Društvene mreže često služe kao alat političkim strankama i kandidatima za interakciju s potencijalnim glasačima. Opsežnim pregledom literature, identificirane su koristi upotrebe društvenih mreža, poput dobivanja publiciteta, širenja poruka i mobilizacije birača, ali i određeni nedostaci. Stoga se javlja potreba za praćenjem sadržaja koji se objavljuje te analizom utjecaja toga sadržaja na potencijalne birače. U ovome se radu analizira društvena mreža Facebook kao alat za korištenje u svrhu upravljanja odnosima s javnošću u političkim kampanjama. Metodološki pristup uključuje SWOT i TOWS analizu. SWOT se koristi za prepoznavanje ključnih čimbenika u vanjskome okruženju koji se identificiraju kao prilike ili prijetnje te čimbenika iz unutarnjega okruženja koji se mogu opisati kao prednosti ili slabosti korištenja Facebooka u ovu svrhu. SWOT analiza ne pokazuje različite sveze među čimbenicima, pa je razvijena matrica TOWS za identifikaciju strategija koje se mogu temeljiti na snagama, eliminaciji slabosti ili korištenju prilika. ; Social networks enable political parties and candidates interaction with potential voters. Extensive literature review indicated benefits of social networks usage, such as: gaining the publicity, spreading the message and mobilizing voters, but also some weaknesses. Therefore, there is a need to monitor the content being published on Facebook and to analyze the impact of this content on potential voters. This paper analyzes the social network Facebook as a tool for public relations management in political campaigns. The methodological approach includes SWOT and TOWS analysis. SWOT is used to identify key factors in an external environment that are identified as opportunities or threats and internal environment factors that can be described as the benefits or weaknesses of using Facebook for this purpose. The SWOT analysis does not show relation between the factors, thus TOWS matrix is developed to identify strategies based on the strengths, elimination of weaknesses or use of the opportunities.
The development of the modern democratic society depends upon the successful integration of main democratic values in all its spheres, including education. Schools are faced with these challenges as well. The main role in the process of school change is given to the school principal, who is the leader of every innovation in school (Fullan, 2005; 2007; Bush, Middlewood, 2013; Pont, Nusch, Moorman, 2008; Stein, 2015). One out of many types of school leadership is called democratic school leadership. One of the goals of such leadership is the development of school culture that is based on democratic values and practices. Further on, the development of democratic school leadership opens an opportunity for students and teachers to gain knowledge an develop skills needed for them to become active citizens in their communities. The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the existing literature in the field of democratic school leadership. Special focus is on the theoretical and practical operationalization of the democratic school leadership as it is presented the literature. Further, we shall analyze the possible answers to the questions of why and how to develop the democratic school leadership, and what is its role in the development of the democratic school community. ; Razvoj suvremenog demokratskog društva temelji se na integriranju temeljnih demokratskih vrijednosti u sve njegove sfere i dimenzije, pa tako i u područje odgoja i obrazovanja. Ovakvi se zahtjevi stavljaju i pred škole, a pritom se ključna uloga daje ravnatelju, koji je nositelj i voditelj svake inovacije u svojoj školi (Fullan, 2005; 2007; Bush i Middlewood, 2013; Pont, Nusch i Moorman, 2008; Stein, 2015). Jedan od tipova školskog vođenja koji odgovara ovim zahtjevima naziva se demokratsko školsko vođenje, čiji razvoj s jedne strane utječe na razvoj školske kulture koja se temelji na demokratskim vrijednostima i demokratskim normama, dok s druge strane, ono omogućuje svim uključenima, učenicima i odraslima, stjecanje znanja i razvoj vještina koje ...
Javne su politike, kao višedimenzionalan i izrazito kompleksan fenomen, nužno multidisciplinaran predmet istraživanja. Cilj je rada istražiti što je specifično politološko znanje o javnim politikama, odnosno koji je jedinstveni doprinos politologa izučavanju i upravljanju javnim politikama u svrhe profiliranja te mlade politološke discipline u Jugoistočnoj Europi. Rad je nastao kao rezultat pregleda temeljnih udžbenika javnih politika u svijetu i regiji, te literature o metodologiji i pristupima istraživanju u društvenim znanostima i politologiji. Kreće se od određivanja što su javne politike i što je politički aspekt javnih politika. Propituju se pristupi istraživanju javnih politika (policy studije). Zatim se identificiraju vrste profesionalne uporabe tih istraživanja (policy analize). Ključna je pretpostavka kako je politologija prvenstveno kompetentna za analizu aktera stvaranja politika. Osnovni je nalaz da temelj profesionalnog profiliranja politologa u javnim politikama, s obzirom da jedini rabe istraživačku perspektivu usmjerenu na aktere, reprezentativnost i legitimnost stvaranja politika, može biti jedan oblik participatorne policy analize. ; Public policies, as a multi-dimensional and highly complex phenomenon, necessarily make a multidisciplinary research subject. The aim of this paper is to examine what is specific political science knowledge about public policy, and what is the unique contribution of political scientists to policy research and governance to enhance consolidating this young discipline in Southeastern Europe. This paper is a result of a review of policy textbooks in Southeastern Europe and worldwide, and literature on approaches and methodologies in social sciences and political science. It starts with determining public polices and their political aspect. Then it explores approaches of policy studies. Finally, it identifies types of professional policy research or policy analysis. The key assumption is that political science is primarily competent to analyze policy actors. The main finding of the paper is that the basis of political scientist professionalization in policy research, given that they are best in actor-centered research, and issues of representativeness and legitimacy of policy-making, can be a form of participatory policy analysis.
Rad se bavi decizionističkim pravcem u izučavanju organizacije i cilj mu je prikazati teoriju američkog nobelovca Herberta Simona kao njezinoga glavnog predstavnika. U radu se analiziraju neposredno Simonovi tekstovi, radovi drugih autora, njegovih bliskih suradnika, ali i kritičara, te domaća literatura koja se bavi odlučivanjem u organizaciji i problemom odlučivanja općenito. Iako je prepoznat njegov izvanredni doprinos disciplini, u domaćoj literaturi iz područja teorije organizacije nedostaje sustavan pregled Simonova rada. Cilj je ovog rada popuniti tu prazninu. U radu se najprije analiziraju temeljni koncepti Simonove teorije odlučivanja: racionalnost odlučivanja i, posebno, ograničenja racionalnosti, potraga za zadovoljavajućim rješenjem, heuristika, razlikovanje između programiranih i neprogramiranih odluka. Zatim se iznosi Simonovo razumijevanje organizacija argumentirajući kako ono počiva na razlikovanju između dvije vrste odluka: odluke o pristupanju u članstvo i drugih odluka koje se donose unutar organizacije. Konačno, zadnji dio rada bavi se kritikom Simonove teorije odlučivanja i teorije organizacije. ; The paper deals with the decisionist approach to organization theory and presents the work of American Nobel laureate Herbert Simon as its chief representative. Information is collected from the work written by Simon himself, from books and papers authored by other people, most notably his close associates and critics, as well as Croatian literature dealing with decision-making in organizations and decision-making in general. Although his extraordinary contribution to several disciplines is recognized in the domestic literature, there is no systematic overview of Simon's work. This paper aims to fill this void. First part of the paper tackles the basic concepts of Simon's decisionmaking theory: rationality of decision-making and, in particular, bounded rationality, search for a satisfying solution (satisficing), heuristics, and differentiation between programmed and non-programmed decisions. The paper proceeds by presenting Simon's understanding of decision-making within the organizational setting. It is argued that Simon's understanding of organizations is anchored in the differentiation between two types of decisions: decision to participate and decision to produce (intraorganizational decisions). Finally, the last part of the paper explores criticism of Simon's work.
Pedeset godina nakon stjecanja neovisnosti države Afrike su i dalje u lošijoj ekonomskoj situaciji nego ostatak svijeta. Cilj ovog rada je analizom dostupnih znanstvenih radova i literature ocijeniti predstavljaju li državne granice prepreku ekonomskom razvoju Afrike. Granice koje su ucrtavali kolonijalni vladari uzrok su brojnim ratnim sukobima. Brojni narodi u Africi su dolaskom kolonizatora izgubili svoje države i kraljevstva. Važan segment kulturnog identiteta nekog naroda je granica. Granice su podijelile narode između dviju ili više država te im znatno otežale položaj u novostvorenim državama. Afričko rudno bogatstvo predstavlja problem u pograničnim područjima, gdje je nerijetko dolazilo do ratnih sukoba. Međunarodni sud pravde je u zadnjih pedeset godina riješio brojne granične sporove, no brojni su ostali neriješeni. Na prostoru Afrike djeluje mnogo međunarodnih i regionalnih ekonomskih organizacija koje pokušavaju potaknuti ekonomski rast i razvoj Afrike. Sadržaj diplomskog rada dobra je podloga nastavnicima geografije za pripremu i izvedbu nastavnih sati za realizaciju ishoda u četvrtom razredu gimnazije o državnim granicama. ; Fifty years after independence, African countries are still in a worse economic situation than the rest of the world. The aim of this paper is to analyze the available scientific papers and literature to assess whether state borders are an obstacle to the economic development of Africa. The borders drawn by the colonial rulers are the cause of numerous war conflicts. Numerous peoples in Africa lost their states and kingdoms with the arrival of the colonizers. An important segment of a nation's cultural identity is the border. Borders divided peoples between two or more states and made their position in the newly created states much more difficult. African mineral wealth is a problem in border areas, where war conflicts have often occurred. The International Court of Justice has resolved several border disputes in the last fifty years, but unfortunately there are still many ...
U ovom radu, u razmatranju povijesnog razvoja stanovništva u zapadnoeuropskim zemljama u razdoblju nakon sredine 1960-ih godina, težište je izlaganja na temi "druga demografska tranzicija." Analizirat ćemo demografska i socio-demografska obilježja toga razdoblja, sličnosti i razlike s etapom prethodne demografske tranzicije te podudarnost "druge demografske tranzicije" s posttranzicijskom etapom u razvoju stanovništva. Nastojat ćemo odgovoriti na temeljno pitanje koje se u tim razmatranjima postavlja: može li se na osnovi empirijske i znanstvene analize "druga demografska tranzicija" smatrati "posebnom, novom etapom u razvoju stanovništva" ili je ona samo drugo ime za posttranzicijsku etapu kao etapu nakon prethodne ("prve") demografske tranzicije. U novim razvojnim uvjetima i uz nove ekonomskosocijalne, tehničko-tehnološke, vrijednosne, kulturološke i socio-psihološke čimbenike, "druga demografska tranzicija" predstavlja kontinuitet u odnosu na ustanovljen trend smanjivanja nataliteta/fertiliteta u prethodnoj demografskoj tranzicij i, koji je u novim uvjetima života i rada te djelovanju novih, napose vrijednosnih čimbenika relevantnih za postindustrijsko i postmodernizacijsko društvo, usmjeren na postignuće generacijski ispodzamjenskog nataliteta/fertiliteta. ; The second demographic transition came about in European demographic literature as a topic in 1986. The authors thereof were Dutch demographers Dirk van de Kaa and Ron Lesthaeghe. Starting from the demographic-historical conceptualisation of the theory of demographic transition, it may be concluded that following the fi rst demographic transition, the stage the authors call the second demographic transition occured in the development of the population. This is however only another name for the post-transitional stage, whereby this term includes the continuity of demographic trends, while the term the second demographic transition explains the discontinuity between the periods of the fi rst and the second demographic transition. Van de Kaa (1987) emphasises that due to the impact of essential specifi c factors, essential diff erences emerged between these two transitions. During the second demographic transition, they were caused by secularisation and individualisation processes, and new factors linked with them (new value orientation; socio-psychological and other factors). They caused a decline of marriages; an increase in the number of cohabitations and other forms of life partnerships; an increase in the number of children born out of wedlock; an increase in the number of divorces; etc., which have become acceptable in the perception of the young generation. On the contrary, having children and the number of children have become a matt er of partners' free choice, as their primary goal is to achieve self-fulfi lment at personal level. It has all exercised an impact on a further fertility reduction, which started in the middle phase, and became intensifi ed in the late phase of the fi rst transition. Essential diff erences between the fi rst and the second transition, which the authors mention in the paper, have however arisen from the understandable fact that each period bear their own specifi c historical context and specifi c features of social diff erentiation. The authors point out that essential diff erences between the two transitions have further arisen from the main postulates they are based upon. The fi nal stage of the fi rst transition was based on balance (zero level) between low birth and death rates, and on stationary population. In the second demographic transition, birth and fertility rates tended to be reduced to the sub-replacement level, or, according to Lesthaeghe, to the sustainable sub-replacement fertility level, which, along with life prolongation, intensifi ed population aging, which demanded the so-called replacement migration as a compensation for the decrease in workforce. Starting from the thesis that the second demographic transition was a new stage in European demographic history, separated from the fi rst transition, the authors emphasised that there was no continuity in fertility reduction between the two transitions, as in the second transition, this trend was oriented towards the permanent and sustainable sub-replacement fertility level. However, many other demographers, such as R. Cliquet and D. Coleman, hold that between the two transitions, there was a continuity in demographic trends, in particular fertility reduction, which leaned on the low fertility level already achieved in the fi nal stage of the fi rst demographic transition. Our research has led to the identical conclusion, as it commenced from the fact that fertility reduction started in the middle phase of the fi rst transition and became intensifi ed in the late phase thereof; hence, fertility reduction in the second demographic transition continued to the balance of low levels of these rates, already achieved in the fi rst transition. The turn that occurred in the fi rst decade of the 21st century indicated to the possibility of the emergence of new factors in new social circumstances, which might infl uence the growth of birth/fertility rates. According to the available data, the total fertility rate in most of Western European countries grew and approximated the replacement level, yet did not exceed it. A longer period of studying this complex phenomenon is hence rate decrease to the sub-replacement level was irreversible and permanently sustainable in highly-developed countries.
Rodni režim Europske unije je distinktivan režim specifične geneze, osebujnih pravila i kompleksnih procedura. Javne politike koje mu pripadaju čine portfelj rodne jednakosti država članica i kandidatkinja. Nužno je stoga biti upućen u njihov sadržaj, ali i povijest. U članku se analizira kompleksni nastanak politike rodne jednakosti obilježen političkim borbama oko suprotstavljenih vizija jednakosti, utjecajima drugih međunarodnih režima te internim institucionalnim sukobima. Glavno je pitanje: kako se u posljednjih šezdeset godina razvijala politika rodne jednakosti EU-a te kakve su njene ocjene i projekcije za njenu budućnost? U odgovaranju na ovo pitanje koriste se originalni javnopolitički dokumenti EU-a, kao i uvidi bogate literature iz politologijskog područja roda i politike. Članak se zaključuje uvidom kako nakon pola stoljeća razvoja, koji je bio obilježen epizodama javnopolitičkih inovacija (u kojima EU nije bila puka sljedbenica, već dapače predvodnica napretka na globalnoj sceni), dolazi do zabrinjavajućeg zastoja u formulaciji i implementaciji politike rodne jednakosti. ; Gender regime of the European Union is a distinctive regime characterized by a specific genesis, particular rules and complex procedures. Public policies belonging to the regime represent the gender equality portfolio of member states and candidate countries. It is, therefore, essential to be familiar with their content, as well as their history. The paper analyses the complex creation of the gender equality policy, marked by political conflicts over opposing visions of equality, influence of other international regimes and internal institutional conflicts. The main question is the following: how has gender equality policy developed in the last sixty years, how is it evaluated and what are the projections for its future? In order to address this question, original EU public policy documents are used, as well as insights from rich literature covering the politological aspect of gender and politics. The paper ends with a conclusion that after half a century of development, marked by episodes of public policy innovation (in which the EU was not a mere follower, but rather a leader of progress on the global scene), there is a worrying stagnation in the formulation and implementation of gender equality policy.
Predstavljanje razvoja nastave Pjevanja u osnovnoj školi na području Hrvatske započinjemo razdobljem koje obilježava bujanje narodne svijesti i težnje manjih naroda za samostalnošću koja dovodi do uvođenja hrvatskog jezika u škole. Uporabom narodnog jezika u škole uvedena je i glazba kao obvezan predmet pod nazivom Pjevanje. U tom razdoblju nastaju prve pjesmarice, udžbenici i priručnici na hrvatskom jeziku. Glazbeni pedagozi, učitelji i drugi autori glazbeno-pedagoške literature pod utjecanjem su nacionalnih pokreta prepoznali važnost narodne pjesme za nastavu pjevanja, i ne samo kao instrument pri nacionalnom odgoju, već kao važan didaktičko sredstvo za ispunjenje glazbenih, odgojnih i estetskih ciljeva pjevanja. Ovo je razdoblje institucionalne reforme školstva u kojemu su doneseni važni školski zakoni koji postavljaju temelje nacionalnog školstva. Značajni doprinos razvoju glazbene pedagogije dali su Franjo Kuhač i Vjenceslav Novak koji su među prvima promišljali o metodici rada u nastavi Pjevanja i time postavljaju temelje razvoja glazbeno-pedagoške misli u Hrvatskoj. ; Presentation of the development of teaching of Singing in elementary school at the Croatian territory we are going to begin with the period that is marked by flourishing of national consciousness and aspirations of smaller nations for independence, that leads to the involvement of the Croatian language in schools. By using the national language was also introduced music as a compulsory subject in school under the name Singing. During this period arose first songbooks, textbooks and manuals in the Croatian language. Music pedagogues, teachers and other authors of the musical pedagogical literature, under the impact from the national movement, recognized the importance of folk songs for singing lessons, and not only as an instrument for national education, but also as an important instrument for the didactic fulfillment of musical, educational and aesthetic goals of singing. This was a period of institutional reform in education in which have been adopted important school laws that set the foundations of national education. Significant contribution to the development of music pedagogy gave Franjo Kuhač and Vjenceslav Novak who are among the first to reflect on teaching methods in teaching of Singing, which lay the foundations of the development of musical pedagogical thought in Croatia.
1. Prilog razmatra mogućnost i potrebu da se standardni regionalni sastav Republike Hrvatske na panonski, središnji (gorski) i primorski dio dopuni i modificira na način da se središnji dio tj. Gorska Hrvatska definirana dvojni način: Gorski kotar kao izraziti planinski i Lika kao izraziti kotlinski prostor, što sve čini jedinstvenu Gorsku Hrvatsku. 2. Umjesto termina regionalna podjela Hrvatske bolji je termin regionalni sastav, jer pojam podjele nosi u sebi politička i geopolitička opterećenja. Države su obično sastavljene od pojedinih regija, dok je podjela nešto drugo: sastav je geografski aspekt, a podjela nosi u sebi politički/geopolitički naboj. Tako je Hrvatska sastavljena od regija i županija, a nije na njih podijeljena, Švicarska isto tako nije podijeljena na etnikume, nego je od njih sastavljena. Međutim, ima i onih koji svjesno ili nesvjesno uzimaju u obzir "podjelu" Hrvatske na način: Istra i "Hrvatska" umjesto Istra i ostala Hrvatska. Za razliku od navedenoga, Belgija jest podijeljena (Valonci i Flamanci), Ukrajina jest podijeljena (unijati i pravoslavni). 3. Za razumijevanje nekog prostora prijeko je potrebno povijesno i geografsko poznavanje, tj. povijesno senzibiliziranje geografije i obratno, što znači da je riječ o historijskoj geografiji, a ujedno i o geografiziranoj povijesti i historiziranoj geografiji. 4. Glavnina je rada posvećena problemu gografske i funkcionalne lokacije. Tako je regija izrazito locirana u središtu Hrvatske, ali nije preuzela i središnje funkcije, zbog niza geografskih, povijesnih i geopolitičkih razloga. 5. Položaj regije može se, dijelom, izjednačiti s položajem u prostoru "hrvatskog praga", koji se savlađuje tek u 21. stoljeću. Iako centralno locirana u Hrvatskoj – nakon što je u 15. st. definitivno izgubljen hrvatski prostor između Une i Vrbasa (kasnija Turska Hrvatska) – regija nije preuzela i ulogu funkcionalne središnjosti. Ostaje, dakle, stalni kontrast između središnje lokacije i izostanka središnjih funkcija. U povijesnom i geografskom smislu regija je, dakle, imala diobeno značenje i zbog reljefnih i povijesnih i geopolitičkih razloga (visina reljefa, diobena uloga Vojne krajine). Na taj način uočava se bitna osobina razvitka hrvatske državnosti – ona se začela na primorju, u trokutu Nin – Knin – Cetina, a od 15. i 16. st. nova regija jezgre postaje zagrebačka regija. ; 1. The contribution considers the possibility and need for the standard regional structure of the Republic of Croatia divided into Pannonian, central (mountainous) and maritime part, to be supplemented and modifiedin the way that the central part i.e. Mountainous Croatia is defined in the dual way: The Gorski Kotar region as specially mountainous, and Lika as a special mountain depression (or mountain-encircled valley) space, thus making the undivided Mountainous Croatia. 2. Instead of the expression regional division of Croatia the better expression is regional structure, because the concept of division has in itself political and geopolitical burdens. Countries normally consist of particular regions, whereas the division is something else: structure is a geographical aspect, and division has in itself political/geopolitical tension. Thus Croatia consists of regions and counties, and it is not divided in that way; Switzerland in the same way is not divided into ethnic groups, but it consists of them. However, there are those who consciously or unconsciously acknowledge ''division'' of Croatia in the way that: Istria and ''Croatia'' instead of Istria and the rest of Croatia. Unlike the mentioned, Belgium is divided (the Wallons and the Flemish), Ukraine is divided (Uniates and Eastern Orthodox). 3. To understand a certain space it is necessary to have knowledge in geographical and historical sense, i.e. to perceive geography in a historical manner, and vice versa, which implies that it is the matter of historical geography, and at the same time about geographized history and historized geography. 4. The major part of the work is devoted to the problem of geographical and functional location. Thus the region is specially located in the central part of Croatia, but has not taken over its central function due to many geographical, historical and geopolitical reasons. 5. The position of the region can be, partly, equalled with the position in the space of "Croatian threshold", which is conquered only in the 21st century. Although centrally located in Croatia – after the Croatian space between the rivers Una and Vrbas (later Turkish Croatia) had been definitely lost in the 15th c. – the region did not also take over the role of functional central position. Consequently, the constant contrast between central location and absence of central functions remains. In historical and geographical meaning, the region, as a result, had a divisional meaning also because of relief and historical and geopolitical reasons (height relief, divisional role of the Croatian Military Border). In that way essential characteristic of the Croatian development of sovereignty is observed – it started in the maritime region, in the triangle Nin – Knin – Cetina, in this way the Zagreb region became the new region of the nucleus from the 15th and the 16th c.
The article identifies the ways/procedures of revisionism in poetry. Not only does the exclusion of the poetry of Goran Babić from the national corpus not correspond with its poetic complexity and value, but it is also ethically inconsistent. Revisionism follows a national identity path according to which literature with clearly expressed views on socialism cannot fully exist within the history of poetry. Politics has taken the place of poetics. ; U članku se detektiraju načini/procedure revizionizma u pjesništvu. Isključivanje poezije Gorana Babića iz nacionalnoga korpusa ne samo da ne korespondira s njegovom poetičkom složenošću i vrijednošću negoli je i etički nekonzistentno. Revizionizam slijedi nacionalnu identitetsku liniju po kojoj književnost s jasno iskazanim stavovima o socijalizmu ne može egzistirati u potpunosti unutar povijesti pjesništva. Politika je zauzela mjesto poetike.
Vrijeme kada nisu postojali odnosi između politike i sporta, bilo da se radi o svakodnevnoj praksi ili znanstvenoistraživačkim pristupima povezanosti tih dvaju pojmova, ako ga je ikada i bilo, svakako je odavno iza nas. Usprkos tome danas se čini da se, osobito u znanstvenoistraživačkom radu na području nekadašnjih sportskih socijalističkih velesila, tim odnosima ne posvećuje odgovarajuća pozornost i da se oni često a priori negiraju i smatraju nevažnima. Zbog toga je glavni cilj ovoga članka potaknuti raspravu o važnosti i smislu istraživanja odnosa između politike i sporta gledano iz dvije perspektive – s obzirom na iskustva znanstvenika iz cijeloga svijeta te s obzirom na dosad provedena istraživanja znanstvenika iz bivše Jugoslavije. Stoga smo u ovome članku najprije teoretski odredili kontekst odnosa politike i sporta, a zatim smo analizom postojeće svjetske literature i radova znanstvenika s prostora bivše Jugoslavije analizirali međusobnu povezanost sporta i politike. Na temelju dobivenih rezultata, koji potvrđuju stalnu i čvrstu povezanost, ali ujedno i suviše apstraktno i paušalno razumijevanje odnosa sporta i politike, nudimo politološki relevantnu tipologiju odnosa između politike i sporta. Smatramo da razlike između odnosa politike kao borbe za vlast, institucionalne strukture te koncepta javnointeresnog djelovanja i sporta presudno utječu na buduća obilježja odnosa sporta i politike. ; Times when relations between politics and sports did not exist – be it in everyday practices or within scientific research – is definitely long gone, if they ever even existed. Nevertheless, it seems today that, especially within scientific research, these relations do not receive appropriate attention in the territories of former socialist sports superpowers, being a priori denied and considered as unimportant. That is why the key motive of this article is to initiate a discussion about the relevance of knowledge and research of the relations between politics and sport from two perspectives – the existing world-wide political science research experiences gained so far and already conducted researches in the territory of former Yugoslavia. In doing so, we first theoretically define the context of sports and politics, and then with the use of the literature review method analyse their mutual connectivity in the world and, more narrowly, within the work of the scientific community in the region of former Yugoslavia. Based on the gained conclusions which confirm a tight and constant, but also often abstract and flat-rate understood interplay between both analysed phenomena, a special typology for their in-depth and political-science-focused study is delivered. It is believed that distinctions between political, polity and policy approaches to sport decisively influence the mode of their future interplay.
Diplomski rad koji je fokusiran na analizi sadržaja javnih iskaza vodećih političara ili onih koji su na vlasti o suvremenoj nogometnoj problematici. Na to me potaknuo nedostatak znanstvenih radova o ovoj temi i želja za promjenom u hrvatskom nogometu. Analizom znanstvene literature i svakodnevnog praćenja događaja i sadržaja iz medija odlučio sam detektirati koji su temeljni problemi tuzemnog nogometa i kako na njih reagira političko rukovodstvo. Korištena je metoda kvalitativne analize sadržaja na temelju koje sam svoje teze dokazivao analizom izjava, službenih priopćenja i svakog oblika javne komunikacije te kodiranjem i analizom strukturiranih i polustrukturiranih intervjua s političkim akterima i korištenjem primarnih i sekundarnih izvora literature. Zahvaljujući metodologiji sam analizirao i definirao javne iskaze i način komuniciranja i odnošenja lokalne i državne vlasti prema hrvatskom nogometu kroz institucije predsjednika, premijera i gradonačelnika te zaključio kako je prisutan veliki interes prema nogometnoj problematici, ali više je baziran na komuniciranju nego djelovanju kroz javne politike ili konkretne odluke. Interes je osobito prisutan kod desnice više nego kod ljevice te se odnos vodećih političkih aktera može opisati kao selektivan u smislu da se neki problemi ističu dok se drugi potpuno zanemaruju. Selektivnost u definiranju problema ovisi o razini vlasti i političkoj stranci iz koje akteri proizlaze. Ovo istraživanje je pomoglo razmrsiti i objasniti kompleksan svijet međuodnosa nogometa i politike u kontekstu hrvatskog društva te može poslužiti kao putokaz i temelj za daljnja istraživanja u svrhu rješavanja tih problema i detektiranja njihovih temeljnih uzroka. ; This master's thesis is focused on the analysis of the content of public statements by leading politicians or those in power on the topic of contemporary problems of soccer in Croatia. The main reason for choosing this theme is the lack of scientific work on the subject and a personal desire to change the situation in domestic ...
A society's reality should be reflected in education, that is, educational methods need to keep up with the times. The purpose of this research is to examine the educational methods for the era of the Fourth Industrial Revolution in the education system of Korea. The sample of the research targeted the Korean education system from 1960 to the present in the context of the Fourth Industrial Revolution. A literature review and a descriptive approach were applied to analyze the sample, and the findings indicate that the education system of Korea may be classified into three stages from 1960 to the present. The first stage was nationalism, driven by the government, from 1960 to 1994; the second stage was liberalism, which emphasized autonomy, from 1995 to 2015; and the third stage was creativity for the era of the Fourth Industrial Revolution, from 2016 to the present. These results indicate that the education stages of nationalism and liberalism still exist in Korea and that past education methods, such as mass education, have not been replaced. The Fourth Industrial Revolution requires fusion and collaboration in the education sector, and a personalized learning system, which values individual talents, experiences and aptitudes, will expectedly be a crucial factor in determining the educational methods of Korea in the Fourth Industrial Revolution, as this research suggests. ; Obrazovne potrebe trebaju odražavati stvarnost društva, a obrazovne metode ići ukorak s vremenom. Cilj je ovoga istraživanja ispitati obrazovne metode u vremenu četvrte industrijske revolucije u obrazovnom sustavu Koreje. Uzorkom istraživanja obuhvaćen je korejski obrazovni sustav od 1960. do danas, u kontekstu četvrte industrijske revolucije. Za analizu uzorka korišteni su pregled literature i deskriptivni pristup. Rezultati pokazuju da se u obrazovnom sustavu Koreje od 1960. do danas mogu razlikovati tri stadija: prvi je nacionalizam, potaknut od strane vlade, od 1960. do 1994. godine; drugi je liberalizam, koji je naglašavao autonomiju, od 1995. do 2015. i treći, kreativnost tijekom četvrte industrijske revolucije, od 2016. do danas. Rezultati ovoga istraživanja pokazuju da su obrazovni stadiji nacionalizma i liberalizma još uvijek prisutni u Koreji i da obrazovne metode prošlosti, poput masovnoga obrazovanja, nisu prevladane. Četvrta industrijska revolucija zahtijeva stapanje i suradnju unutar obrazovnoga sektora, a očekuje se da personalizirani sustav učenja, koji vrednuje pojedinačne talente, iskustva i sklonosti, bude obrazovna metoda budućnosti korejskoga obrazovanja. Stoga, ovo istraživanje pokazuje da će personalizirani sustav učenja biti odlučujući čimbenik u određivanju obrazovnih metoda Koreje u periodu četvrte industrijske revolucije.
Autor obrađuje razvoj telegramske i telefonske službe u Međimurju do 19. godine. Analizira literaturu, a potom ispravlja i nadopunjuje poznato uvođenjem nekorištenih izvora iz mađarskih i hrvatskih arhiva, prije svega telefonskih imenika. Osobitu pažnju posvećuje pitanju kronologije i dostupnosti telegramskih i telefonskih veza. Upućuje na važnost analize imenika otkuda se mogu saznati podaci o političkim, demografskim, gospodarskim i mnogim drugim važnim društvenim promjenama, koji se mogu precizno vremenski i prostorno odrediti. U prilogu objavljuje odabrane telefonske imenike za naselja u Međimurju. ; Contributions to the knoledge of the development of the ire and telephone services in Medjimurje till 19. Summar The author analzes the development of the telegram and telephone services in Medjimurje till 19. Analzes literature, and then corrects and complements the ell-knon introduction of the sources of Croatian and Hungarian archives, most importantl, phone directories. Special aention is paid to the chronolog and the availabilit of telegram or telephone. It refers to the importance of analzing the director from here the can find information on the political, demographic, economic and man other important social changes, hich can be accuratel determined b time and space. He publishes aachments of telephone directories for selements in Medimurje.
Numizmatički katalozi i literatura bilježe primjerke krivotvorenih austrijskih guldenskih novčanica nastalih potkraj 18. i osobito tijekom 19. stoljeća. Takve primjerke novčanica posjeduju i muzejske i privatne numizmatičke zbirke. Te krivotvorine izrađivali su i crtanjem, u manjim količinama, i tiskarskim postupcima, u većim količinama, iako su za krivotvorenje novca bile propisane stroge zakonske sankcije. Primjerci krivotvorina od 1 i 5 guldena (izdanja 7. srpnja 1866.) izrađeni tiskarskim postupcima i crtanjem osobito su zanimljivi zbog vremena nastanka i optjecaja u novčanom prometu, pa i zbog kvalitete izvedbe. U radu su prikazana obilježja tih krivotvorina. ; Numismatic catalogues and literature record specimens of forged Austrian gulden banknotes made at the end of the 18th and especially during the 19th century. These banknotes can be found in museum and private numismatic collections. The forgeries were made using drawing (smaller amounts) and printing techniques (larger amounts), although there were severe legislative sanctions for forging money. The examples of forged 1 and 5 guldens (issued on 7 July 1866) made by printing and drawing are especially interesting because of the time when they were made and their circulation, and also because of the quality of the work. The author shows the characteristics of these forgeries.
