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Phosphate rock (PR) has been designated as a Critical Raw Material in the European Union (EU). This has led to increased emphasis on alternative P recovery (APR) from secondary streams like wastewater sludge (WWS). However, WWS end-use is a contentious topic, and EU member states prefer different end-use pathways (land application/incineration/valorisation in cement kilns). Previous Life Cycle Assessments (LCA) on APRs from WWS reached contrasting conclusions; while most considered WWS as waste and highlighted a net benefit relative to PR mining and beneficiation, others viewed WWS as a resource and highlighted a net burden of the treatment. We used a combined functional unit (that views WWS from a waste as well as a resource perspective) and applied it on a Flemish wastewater treatment plant (WWTP) with struvite recovery as APR technology. Firstly, a retrospective comparison was performed to measure the WWTP performance before and after struvite recovery and the analysis was complemented by uncertainty and global sensitivity analyses. The results showed struvite recovery provides marginal environmental benefits due to improved WWS dewatering and reduced polymer use. Secondly, a prospective LCA approach was performed to reflect policy changes regarding WWS end-use options in Flanders. Results indicated complete mono-incineration of WWS, ash processing to recover P and the subsequent land application appears to be less sustainable in terms of climate change, human toxicity, and terrestrial acidification relative to the status quo, i.e., co-incineration with municipal solid waste and valorisation at cement kilns. Impacts on fossil depletion, however, favour mono-incineration over the status quo.

In this digital age, where we are in a free and democratic society, we have a long history of literary censorship. In an age of unparalleled freedom and free exchange of ideas, free speech faces a grave threat from intolerant religious and cultural groups Censorship in the 20th and 21st century is not as it was practiced in middle-ages imposed by the state machinery, but it is more of a systematic silencing. The present paper discusses the need for artistic freedom, how the artist/ writer must be free to create his own creative world without being bothered by the social norms and standards.

The Oxford English Dictionary defines censorship as "the suppression or prohibition of any parts of books, films, news, etc. that are considered obscene, politically unacceptable, or a threat to security."1 There is at least a two-fold meaning in this definition: first, certain factors give rise to censorship including obscenity, security, etc.

This article considers James IV's use of Flemish and other southern Low Countries material culture at his marriage to Margaret Tudor of England in 1503. Adding to the considerable body of scholarship on the events, which were described in detail by eyewitness John Young, Somerset Herald, it will also draw on the Treasurer's Accounts and a surviving book of hours to argue that its origins—and those of the luxurious chairs, tapestries, and metalwork—were just as important as the political and diplomatic messages conveyed in their imagery and expense. Flemish goods were regarded as the pinnacle of northern European luxury and were sought after by, among others, James's new father-in-law, Henry VII. At this critical juncture in Anglo-Scottish relations, therefore, James's display of such objects capitalized on a common understanding of their cultural power and put him in direct competition with Henry.

This contribution assesses whether populism is inherently embedded in and combined with the ideology of sub-state nationalist parties, using Belgium as a case study. We argue that sub-state nationalist parties tend to emphasize the opposition between a territorial community ('us') versus a dominant center ('them'), a dichotomous view that could overlap with the populist ideology focusing on the opposition between the homogeneous people and the 'corrupt' elite. We compare the policy positions of the three major sub-state nationalist parties that operate in Belgium: the Vlaams Belang, the New Flemish Alliance (N-VA) and Democrat Federalist Independent, using their manifestos and membership magazines between 2010 and 2015. We show that the manner in which sub-state nationalist parties combine their stances on territoriality to a populist rationale depends on their relationship to power (government vs. opposition). In doing so, this contribution uniquely relates populism to the territorial dimension of Belgian politics. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

According to the Canadian law legalizing physicians to provide medical assistance in dying (MAID) under certain circumstances, the patients alone determine if their suffering cannot be relieved under conditions "that they consider acceptable." This contrasts with the laws on MAID in the Netherlands, which require that physicians only grant access to MAID if they concur with the patient that there are no other potential means of alleviating the suffering. In the Netherlands, when a doctor believes that other means to reduce the suffering exist, they must be tried before having access to MAID. This criterion is often applied and is considered an essential precaution to ensure that lives are not ended prematurely when other viable interventions exist. The Canadian emphasis on the patient's right to decide whether to try potential alternatives a physician may suggest, such as palliative care, instead of dying by MAID, gives patients the liberty to make informed decisions, even when they may not seem to be in their best interest. This contrasts with the belief in the Netherlands that the state has an obligation to protect citizens from making decisions that are not in their best interest, such as choosing to die when the "intolerable suffering" can be diminished sufficiently for the person to abandon the desire to end the suffering by dying. The Canadian parliament, when they consider expanding access to MAID, should incorporate the Dutch due care safeguards to ensure that death is not the solution when other ways of reducing suffering exist.

In this article we explain why the Dutch nativist turn from the 1990s onwards was nourished both by the political left and the right and what the role was of specific Dutch developments in secularization and libertarian attitudes

This paper describes the beginning of the oil rivalry in the Dutch Indies. It begins with an overview of the political and economic relationship between the United States, The Netherlands and the Dutch Indies since the mid-19th century, namely the period when the oil industries in the United States and the Dutch Indies were still at an early stage of development. Since the independence of the United States of America, the two countries had very good relations which were evident from their various co-operations, including the Treaty of Alliance which was ratified in 1782. However, the Dutch colonial government's policies which sought to restrict the American oil companies' investment in the Dutch Indies caused discontent amongst the American government and American oil companies, straining their relationship with the Dutch Indies.

With the spectacular rise of the dollar, along with rising natural-resource prices during the first decade of the 21st century, Canadians heard a great deal about Dutch disease. Many politicians and pundits blamed the phenomenon — in which a country's currency, inflated by rising commodity prices, renders manufacturing exports increasingly uncompetitive — for rising unemployment in the Canadian manufacturing industry. But a close look at what happened during that period reveals that the Dutch disease mechanism was only part of the story. The other part, and quantitatively the most important, is an affliction of an altogether different providence: Canadian disease. Canadian disease is the economic trouble that can be caused by Canada's extraordinarily heavy reliance on the United States as a trading partner. As a consequence, a sudden depreciation of the U.S, dollar will deteriorate the competitiveness of Canadian manufacturing exporters. Such a phenomenon was at work during the "Great Appreciation" of the Canadian dollar between 2002 and 2008 — the largest such appreciation on record in this country. The depreciation of the U.S. dollar is a phenomenon that is independent of the resource boom and the resulting consequences on the Canadian economy cannot be endorsed to a Dutch disease. Almost 2/3 of the employment losses that are exchange rate related in the trade-exposed manufacturers in Canada during the 2002–2008 period could be attributed to the Canadian disease. The Canadian dollar is partly driven by commodity prices, and the appreciation of the Canadian dollar exerts a negative impact on manufacturing industries that are exposed to international competition. This phenomenon can be coined as a Dutch Affair. The Dutch Affair becomes a disease in the long run when the non-renewable resource is depleted and the manufacturing base is gone. New manufacturing activities might not reappear due to a variety of obstacles. In Canada, we may only have a Dutch Affair, not Dutch disease. Only the future, however, will reveal if the Affair is likely to become a disease. In the short- and medium-run, the net effect of the commodity boom is clearly positive. However, a commodity boom is a phenomenon analogue to a change in terms of trade and it creates winners and losers that are not necessarily located in the same geographic area. The high level of decentralization of the Canadian federation and the growth of natural resources as a share of Canadian exports heighten our vulnerability. Enhancing the working of the fiscal federalism might well be the most efficient policy strategy in the short- and the medium-run in order to adequately share the benefits of the boom. The economy does remain particularly vulnerable to Canadian disease, despite a slight recent increase in the diversification of Canadian export markets. The reality is that Canada remains closely tied to the U.S. market by virtue of geography, and therefore, is drawn by the pull of trade "gravity". It will be difficult for Canada to diversify its export markets sufficiently to immunize itself against Canadian disease.

This paper attempts to paint a coherent picture of the effects of ageing on a small, open, economy with large pension funds in different institutional settings. Quantitative scenarios are projected with an applied computable general equilibrium model with institutional details. We find that ageing leads to a tighter labor market, increasing costs for both pension funds and the government, and leaving the economy vulnerable to financial and further demographic shocks. We show that defined benefit pension arrangements can be destabilizing, but less so if an average-wage variable-indexation contract is chosen. Government can help by adopting a policy of tax smoothing, but the single most important determinant of the net burden of ageing is the eventual size of the increase in labor market participation of older workers. The intergenerational welfare effects of demographic shocks and changes in international interest rates are sizable and should be an integral part of the assessment of different policy instruments.

"The exhibition is presented to the American public by the Albany Institute of History and Art . in collaboration with the Netherlands government." ; On cover: Modern Dutch art. ; Mode of access: Internet.

ABSTRACT. The ecological diversity of benthic invertebrates from bottom trawl surveys was mapped for the Flemish Cap, a plateau of ~200 km radius in the northwest Atlantic. Species density (SpD), the exponential Shannon diversity index (eH′) and Heip's index of evenness (E~') were measured at different spatial scales. Continuous surfaces of each were created to 2000 m depth using predictive distribution models based on random forest (RF) algorithms. When fishing effort was included as an independent variable in the RF models, it was the most important predictor of sample SpD but unimportant in predicting eH′ and only a minor predictor of E~'. In the absence of a historical baseline, we used a novel approach to evaluate spatial impacts of fishing on diversity by simulating and comparing spatial SpD prediction surfaces using response data associated with different levels of fishing effort. Although it is not possible to fully evaluate the precise nature of the impact of fishing on the ecological diversity, our models have identified Sackville Spur, Flemish Pass and south of Flemish Cap as the areas of greatest impact. Combining minimum bottom salinity, annual primary production range, fishing effort and biomass of sponges and small gorgonian corals, resulted in the best performing generalized additive model, explaining 73% of the total variance in SpD. Although current closures to protect vulnerable marine ecosystems from the adverse impacts of bottom fishing activities protect an important part of the ecological diversity associated with the deeper communities, unique and representative habitats on top of the Cap remain unprotected. HIGHLIGHTS • The structure-forming sponges and small gorgonian corals enhance biodiversity. • Chronic impact from fishing activities have negatively impacted benthic diversity. • Over 60% of the estimated number of benthic species of the Flemish Cap is under protection. • Biodiversity from shallow waters remains unprotected. ; ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS. This research was funded by Fisheries ...

_Introduction:_ The Combined Joined Task Force - Operation Inherent Resolve is the military intervention of Iraq and Coalition Forces in the battle against Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). Al Assad Airbase (AAAB) is one of the key airbases. It contains a Role 2 Medical Treatment Facility, primarily to perform Damage Control Surgery in Coalition Forces, Iraqi National Security Forces and Local Nationals. We present a six month medical exposure in order to provide insight into the treatment of casualties and to optimize medical planning of combat operations and (pre-/post-) deployment training. _Patients and methods:_ This is a cohort study of casualties that were admitted to the Role 2 Medical Treatment Facility AAAB from November 2017 to April 2018. Their mechanisms and types of injury are described and compared to those sustained in Uruzgan, Afghanistan between 2006–2010. Additionally, they are compared to the caseload in the Dutch civilian medical centers of the medical specialist team at AAAB. _Results:_ There were significant differences in both mechanism and type of injury between Coalition Forces and Iraqi Security Forces (p = 0.0001). Coalition Forces had 100% disease and non-battle injuries, where Iraqi Security Forces had 86% battle injuries and 14% non-battle casualties. The most common surgical procedures performed were debridement of wounds (38%), (exploratory) laparotomy (10%) and genital procedures (7%). The surgical caseload in Uruzgan, Afghanistan was significantly different in aspect and quantity, being 4.1 times higher. When compared to the workload at home all team members had at least a tenfold lower workload than in their civilian hospitals. _Discussion:_ The deployed surgical teams were scarcely exposed to casualties at AAAB, Iraq. These low workload deployments could cause a decline in surgical skills. Military medical planning should be tailormade and should include adjusting length of stay, (pre-/post-)deployment refresher training and early consultation of military medical specialists. Future research should focus on optimizing this process by investigating fellowships in combat matching trauma centers, regional and international collaboration and refresher training possibilities to maintain the expertise of the acute military care provider.

Three hundred and twenty years of European colonialism in Suriname have resulted in the presence of large African and South Asian communities in this Caribbean country. Having gained formal independence relatively recently (in 1975), British and Dutch colonial politics have shaped many aspects of its socio-political and cultural life. This paper investigates the extent of and the ways in which processes of racialization of African and South Asian communities have been forged by a racial schema imposed by a system of white supremacy under colonialism. The paper analyses two statues in the capital city of Paramaribo: Kwakoe, which represents the abolition of slavery, which de facto occurred in 1873, and a statue named Baba and Mai, which represents the arrival of South Asian contracted labourers after 1873. Both statues, importantly, omit white Dutch colonial responsibility for the enslavement of African people, and the ongoing oppressive conditions that were operative on the plantations. The argument is made that a wilful obfuscation of Dutch wrongdoing stems from a sustained dynamic of elevating an innocent white Dutch subjectivity which is intricately linked to the subordination of both African and South Asian peoples. These groups, then, are left with both an embodied sense of inferiority, as well as with an inculcated perception of the other group as inferior, which stems from a racializing Dutch politics of divide and conquer. As the category of race and, subsequently, racialization, are largely denounced both in the Netherlands and in Suriname, the paper aims to re-centre race as a fundamental social marker.

Dutch nineteenth-century economics was more modern than conventional scholarship has suggested. In a number of studies of individual economists and of the formal aspects of academia, it has been concluded that at least before 1870 there were no original contributions by Dutch economists and there was a general academic backwardness of the discipline. Here we try to examine simultaneously the issues of the day and the institutional setting of academic and political economic discourse. We concentrate upon the discussion of markets, in particular the question of free trade, and the discussion of money, in particular the problems of regulating the national debt and the currency. Our picture will be that in the new Kingdom of the Netherlands economics was embraced as the science of modernity, that very soon many courses of the subject were taught in the law faculties, and that a considerable number of university professors engaged in practical policy issues. In our opinion, there is more continuity in the economic thought of Van Hogendorp (who never held a university chair) and of Ackersdijck, Mees and Pierson than most historians of Dutch economics have perceived. The fact that the latter two have also been presidents of the central bank is significant for the importance of this institution in the history of Dutch economics. We conclude that in the first two decades of the century, the new discipline gained ground outside and inside academia. From around 1820 it was well established as a subject in the law faculties, and professors like Tydeman and Ackersdijck were seen as respected authorities in the public debate on economic issues. The year 1848 saw the acceptance of a new liberal constitution and the take-off of economics as an organised community with its own specific role in Dutch society.