Sex has always been a taboo subject in Asian society. However, over the past few years, awareness in the field of men's sexual health has improved, and interest in sexual health research has recently increased. The epidemiology and prevalence of erectile dysfunction, hypogonadism and premature ejaculation in Asia are similar in the West. However, several issues are specific to Asian males, including culture and beliefs, awareness, compliance and the availability of traditional/complementary medicine. In Asia, sexual medicine is still in its infancy, and a concerted effort from the government, relevant societies, physicians and the media is required to propel sexual medicine to the forefront of health care.
In this brief polemic we argue that Trump's words, actions and inactions are potentially deeply damaging to the legitimacy of the office he holds and to the continuity of the institutions defining that position. This, writ large, is an issue for organization theory. We use Searle's concept of status functions to argue that Trump invokes problems of status dysfunction. He has failed to place himself in a position to be competent and does not conform to expectations of the role of president, his presidency is characterized by disorganization and he has not become presidential. This is important in the context of US political culture and institutions. ; Peer reviewed
This Document is Protected by copyright and was first published by Frontiers. All rights reserved. it is reproduced with permission ; Vascular aging is a key process determining health status of aged population. Aging is an independent cardiovascular risk factor associated to an impairment of endothelial function, which is a very early and important event leading to cardiovascular disease. Vascular aging, formerly being considered an immutable and inexorable risk factor, is now viewed as a target process for intervention in order to achieve a healthier old age. A further knowledge of the mechanisms underlying the age-related vascular dysfunction is required to design an adequate therapeutic strategy to prevent or restore this impairment of vascular functionality. Among the proposed mechanisms that contribute to age-dependent endothelial dysfunction, this review is focused on the following aspects occurring into the vascular wall: (1) the reduction of nitric oxide (NO) bioavailability, caused by diminished NO synthesis and/or by augmented NO scavenging due to oxidative stress, leading to peroxynitrite formation (ONOO -); (2) the possible sources involved in the enhancement of oxidative stress; (3) the increased activity of vasoconstrictor factors; and (4) the development of a low-grade pro-inflammatory environment. Synergisms and interactions between all these pathways are also analyzed. Finally, a brief summary of some cellular mechanisms related to endothelial cell senescence (including telomere and telomerase, stress-induced senescence, as well as sirtuins) are implemented, as they are likely involved in the age-dependent endothelial dysfunction, as well as in the lower vascular repairing capacity observed in the elderly. Prevention or reversion of those mechanisms leading to endothelial dysfunction through life style modifications or pharmacological interventions could markedly improve cardiovascular health in older people ; This study is supported by grants from Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación (Instituto de Salud Carlos III, RETICEF RD06/0013; PI08/1649; SAF2011-28011; SAF2011-24684, Spanish Government, and Sociedad Española de Farmacología/Almirall Prodesfarma
This paper presents the main aspects of the liberal professions in Romania from the legislative point of view. It is a comparative analysis based on European and Romanian legislation. Although there are 23 years of political, economical, social and cultural transition in Romania, this analysis demonstrates that there are many dysfunctions and disturbances in the legislation of liberal professions in Romania. There are some illustrative examples, especially from the public notaries profession. Keywords: legislation, liberal professions, regulated professions, public notaries
The rates of sexual dysfunctions among patients with PTSD are much higher than in the general population. An increasing body of scientific research has confirmed clinically relevant sexual problems (Letourneau et al. 1997, Kotler et al. 2000, Hossain et al. 2013, Yehuda et al. 2015, Tran et al. 2015), among which erectile dysfunction (ED) and premature ejaculation (PE) were the most frequent (Letourneau et al. 1997). It is important to underline that patients, particularly military veterans with PTSD, have an increased risk of sexual dysfunction independent of the use of psychiatric medications (Benjamin et al. 2014). Considering the utilization of pharmacotherapy, data indicate that over 80% of the veterans treated for PTSD in the USA have been receiving at least one of the psychotropic medications (Bernardy et al. 2012). A drug utilization study conducted in Croatia revealed that the annual frequency of drug use among pharmacologically treated PTSD patients was the highest for anxiolytics (75.83% patients), antidepressants (61.36%), hypnotics (35.68%) and antipsychotics (30.21%) in 2012 (LeticaCrepulja et al. 2015). In this context, it is very important to highlight that a variety of psychotropic medications recommended for the treatment of PTSD can induce sexual function disorders (Clayton & Shen 1998, Labbate 2008). Most practice guidelines for the treatment of PTSD highlight antidepressants as the first-line pharmacotherapeutic agents, particularly selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs) (Ballenger et al. 2000, American Psychiatric Association 2004, National Institute for Clinical Excellence (NICE) 2005, Baldwin et al. 2005, Forbes et al. 2007) and serotonin-norepinephrine reuptake inhibitors (SNRIs) (Bandelow et al. 2008, Benedek et al. 2009, Stein et al. 2009, Department of Veterans Affairs 2010, World Health Organization 2013, Baldwin et al. 2014). Since the introduction of these medications, increasing attention has been given to the side effects, such as sexual dysfunction (Labbate 2008, ...
Throughout the presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Tajikistan became, on the surface at least, an increasingly important political partner to Iran. Tajikistan according to Ahmadinejad was a "strategic partner" and in fact the two states' "common history and culture" made them inseparable. Ahmadinejad's emphasis on Tajikistan within Iran's broader foreign policy led to considerable discussion among regional observers and analysts who declared that the relationship between Iran and Tajikistan could potentially develop into a so-called "Persian alliance," which could reorder the regional political balance. However, lying just below the surface of relations between Iran and Tajikistan was a disjuncture between rhetoric and reality. This article argues that despite the public amity that existed between the two states, strong and substantive Iran-Tajik relations were not achieved by the close of Ahmadinejad's presidency. This was due in part to a dysfunctional Iranian foreign policy approach, which often led to the mismanagement of this interstate relationship. This factor along with the unwillingness of Tajik elites to go from words to deeds and the broader impact of sanctions, international isolation, and regional rivalry, meant that Iran was largely unable to fulfill its prominent political and economic objectives in Tajikistan.
Throughout the presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Tajikistan became, on the surface at least, an increasingly important political partner to Iran. Tajikistan according to Ahmadinejad was a "strategic partner" and in fact the two states' "common history and culture" made them inseparable. Ahmadinejad's emphasis on Tajikistan within Iran's broader foreign policy led to considerable discussion among regional observers and analysts who declared that the relationship between Iran and Tajikistan could potentially develop into a so-called "Persian alliance," which could reorder the regional political balance. However, lying just below the surface of relations between Iran and Tajikistan was a disjuncture between rhetoric and reality. This article argues that despite the public amity that existed between the two states, strong and substantive Iran-Tajik relations were not achieved by the close of Ahmadinejad's presidency. This was due in part to a dysfunctional Iranian foreign policy approach, which often led to the mismanagement of this interstate relationship. This factor along with the unwillingness of Tajik elites to go from words to deeds and the broader impact of sanctions, international isolation, and regional rivalry, meant that Iran was largely unable to fulfill its prominent political and economic objectives in Tajikistan.
Throughout the presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Tajikistan became, on the surface at least, an increasingly important political partner to Iran. Tajikistan according to Ahmadinejad was a "strategic partner" and in fact the two states' "common history and culture" made them inseparable. Ahmadinejad's emphasis on Tajikistan within Iran's broader foreign policy led to considerable discussion among regional observers and analysts who declared that the relationship between Iran and Tajikistan could potentially develop into a so-called "Persian alliance," which could reorder the regional political balance. However, lying just below the surface of relations between Iran and Tajikistan was a disjuncture between rhetoric and reality. This article argues that despite the public amity that existed between the two states, strong and substantive Iran-Tajik relations were not achieved by the close of Ahmadinejad's presidency. This was due in part to a dysfunctional Iranian foreign policy approach, which often led to the mismanagement of this interstate relationship. This factor along with the unwillingness of Tajik elites to go from words to deeds and the broader impact of sanctions, international isolation, and regional rivalry, meant that Iran was largely unable to fulfill its prominent political and economic objectives in Tajikistan.
Throughout the presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Tajikistan became, on the surface at least, an increasingly important political partner to Iran. Tajikistan according to Ahmadinejad was a "strategic partner" and in fact the two states' "common history and culture" made them inseparable. Ahmadinejad's emphasis on Tajikistan within Iran's broader foreign policy led to considerable discussion among regional observers and analysts who declared that the relationship between Iran and Tajikistan could potentially develop into a so-called "Persian alliance," which could reorder the regional political balance. However, lying just below the surface of relations between Iran and Tajikistan was a disjuncture between rhetoric and reality. This article argues that despite the public amity that existed between the two states, strong and substantive Iran-Tajik relations were not achieved by the close of Ahmadinejad's presidency. This was due in part to a dysfunctional Iranian foreign policy approach, which often led to the mismanagement of this interstate relationship. This factor along with the unwillingness of Tajik elites to go from words to deeds and the broader impact of sanctions, international isolation, and regional rivalry, meant that Iran was largely unable to fulfill its prominent political and economic objectives in Tajikistan.
Idiopathic pulmonary fibrosis (IPF) is a degenerative disease of the lungs with an average survival post-diagnosis of 2-3 years. New therapeutic targets and treatments are necessary. Mutations in components of the telomere-maintenance enzyme telomerase or in proteins important for telomere protection are found in both familial and sporadic IPF cases. However, the lack of mouse models that faithfully recapitulate the human disease has hampered new advances. Here, we generate two independent mouse models that develop IPF owing to either critically short telomeres (telomerase-deficient mice) or severe telomere dysfunction in the absence of telomere shortening (mice with Trf1 deletion in type II alveolar cells). We show that both mouse models develop pulmonary fibrosis through induction of telomere damage, thus providing proof of principle of the causal role of DNA damage stemming from dysfunctional telomeres in IPF development and identifying telomeres as promising targets for new treatments. ; Research in the Blasco lab is funded by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness Projects SAF2008-05384 and CSD2007-00017, the European Union FP7 Projects 2007-A-201630 (GENICA) and 2007-A-200950 (TELOMARKER), the European Research Council (ERC) Project TEL STEM CELL (GA#232854), the Korber Foundation, the AXA Research Fund, Fundacion Botin, and Fundacion Lilly (Spain). F.B. is ICREA Academia, Generalitat de Catalunya, Spain. ; Sí
Despite an ever-increasing number of arrests of elite politicians by Indonesia's anticorruption commission, the country's levels of political corruption remain stubbornly high. This article argues that the main reason for this apparent paradox is Indonesia's dysfunctional party and campaign financing system. None of the three elements upon which this system was built (membership dues, donations, and state subsidies) has worked to finance politics in an effective manner. This systemic failure is far from accidental: it is caused and perpetuated by an elite that prefers illicit fund-raising to the limitations that a more orderly funding mechanism would impose. As a result, political corruption continues unabated, oligarchs have penetrated party politics, and state budgets are misappropriated for political purposes. Indonesia's new president, Joko Widodo, has promised to reform the political finance regime, but the power of deeply entrenched interests groups means that any change will be painfully slow.
Despite an ever-increasing number of arrests of elite politicians by Indonesia's anticorruption commission, the country's levels of political corruption remain stubbornly high. This article argues that the main reason for this apparent paradox is Indonesia's dysfunctional party and campaign financing system. None of the three elements upon which this system was built (membership dues, donations, and state subsidies) has worked to finance politics in an effective manner. This systemic failure is far from accidental: it is caused and perpetuated by an elite that prefers illicit fund-raising to the limitations that a more orderly funding mechanism would impose. As a result, political corruption continues unabated, oligarchs have penetrated party politics, and state budgets are misappropriated for political purposes. Indonesia's new president, Joko Widodo, has promised to reform the political finance regime, but the power of deeply entrenched interests groups means that any change will be painfully slow.
It has been reported that low dose sarin is associated with long-term pathology in the brain and heart; however, the effects of sarin on the heart have yet to be determined. In addition, sarin has been implicated as an etiological agent in Gulf War Illness. Thus, the role of sarin in producing illness has important military consequences. This study used echocardiography, electrocardiography, and histology to determine sarin's effect on the murine cardiovascular system. C57BL/6J mice were injected with sarin at 0.4 LD50, 0.5 LD50, or saline on two consecutive days and studied for 10 weeks post exposure. The sarin animals had marked increases in heart weight to body weight ratios (p = 0.026), and the left ventricular lumen size was significantly decreased (p = 0.0014). In addition, cardiomyocytes were significantly larger in the sarin mice (p = 0.025) and atrial/brain natriuretic peptide levels were increased (p = 0.028 and 0.010, respectively). Results of the electrocardiograms show significant ST/T-wave changes in the sarin groups (p = 0.0015 and 0.032, respectively). Similarly, echocardiograms showed significantly decreased performance of the left ventricle in the sarin animals. This study indicates that sarin plays a role in cardiac remodeling and reducing cardiac performance.
