The article is devoted to the research of manifestations of separatism in Southeast Asia. Among the countries of this region, the most pressing problem of separatism is in Thailand, Myanmar, Indonesia and the Philippines. In the process of writing the article, features of the emergence of separatism in each of these countries, its causes, forms of manifestation, centers of distribution and consequences have been considered.The main reason for the emergence of separatist sentiments in all the countries under study was ethno-religious differences in their population. The effect of this factor was strengthened by historical, political, socio-economic factors, sometimes external influences, which together led to the emergence of powerful separatist cells. In Buddhist Thailand, such centers are the Muslim provinces of Pattaya, Yala, Narathiwat and Songhl, whose inhabitants are actively seeking to establish their own state of Pattaya. In the populated mainly Buddhists of Myanmar, the cell of active separatism was formed at its event in the state of Rakhine (Arachan), where, in addition to representatives of the indigenous Burmese subethnic - Arakans who profess Buddhism, the representatives of the most numerous Muslim national minority in the country - Rohingya, who are struggling for independence There are several problems regarding the separatism of the regions in Indonesia. It is the province of Irian Jaya (Western Papua) in the western part of the island of New Guinea, Aceh (Aceh) in the north of the island of Sumatra, East Timor (until 2002, until the proclamation of the independence of East Timor), and settled by the Christians of the South Moluccas. One of the most pressing problems of the predominantly Christian Philippines is separatism and extremism of the Moroccan Islamic people living in the southwestern part of the island of Mindanao and the archipelago Sulu and constantly, but with varying intensity, fights for complete independence or autonomy.Separatism in the countries of Southeast Asia is dangerous ...
Для більшості країн глобалізованого світу на зламі ХХ-ХХІ століть характерні процеси стабільного розвитку їх економік, при цьому, скорочується розрив в рівнях прибутків на душу населення між економічно розвиненими країнами «центру» і більшістю країн «напівпериферії». На політичній і економічній карті з'явилися нові лідери (нові центри «сили»). Так, зросла роль Китаю, Індії, Південної Кореї, Сингапуру, Індонезії в АТР; Туреччини та Ірану на Середньому Сході; Бразилії і Мексики в Латинській Америці. ; For most of the countries of the globalized world, at the turn of the XX-XXI centuries, processes of stable development of their economies are characteristic, while the gap in per capita income levels between the economically developed countries of the "center" and the majority of countries of the "semi-periphery" is decreasing. On the political and economic map there were new leaders (new centers of "force"). Yes, the role of China, India, South Korea, Singapore, Indonesia in the Asia-Pacific region has increased; Turkey and Iran in the Middle East; Brazil and Mexico in Latin America.
The experience and implications of the introduction of the transitional administration within the framework of UN peacekeeping operations have been analyzed. In Cambodia, the main task of the transitional administration, established by the UN Security Council resolution in 1992, was the holding of election, which resulted in a change in the state structure and the end of a long civil war.In Croatia, the introduction of the transitional administration in 1995 was foreseen by a peace agreement between the government and representatives of the Serbs who participated in the creation of the self-proclaimed Republic of Serbian Krajina, to monitor the process of demilitarization and to implement the plan for the peaceful reintegration of the region. The peacekeeping mission was successfully completed in 1998 without changing the state borders.The actual liberation of Kosovo's territory from the Yugoslav Army as a result of NATO's military operation in 1999 allowed the UN Security Council to adopt a resolution on a transitional administration that was supposed to ensure security, stability, human rights and promote the formation of the main institutions of the state. After the declaration of independence in 2008, the mandate of the peacekeeping mission has been changed, but the territory remains a potential source of instability in the region.Established in 1999, the transitional administration in East Timor contributed to the implementation of the results of the referendum, in which the majority of the residents voted for separation from Indonesia. The emergence of a new state in 2002 led to changes in the mandate of a peacekeeping mission, which lasted until 2012 in various forms.Common for the last three cases is the presence of civil (administrative) and military (force) components in the UN peacekeeping operation. It is established that the activity of such an authority in the territory of certain regions of the country, which is not controlled by the government, inevitably leads to the creation of new states and the loss of territorial integrity, which is not in the interests of Ukraine in resolving the conflict in Donbass. ; Проаналізовано досвід і наслідки впровадження тимчасової адміністрації у рамках миротворчих операцій ООН. У Камбоджі основним завданням тимчасової адміністрації, створеної резолюцією РБ ООН у 1992 році, було проведення виборів, за результатом яких відбулася зміна державного ладу країни та припинено тривалу громадянську війну.У Хорватії запровадження тимчасової адміністрації в 1995 році було передбачено мирною угодою між урядом та представниками сербів, які брали участь у створенні самопроголошеної Республіки Сербська Країна, для контролю за процесом демілітаризації та реалізації плану з мирної реінтеграції регіону. Миротворча місія була успішно завершена в 1998 році без зміни державних кордонів.Фактичне звільнення території Косово від армії Югославії у результаті військової операції НАТО в 1999 році дало змогу РБ ООН прийняти резолюцію про тимчасову адміністрацію, що мала забезпечити безпеку, стабільність, дотримання прав людини та сприяти формуванню основних інститутів держави. Після проголошення незалежності у 2008 році мандат миротворчої місії було змінено, однак територія і надалі залишається потенційним джерелом нестабільності у регіоні.Створена в 1999 році тимчасова адміністрація у Східному Тиморі спряла реалізації результатів референдуму, на якому більшість мешканців проголосувала за відділення від Індонезії. Виникнення нової держави у 2002 році зумовило зміни у мандаті миротворчої місії, яка у різних формах тривала до 2012 року. Спільними для останніх трьох випадків є наявність цивільної (адміністративної) та військової (силової) складових у миротворчій операції ООН. Встановлено, що діяльність такого органу на території окремих регіонів країни, що не контролюються урядом, неминуче призводить до створення нових держав та втрати територіальної цілісності, що не відповідає інтересам України при врегулюванні конфлікту на Донбасі.
The experience and implications of the introduction of the transitional administration within the framework of UN peacekeeping operations have been analyzed. In Cambodia, the main task of the transitional administration, established by the UN Security Council resolution in 1992, was the holding of election, which resulted in a change in the state structure and the end of a long civil war.In Croatia, the introduction of the transitional administration in 1995 was foreseen by a peace agreement between the government and representatives of the Serbs who participated in the creation of the self-proclaimed Republic of Serbian Krajina, to monitor the process of demilitarization and to implement the plan for the peaceful reintegration of the region. The peacekeeping mission was successfully completed in 1998 without changing the state borders.The actual liberation of Kosovo's territory from the Yugoslav Army as a result of NATO's military operation in 1999 allowed the UN Security Council to adopt a resolution on a transitional administration that was supposed to ensure security, stability, human rights and promote the formation of the main institutions of the state. After the declaration of independence in 2008, the mandate of the peacekeeping mission has been changed, but the territory remains a potential source of instability in the region.Established in 1999, the transitional administration in East Timor contributed to the implementation of the results of the referendum, in which the majority of the residents voted for separation from Indonesia. The emergence of a new state in 2002 led to changes in the mandate of a peacekeeping mission, which lasted until 2012 in various forms.Common for the last three cases is the presence of civil (administrative) and military (force) components in the UN peacekeeping operation. It is established that the activity of such an authority in the territory of certain regions of the country, which is not controlled by the government, inevitably leads to the creation of new states and the loss of territorial integrity, which is not in the interests of Ukraine in resolving the conflict in Donbass. ; Проаналізовано досвід і наслідки впровадження тимчасової адміністрації у рамках миротворчих операцій ООН. У Камбоджі основним завданням тимчасової адміністрації, створеної резолюцією РБ ООН у 1992 році, було проведення виборів, за результатом яких відбулася зміна державного ладу країни та припинено тривалу громадянську війну.У Хорватії запровадження тимчасової адміністрації в 1995 році було передбачено мирною угодою між урядом та представниками сербів, які брали участь у створенні самопроголошеної Республіки Сербська Країна, для контролю за процесом демілітаризації та реалізації плану з мирної реінтеграції регіону. Миротворча місія була успішно завершена в 1998 році без зміни державних кордонів.Фактичне звільнення території Косово від армії Югославії у результаті військової операції НАТО в 1999 році дало змогу РБ ООН прийняти резолюцію про тимчасову адміністрацію, що мала забезпечити безпеку, стабільність, дотримання прав людини та сприяти формуванню основних інститутів держави. Після проголошення незалежності у 2008 році мандат миротворчої місії було змінено, однак територія і надалі залишається потенційним джерелом нестабільності у регіоні.Створена в 1999 році тимчасова адміністрація у Східному Тиморі спряла реалізації результатів референдуму, на якому більшість мешканців проголосувала за відділення від Індонезії. Виникнення нової держави у 2002 році зумовило зміни у мандаті миротворчої місії, яка у різних формах тривала до 2012 року. Спільними для останніх трьох випадків є наявність цивільної (адміністративної) та військової (силової) складових у миротворчій операції ООН. Встановлено, що діяльність такого органу на території окремих регіонів країни, що не контролюються урядом, неминуче призводить до створення нових держав та втрати територіальної цілісності, що не відповідає інтересам України при врегулюванні конфлікту на Донбасі.
The topicality of issue. Dynamics of international processes points the increasing meaning of regional safety systems in providing of stability in the world. Mutual dependence of regional and global organizations of collective safety and defense is intensifying.During the last years the meaning of EU as an independent figure in the modern general European safety system is intensifying. It is important to point that diplomacy stays the basement for mutual foreign and safety policy in EU, so that it is supported by trade, help, safety and defense if it's necessary. This policy is directed firstly to solve the conflicts and reach the international understanding.The aim of the article is an analyzing of European safety and defense police (ESDP) as policy in process of further closer integration within EU and in the relationships with other international safety organizations. Questions of formation and development of common security and defense policy of the EU researched many foreign scholars, especially Tonroy B., T. Christiansen, S. Morshem, G. Makenstein and others in the writings of foreign policy.Contribution to the study of variable problems associated with European and Euro-Atlantic integration, released domestic scholars such as W.Govorukha, I.Hrytsiak, H.Nemyria, L.Prokopenko, A.Rudik, V.Streltsov, І.Shumlyayeva.The main material. In Western Europe, attempts to create a new collective security structures began soon after the Second World War. March 17, 1948 Belgium, UK, Luxembourg, the Netherlands and France signed the Brussels Pact - Agreement on cooperation in the economic, social and cultural fields, and collective self-defense. End of the Cold War and the transformation of the European Communities to the international union type structure led to the further significant changes in the relations between the countries of Europe. Particularly evident these processes affected the security relationship. At the European Council in Maastricht (9-10 December 1991) adopted a number of decisions relating to the common foreign and security policy states.Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) of the European Union aims to form a common defense policy, which might eventually lead to a common defense system.CFSP developed as complementary, but not duplicating NATO structure. Its main task is to create capabilities to further empower the EU to participate in the settlement of regional and local conflicts, including outside Europe (in the Middle East, Africa and other regions of the world).The conclusions. In such way, in the last 20 years political and institutional changes in EU has created the premises for the new perception of "purely European" safety space. The development of European safety conception is characterized by complex approach, determination of qualitatively new threats and at the same time emphasizes the accepting of values which are mutual for European countries.1. Earlier in the EU state security relied entirely on the political defensive mechanism of NATO and the political mechanism of OSCE and the UN, the security problems are recently becoming further relevance for European policy and become "internal priority" of the European Union.2. Scope of soft security, i.e. the post-conflict settlement and assist in civil management, and is currently the most successful and best functioning element of ESDP. Scope of military solution is still considered controversial by most countries - EU members and has many obstacles to achieve efficient operation.3. Over the last decade, the EU was able to significantly develop its military component of ESDP as an important link. In particular, the creation and development of military forces allowed the EU to take over peacekeeping missions as in Europe and beyond.4. Over the last decade, the EU had 23 civilian missions and military operations on three continents. These include the following: peace of the after effects of Tsunami Aceh (Indonesia), the protection of refugees in Chad, the fight against piracy in Somalia and the Horn of Africa. This suggests that the EU's role as a player in the security becomes tangible.5. Motivation to improve the state of national security, stabilization of the internal and external situation, reducing dependence and further out from the influence of a number of other reasons make Ukraine more actively in the foreign and security policy. The general process of EU integration involves corresponding changes in all directions and areas, including security, so further participation in the CFSP have a positive attitude affect the positioning of our country in terms of geopolitical security space in Europe. ; Статья посвящена исследованию проблемы формирования, развития и усовершенствования оборонительной политики и политики безопасности Европейского Союза, совместной внешней политики и политики безопасности.Анализируются основные шаги европейского сообщества в направлении создания собственной, Европейской оборонительной политики и политики безопасности в контексте новых угроз региональной и глобальной безопасности, состояние и трансформация отношений ЕС и НАТО в сфере безопасности. ; Стаття присвячена дослідженню проблеми формування, розбудови та вдосконалення оборонної і безпекової політики Європейського Союзу, спільної зовнішньої та безпекової політики.Аналізуються основні кроки європейського співтовариства у напрямку створення власної, Європейської безпекової та оборонної політики в контексті нових загроз регіональній і глобальній безпеці, стан та трансформація стосунків ЄС і НАТО у сфері безпеки.
European Union combines territories of 27 member countries and also economical, trade and financial aspects. It has an essential role in global problems and its importance is increasing equal to adoption of collective decisions in sphere of foreign policy. EU converses with all the world key figures and also with those who have their own opinion about world and their own interests.During the last years the meaning of EU as an independent figure in the modern general European safety system is intensifying. It is important to point that diplomacy stays the basement for mutual foreign and safety policy in EU, so that it is supported by trade, help, safety and defense if it's necessary. This policy is directed firstly to solve the conflicts and reach the international understanding.The topicality of issue. The historical development of Europe witnesses that guaranteeing of safety has been a task of various international political blocks and organizations. Exacerbation of untraditional threats influenced the strengthening of institutional and functional role of international organization in sphere of guaranteeing of safety.Dynamics of international processes points the increasing meaning of regional safety systems in providing of stability in the world. Mutual dependence of regional and global organizations of collective safety and defense is intensifying (UN, NATO, OSCE and EU).The aim of the article is an analyzing of European safety and defense police (ESDP) as policy in process of further closer integration within EU and in the relationships with other international safety organizations.The object of survey is mutual safety and defense policy of EU in the context of new threats to the regional and global safety.The subject of survey – international political specifies of formation and evolution, institutional and practical and international law mechanisms of ESDP since the second half of XX cen. – the beginning of XXI cen.The conclusions In such way, in the last 20 years political and institutional changes in EU has created the premises for the new perception of «purely European» safety space. The development of European safety conception is characterized by complex approach, determination of qualitatively new threats and at the same time emphasizes the accepting of values which are mutual for European countries.1. Earlier in the EU state security relied entirely on the political defensive mechanism of NATO and the political mechanism of OSCE and the UN, the security problems are recently becoming further relevance for European policy and become «internal priority» of the European Union. EU concern for maintaining their own security, the creation of an appropriate system and its organization was implemented in an effort to strengthen the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). However, since its launch CFSP was ineffective political-legal and institutional mechanisms. Therefore, in 1999 the European Union introduced a new, more successful initiative called the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP).It should be noted that this area of soft security, ie the post-conflict settlement and assist in civil management, and is currently the most successful and best functioning part of ESDP. Scope military solution is still considered controversial by most Member States and has many obstacles to achieve efficient operation.2. The EU strongly and gradually approaching the ability to influence to European and international security. Over the last decade, the EU was able to significantly develop its military component of ESDP as an important link. In particular, the creation and development of military forces allowed the EU to take over peacekeeping missions as in Europe and beyond.3. Enhancing the EU efforts in the area of foreign and security policy was due to the failure of the EU itself resolve the conflict in the Balkans, the knowledge of its own military and technological backwardness, the understanding of the changes in the content and scope of threats and recognition of the need to build an appropriate response strategy. This led to a conceptual change in European security policy and the emergence of initiatives to create a European military instruments of influence on world politics (in the so-called «hard security»).4. Over the last decade, the EU had 23 civilian missions and military operations on three continents. These include the following: peace of the after effects of Tsunami Aceh (Indonesia), the protection of refugees in Chad, the fight against piracy in Somalia and the Horn of Africa. This suggests that the EU's role as a player in the security becomes tangible.As of November 2010 the EU has both thirteen military and civilian missions in 4 regions of the world: the European continent (the Balkans, Moldova / Ukraine), the Middle East, Asia and Africa. Also completed 11 military and civilian operations in the Balkans, the Caucasus, Asia and Africa.While EU operations using inputs NATO. Thus, we can speak of complementary efforts and mutually beneficial cooperation between the EU and NATO.5. In the EU a priority for further development of ESDP recognizes no quantitative growth indicators and qualitative implementation of capacity in this area, which in turn confronts the EU Member States following objectives: reaching consensus on all aspects of common security and defense policy, development and learning new methodologies crisis management, effective use of international cooperation, strengthening the defense industry and military technology.6. Motivation to improve the state of national security, stabilization of the internal and external situation, reducing dependence and further out from the influence of a number of other reasons make our country more actively in the foreign and security policy. The overall process of the EU integration process involves appropriate in all areas and sectors, including security, so further participation in the CFSP has a positive attitude affect the positioning of Ukraine in the security dimension of European geopolitical space. Achieving this goal is possible only in case of joint ownership of all political parties, the government and the President to improve geo-political situation of our country both in Europe and internationally. ; Статья посвящена исследованию проблемы формирования, развития и усовершенствования оборонительной политики и политики безопасности Европейского Союза, совместной внешней политики и политики безопасности.Анализируются основные шаги европейского сообщества в направлении создания собственной, Европейской оборонительной политики и политики безопасности в контексте новых угроз региональной и глобальной безопасности, состояние и трансформация отношений ЕС и НАТО в сфере безопасности. ; Статтю присвячено дослідженню проблеми формування, розбудови та вдосконалення оборонної і безпекової політики Європейського Союзу, спільної зовнішньої та безпекової політики.Аналізуються основні кроки європейського співтовариства в напрямку створення власної, Європейської безпекової та оборонної політики в контексті нових загроз регіональній і глобальній безпеці, стан та трансформація стосунків ЄС і НАТО у сфері безпеки.
