odražavaju u standardizovanim testovima, a moguće je i preusmeravanje resursa s jedne grupe učenika na druge, što često nije opravdano ili transparentno. Standardizacija uspeha učenika stvorena je analogijom sa privredom po kojoj studenti postaju ,,proizvodi", a njihovo ponašanje se definiše kao ,,izlazne veštine", ,,kompetencije" i ,,ishodi". Postavljanje standarda počiva na implicitnoj pretpostavci da je obrazovni proces kulturološki neutralan i da ne uzima u obzir etničku pripadnost i društvenu klasu, ali pokušava da homogenizuje učenike stavljajući ih u kvantifikovane kategorije. Sam koncept standarda je nejasan. Stoga, standardizacija baca senku na romantičnu predstavu o poslovnom sektoru kao primeru dobre prakse i iziskuje redefinisanje cilja i svrhe obrazovanja. ; There are new demands for schools around the world, and one of them, particularly expressed in the neoliberal era and audit culture, is standardization of student achievements that has been transferred from the world of economics. The opinions about standardization of student or academic achievements are not united. We used systematic analysis of relevant literature to explore different perspectives on standards. Standards are considered to be a good indicator that allows cross-national comparisons and provides guidance for innovation and/or reform, since education systems are traditionally based on implicit standards. Setting explicit standards makes work easier for teachers and students because they know what is expected from them. The basic foundation of this approach is the politicians' conviction that they can clearly identify what students need to know and what they need to be capable of. The opponents believe that setting explicit standards is inherently damaging because it can reduce the quality of what is measured. Standards do not allow for full valorisation of students or competences that are important for inclusion in the world of work. Student achievement has multiple goals that are not reflected in standardized tests, and it is also possible to redirect resources from one group of students to others, which is often not justified or transparent. Standardization of student achievement was created by analogy to industry, whereby students become "products", and their behaviour is defined as "exit skills", "competences" and "outcomes". Setting standards rests on the implicit assumption that educational process is culturally neutral and does not take into account ethnicity and social class, but tries to homogenize students by placing them in quantified categories. The mere construct standard, is not clear. For this reason, standardization casts a shadow on romantic presentation of the business sector as the example of good practice, and requires redefining the goal and purpose of education. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"
Hladni rat je predstavljao rat ideologija bez presedana u istoriji. Nijedan drugi rat, ni pre ni posle ovog višedecenijskog hladnog sukoba između Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i Saveza Sovjetskih Socijalističkih Republika, nije bio rat koji se vodio u tolikoj meri u sferi meke moći kao Hladni rat. Odsustvo neposrednog oružanog sukoba između Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i Sovjetskog Saveza učinilo je da se Hladni rat odvija kao takmičenje u sferi ekonomije, tehnologije i nauke, kao trka u nuklearnom i konvencionalnom naoružanju i kao svemirsko nadmetanje. Pored takmičenja u sferi tvrde moći, Sjedinjene Američke Države i Sovjetski Savez vodili su intenzivnu bitku u oblasti meke moći. Ovo je bio sukob između američke liberalno-demokratske ideologije i sovjetske marksističke ideologije. Svaka od ove dve zemlje težila je tome da ubedi građane one druge zemlje da je njen društveni i ekonomski sistem idealan i da je bolji i pravedniji od sistema njenog glavnog suparnika. Uzrok propasti Sovjetskog Saveza i komunizma u istočnoj Evropi nikada sa sgurnošću neće moći da bude određen. Okolnosti koje su dovele do raspada Sovjetskog Saveza, pada Berlinskog zida 1989. godine i urušavanja komunizma u Evropi ne mogu se svesti na skup vojnih, političkih, ekonomskih i društvenih činilaca koji su, nezavisno jedni od drugih, doveli do tektonskih promena u međunarodnim odnosima. Svi ovi činioci zajedno, isprepletani u kompleksnu mrežu poluga, učinili su da se Sovjetski Savez uruši i da Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama prepusti ulogu pobednika u Hladnom ratu. Pritom, Amerika nije bila samo vojni i ekonomski pobednik. Amerika je iz Hladnog rata izašla kao moralni i ideološki pobednik. Hladni rat predstavlja temu izuzetno velikog broja radova, ali mali broj tih radova se bavi analizom američko-sovjetskog sukoba u sferi meke moći. Stoga je cilj ovog istraživanja i rada rasvetljavanje, objašnjene i tumačenje poluga meke moći koje su Sjedinjene Američke Države institucionalizovale, pokrenule i upotrebile u ideološkoj borbi protiv Sovjetskog Saveza u vreme Hladnog rata. Međutim, Sjedinjene Američke Države nisu od svog nastanka u drugoj polovini 18. veka do Hladnog rata osmišljeno primenjivale svoju meku moć. Do Hladnog rata upotreba poluga meke moći bila praksa kojom su se Sjedinjene Američke Države bavile isključivo u vreme učešća u oružanim sukobima. Tek sa Hladnim ratom u Americi se javlja potreba za namenskom i osmišljenom upotrebom poluga meke moći. Odmah nakon Drugog svetskog rata Sovjetski Savez je počeo da vrši uticaj na druge zemlje šireći marksističku ideologiju i komunističke ideje. Osim širenja marksističke ideologije Sovjetski Savez je vodio i dobro osmišljenu kampanju protiv Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i američkog načina života. Američka administracija je kao odgovor na sovjetsku spoljnu politiku u periodu od 1946. do 1950. godine stvorila politiku obuzdavanja Sovjetskog Saveza i sovjetskog uticaja u svetu svim sredstvima. Ovo je podrazumevalo kako upotrebu poluga tvrde moći tako i primenu poluga meke moći. U to vreme u američkom društvu postojao je konsenzus o upotrebi političkih, vojnih i ekonomskih oruđa u borbi protiv Sovjetskog Saveza, ali je upotreba poluga meke moći bila predmet duge javne rasprave. Jedna od izuzetno važnih poluga meke moći su državni programi informisanja, odnosno ono što se u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama smatra propagandom, a propaganda se od nastanka Sjedinjenih Američkih Država do danas smatra nečasnom delatnošću autokratskih režima. Sjedinjene Američke Države su u periodu neposredno nakon Drugog svetskog rata sprovele zakonske, institucionalne i strukturalne promene koje su omogućile trajno ustanovljavanje poluga meke moći zarad širenja američkih vrednosti, ideja i kulture i zarad ideološke borbe protiv Sovjetskog Saveza i sovjetske marksističke ideologije. Zakoni doneti u to vreme su na snazi i danas i pružaju okvir za mnogobrojne programe i aktivnosti na polju primene poluga meke moći po celom svetu. ; The Cold War was a war without precedent in the history. No war before this prolonged cold conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union was waged that much in the realm of soft power as the Cold War. In the absence of an immediate armed conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union, the Cold War was conducted as a competition in the areas of economy, technology and science, nuclear and conventional weapons, as well as the space race. Besides the competition in the realm of hard power, the United States and the Soviet Union pursued an intensive battle in the realm of soft power. This was a conflict between the American ideology of a liberal democracy and the Soviet Marxist ideology. Each of the two attempted to persuade the citizens of the other country that its social and economic practice was an ideal one, better and more just than the other one. The source of the collapse of the Soviet Union and communism in Eastern Europe will never be fully determined. The circumstances that brought about the break-up of the Soviet Union, the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, and the fall down of communism in Europe cannot be summarized as an aggregation of military, political, economic and social factors that independently from each other led to the colossal changes in the world order. All of these factors, entangled together in a complex net, caused the implosion of the Soviet Union which left the United States as the winner in the Cold War. Yet, the United States was not only a military and economic victor, it resurfaced as a moral and ideological champion, as well. The Cold Was has been a theme of numerous papers but only a handful of these papers tackled the American-Soviet conflict in the realm of soft power. Thus, the objective of this research and dissertation is to shed the light, explain and construe the instruments of soft power that the United States institutionalized, put into motion and deployed in the ideological battle against Soviet Union in the Cold War. However, since its birth in the 18th century until the Cold War, the United States had not wielded its soft power strategically. Up to the Cold War, the soft power instruments were used exclusively during the times when the United States was involved in an armed conflict. Only in the Cold War, the need for intentional and thoughtful use of soft power instruments emerged. Soon after the end of the Second World War, the Soviet Union got set off to exert its influence by diffusing its Marxist ideology and communist values. In addition to spreading its ideology, the Soviet Union led a well-planned campaign against the United States and the American way of life. From 1946 to 1950, in response to the Soviet policy towards the United States, the American administration coined the policy of containment of the Soviet Union and the Soviet influence in the world. The policy of containment included both the use of the instruments of hard power and of soft power. At that time, there was a consensus in the American society on the use of political, military and economic means in fighting the Soviet Union, while the use of soft power instruments was a subject of a prolonged public discourse. Government information programs, perceived as propaganda in the United States, have always been a very important soft power instrument, and propaganda has been considered by Americans to be a dishonest activity of autocratic governments. In the period right after the Second World War, the United States implemented legislative, institutional and structural changes that allowed for permanent establishment of the soft power instruments. These foreign policy instruments made it possible for the United States government to diffuse American values, ideas and culture and to wage an ideological war against the Soviet Union and its Marxist principles. The acts adopted at that time are in place nowadays, and provide a legal framework for numerous programs and activities in the realm of soft power.
