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The article intends to illustrate the climate, social and primarily health effects resulting from the emission of various substances in the process of burning coal and waste, and the legal framework related to the issue of air pollution as a result of low emissions. The authors discuss also the main directions of the changes proposed in the so-called "anti-smog" law. The authors pose the thesis that Poland has still not solved problems of low emissions, despite the measures taken in the amendment to the Environmental Law. In their view, Poland still has a long way to go before it creates a low-carbon economy. The traditional use of coal in Poland hinders putting ecological changes into practice. Incineration of waste produced by households is another social pathology. Besides municipal waste, some hazardous waste also produced in households can be found. The level of environmental education is very poor in this respect. However, without significant actions, we will continue to destroy our own and our neighbours' health, contribute to climate change as some climatologists' think and pay penalties for failing to meet ecological commitments to the European Union as well.

"Autorzy przedstawili zagadnienia związane z przekształceniami przestrzeni - w tym zabudowanej - oraz przemianami środowiska przyrodniczego. Omówili też nowe instytucje, technologie i regulacje prawne powstające w odpowiedzi na współczesne wyzwania. Celem publikacji było zidentyfikowanie obserwowanych zjawisk klimatycznych, ich wpływu na środowisko zurbanizowane, a także możliwości wykorzystania rozwiązań technologicznych i narzędzi raportowania wspierających podejmowanie decyzji inwestycyjnych oraz gospodarowanie nieruchomościami."--

The dynamic growth in consumption causes an increasing quantity of industrial and communal waste. The waste is the reason for many problems in all countries of the world, and preventing its abundant generation, its rational exploitation and, as the last resort, safe disposal is one of the important challenges posed to contemporary cities. Managing the waste economy or the waste management policy is the area of the interests of the European Union, both in legal and economic aspects. The legal aspects encompass the protection of the natural environment whereas the economic ones address the economical usage of waste under the municipal economy. Poland, following the E.U. trends, is adapting its legislation to the E.U. legislation. Thus it puts more weight to the 'waste' policy implementing some solutions in the area of waste management drawing on the Swedish or German models, i.e. trying, to give an example, to transform a part of the waste thermally this way generating fuel for the production of central heating and electric energy. The article is aimed at the presentation of the current issues in the area of the waste management policy in Poland, above all, pertaining to the amendment to the regulations covered by the Law on the Maintenance of the Order and Cleanliness in Communities. The article also aims to address the issues pertaining to the so-called "in house" orders connected with the management of communal waste by municipal companies.

The article discusses the origin and development of the ecological movement in Bulgaria in the first period of political transformation, against the background of similar experiences of Balkan countries. In the Balkan reality, the social activity of ecological groups is perceived as an example of the penetration of Western European cultural patterns, but also as an effect of "ecological pressure" resulting from the aspirations of South-Eastern European countries to integrate with European structures. To a small extent, the contemporary ecological sensitivity of the inhabitants of the Balkans refers to earlier experiences, such as those from the first decade of the political transformation. Against this background, the birth of the "indigenous" ecological movement in Bulgaria and its significant participation in the downfall of Todor Zhivkov's regime can be considered an exceptional phenomenon. ; Artykuł omawia powstanie i rozwój ruchu ekologicznego w Bułgarii w pierwszym okresie transformacji ustrojowej, na tle podobnych doświadczeń państw bałkańskich. W bałkańskich realiach społeczna aktywność ugrupowań ekologicznych jest postrzegana jako przykład przenikania zachodnioeuropejskich wzorców kulturowych, ale także jako efekt "presji ekologicznej" wynikającej z dążenia krajów Europy Południowo-Wschodniej do integracji ze strukturami europejskimi. W niewielkim stopniu współczesna wrażliwość ekologiczna mieszkańców Bałkanów odwołuje się do wcześniejszych doświadczeń, choćby tych z pierwszej dekady transformacji ustrojowej. Na tym tle zjawiskiem za zjawisko wyjątkowe można uznać narodziny "autochtonicznego" ruchu ekologicznego w Bułgarii, a także jego znaczący udział w procesie upadku reżimu Todora Żiwkowa.

First of all, the paper explains the meaning of climate sustainability and the parallel understanding of the category of sustainable development in the EU as a concept of total decarbonization of the economy. Secondly, it shows a great impact of Europe 2020 strategy and the latest package 2.0 for the period to 2030 on the Polish industry and society, due to the specific structure of energy balance and high costs of climate change mitigation. Thirdly, the paper shows the possibilities of the technological change in the energy sector in a broad sense that led to the low-emission economy and at the same time which are feasible and economically acceptable. Apart from renewables, energy efficiency, coal substitution to gas and cogeneration, a few efficient technologies exist which are a climate 'rescue' being consistent with the low-emission economy as well as securing minimum prospects for coal. Although the possibilities of CO2 reductions in the process of coal combustion are especially limited, moderate chances can be seen in the conversion process of coal to gaseous and solid forms.

The concepts of recognizing elements of nature as having legal personality have been appearing for many years as proposals for a new approach to ecology. Recent years have brought specific solutions in this regard. Attempts to recognize rivers (but not only rivers) as separate legal entities can be found in various places around the world. This is not a common trend, only a few such cases can be identified in the applicable legislation. The article is devoted to the analysis of the best-known examples of this type of activity. In 2017, the legal system of New Zealand recognized the Whanganui River as a legal person. Talks are ongoing about further solutions of this kind. Apart from environmental protection reasons, the basic motives for this type of solution are cultural considerations – connected with Maori beliefs and values. In the legal systems of India and Colombia, the courts have attempted to recognize the rivers (Ganges and Yamuna in India, the Atrata River, and the entire Amazon ecosystem) as legal persons. The motives for this type of activity were primarily ecological – protecting priceless parts of nature from destruction. ; Koncepcje uznania elementów natury za mające osobowość prawną pojawiają się od wielu lat jako propozycje nowego podejścia do ekologii. Ostatnie lata przyniosły w tym zakresie konkretne rozwiązania. W różnych miejscach na świecie spotkać można próby uznania rzek (ale nie tylko) za odrębne podmioty prawa. Nie jest to powszechna tendencja, tylko kilka takich przypadków można zidentyfikować w obowiązujących ustawodawstwach. Artykuł poświęcono analizie najbardziej znanych przykładów tego rodzaju działań. W systemie prawnym Nowej Zelandii uznano w 2017 r. rzekę Whanganui za osobę prawną. Toczą się rozmowy na temat dalszych tego rodzaju rozwiązań. Podstawowym motywem takich rozwiązań, oprócz względów ochrony środowiska, są względy kulturowe – związane z systemem wierzeń i wartości Maorysów. W systemach prawnych Indii i Kolumbii sądy podjęły próby uznania rzek (Gangesu i Yamuny w Indiach, rzeki Atrata oraz całego ekosystemu Amazonki) za osoby prawne. Motywy tego rodzaju działań były przede wszystkim ekologiczne – ochrona bezcennych części przyrody przed zniszczeniem.

The aim of the author is to present the possible consequences of any further intensification of the global problems which the European Union will have to stand up to, to a larger degree than before. Globalization has not created global problems, but it has contributed to their intensification. There are four groups of global issues that are of particular significance to globalization processes: (1) international security, (2) ecology, (3) demography, and (4) poverty and marginalization. Undoubtedly, the European Union is a 'privileged' region as it comprises safe states. Europe and the United States perceive the prevention of threats to be a common interest, which justifies the claim that the two partners are at least partially chained to each other. However, Europe is vulnerable to the consequences of global threats. In future, poor countries will blame developed countries for their problems, including those related to their natural environment. Adverse demographic trends will result in the European population growing older and there will be a decrease in the numbers of native Europeans. International relations may be destabilized in the long-term by the widening gap between the developed countries and developing ones, and by their feelings of being excluded from globalization processes. An alternative to this scenario could be provided by cohesive and active global policies on the part of the EU, however, it cannot change the adverse consequences of modern global trends by itself.

The aim of the author is to present the possible consequences of any further intensification of the global problems which the European Union will have to stand up to, to a larger degree than before. Globalization has not created global problems, but it has contributed to their intensification. There are four groups of global issues that are of particular significance to globalization processes: (1) international security, (2) ecology, (3) demography, and (4) poverty and marginalization. Undoubtedly, the European Union is a 'privileged' region as it comprises safe states. Europe and the United States perceive the prevention of threats to be a common interest, which justifies the claim that the two partners are at least partially chained to each other. However, Europe is vulnerable to the consequences of global threats. In future, poor countries will blame developed countries for their problems, including those related to their natural environment. Adverse demographic trends will result in the European population growing older and there will be a decrease in the numbers of native Europeans. International relations may be destabilized in the long-term by the widening gap between the developed countries and developing ones, and by their feelings of being excluded from globalization processes. An alternative to this scenario could be provided by cohesive and active global policies on the part of the EU, however, it cannot change the adverse consequences of modern global trends by itself.

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; W artykule podjęto próbę zdefiniowania pojęcia "zielona dyplomacja". Omówione zostały problemy ekologiczne Kazachstanu, ich transgraniczny charakter oraz wewnętrzny i zewnętrzny wymiar realizowanej polityki ekologicznej. Celem artykułu jest ukazanie znaczenia zielonej dyplomacji z polityce zagranicznej Kazachstanu. W artykule przyjęto dwie hipotezy. Po pierwsze, dla Kazachstanu zielona dyplomacja ma instrumentalne znaczenie i jest wykorzystywana jako narzędzie budowy pozytywnego wizerunku państwa na arenie międzynarodowej. Po drugie, zielona dyplomacja wpływa również stymulująco na bezpieczeństwo ekologiczne Kazachstanu. ; In this article, the author attempts to define the term green diplomacy. In the research paper several issues are being discussed, mainly ecological problems in Kazakhstan, their transboundary nature as well as the internal and external dimensions of realising the ecological policy. The main goal of this article is presenting the importance of green diplomacy in foreign policy of Kazakhstan. In the article two hypotheses are being adopted. Firstly, green diplomacy is used by Kazakh authorities instrumentally in order to build the country's positive image on the international scene. Secondly, green diplomacy is also an important factor in the process of strengthening ecological security of Kazakhstan.

The article is devoted to the federal system in the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria (North and East Syria), or the so-called Rojava. The case of this system is for many reasons special: on the one hand, it realizes the concept of ethnofederalism; on the other hand, it realizes the doctrine of democratic confederalism, i.e. political thought of Abdullah Öcalan. Democratic confederalism, referring largely to the communalism and municipalism of Murray Bookchin, advocates the implementation of a new order in the Middle East, in which various self-administrating ethnic and religious communities could co-exist in a confederal network based on the principles of participatory democracy, legal pluralism, federalism, equality of women and men, ecology and the social economy. According to its proponents, it leads to peace: first in Syria and later in the entire Middle East. ; Artykuł jest poświęcony systemowi federalnemu w Demokratycznej Federacji Północnej Syrii (Północnej i Wschodniej Syrii), tzw. Rożawie. System ten stanowi przypadek szczególny: z jednej strony ze względu na realizację koncepcji etnofederalizmu, z drugiej zaś z uwagi na zakorzenienie w doktrynie demokratycznego konfederalizmu (tj. myśli politycznej Abdullaha Öcalana). Demokratyczny konfederalizm, nawiązując w dużej mierze do komunalizmu i municypalizmu Murraya Bookchina, opowiada się za realizacją na Bliskim Wschodzie nowego ładu, w którym rozmaite wspólnoty etniczne i religijne mogłyby w ramach swoich odrębnych, lecz połączonych ze sobą w konfederalną sieć, organizacji realizować model demokracji partycypacyjnej i pluralizmu prawnego. Porządek ten, oparty na zasadach demokracji, federalizacji, równouprawnienia kobiet i mężczyzn, ekologii oraz ekonomii społecznej, ma prowadzić do wygaszenia istniejących konfliktów i pokojowej współpracy pomiędzy społecznościami – najpierw Syrii, a później całego regionu.

Główna hipoteza artykułu pt. 'Specjaliści' od UE. O myśleniu potocznym jako granicy poznania wspólnoty europejskiej a sprawa polska brzmi: rozumienie Unii Europejskiej jest kształtowane i wyznaczane przez zdrowy rozsądek (myślenie potoczne). Autor artykułu pokazuje, że kruchość UE jest zakorzeniona w doświadczeniu pornografii demokracji, w której zasady i prawa fundamentalne dla społeczeństwa demokratycznego są wykorzystywane przeciwko obywatelom (por. perspektywa polska czy węgierska). Dlatego zdrowy rozsądek jest traktowany jako granica myśli politycznej. Każdego można w tym kontekście potraktować jako specjalistę od ekonomii, ekologii, spraw międzynarodowych, historii itp. Zdrowy rozsądek urealnia emocje a nie fakty, dlatego można zaobserwować wiele przykładów dyskursów wykluczenia. Jest też inny ważny kontekst: status liberalizmu. Autor artykułu jest przekonany, że myśląc o liberalizmie powinniśmy mieć na uwadze "zwrot biologiczny". ; The main hypothesis of the article titled "Specialists" about European Union. Common sense as the limit of cognition of European community in the context of Polish policy is: understanding of European Union is shaped and determined by common sense (colloquial thinking). The author of the paper shows that the fragility of UE is rooted in the experience of the pornography of democracy where the rules and law fundamental for democratic society are used against citizens (compare with Polish or Hungarian perspective). That is why common sense is treated as the limit of political thought. Everybody in this context can be treated as the specialist of economy, ecology, international affairs, history, etc. Common sense makes emotions much more real than the facts that is why we can observe a lot of examples of the discourses of exclusion. There is also another important context: the status of liberalism. The author of the paper is convinced that in thinking about liberalism we should concern "biological turn".

The discussion about mutual relations between the media and politics in democracy is going on for years. One of the key issues in this debate is the impact of media on political choices and political part icipation of citizens. Last years we are observing signifi cant changes in the ways of presenting content by political actors, especially in the media. New media syst em ecology requires creativity both in political communication creating and analyzing it. One of the interest ing paradigm of this kind of analysis is gamifi cation. Th is article aims is to find out how gamifi cation elements are currently used in the practice of journalism and how the gamified schemes of political broadcast talk have the potential to st rengthen the democratic and civic purposes of journalism. The authors of this art icle are inclined to the idea that convergence between politics and popular culture can have also a positive effect for the implementation of democratic practices and civil society. And gamification creates an interest ing paradigm for underst anding political reality in terms of fun and entert ainment (according to the threat of tabloidization). Observing the dynamics of broadcast journalism it can be seen that even they can be analyzed in terms of gamifi cation mechanisms – the roles adopted by the journalist s and guest s are functional in the logic of the game. Th e prize (viewers' attention) is evident for both groups, and interactions run more oft en in ways that allow them to gain dominance and 'win' the interaction. Th e authors analyze the behavior of journalist s conducting the TV affairs programs through the scheme of roles taken in the game (according to Richard Bart le typology: achievers, explorers, socializers, killers). The test is made using quantitative and qualitative measures. ; TOMASZ Gackowski

The Environmental Kuznets Curve (EKC) is a descriptive formula used to reflect on asymmetries in economic development and consequential conflict of interests arising between various states of the world. These asymmetries and conflicts of interests have their reflection in these states' environmental policy mix - implemented domestically and pursued in the international context. The emerging map of mutual interests and dependences results from the consideration of external costs and benefits pertaining to respective national environmental policies. The EKC makes it evident that these costs and benefits cannot be evenly spread over all the states. This urges these states to adopt such interjurisdictional arrangements which are based on the identification of a possible multilateral exchange of economic policy favours and international financial transfers. Such an exchange, whenever occurs, has a generalized reciprocity formula. The function of such an arrangement is to make it possible for Nash equilibria to emerge, as such are most likely to produce the highest possible level of effectiveness in the long run. Such a behavior may not be cooperative in the short and medium term, yet the bottom-line cooperativeness is achieved because most states have similar if not the same long-term environmental goals.

This book explores the impact of climate change on the legal situation of small island states such as Marshall Islands. Climate change-related problems of these nations touching their legal situation in a very different way than in the case of large countries threatened by economic and social consequences of sea level rise (such as Bangladesh, Vietnam, Nigeria and Egypt). Presentation of scientific forecasts is an introduction to the in-depth deliberations from the point of view of international law. According to many researchers, global sea level rise of 0,5-1 m. is highly possible in the next hundred years. Sea level rise is not the only climate-related threat experienced by small island states. Among other significant problems associated with climate change we can list tropical cyclones, floods, and droughts. Island nations must prepare for such problems on the basis of public international law. The authors draw attention to the most crucial legal challenges associated with sea level rise, such as the deterritorialization of the state, continuity of statehood, the issue of citizenship or the legal status of forced environmental migrants. The authors draw attention to the significant legal challenges (e.g. the legal status of migrants forced to leave their country of origin/residence as a result of irreversible climate change). This issue has still not been regulated by international law documents. Much attention is also being paid to the analysis of the consequences of climate change on the basis of international law of the sea. The core elements of the analysis presented in this book are, inter alia, the impact of sea level rise on Exclusive Economic Zones and fishing rights. The book is focused on the social and legal challenges facing microstates. Presented considerations may become a useful point of reference in the analysis of the problems facing larger countries affected by climate change and sea level rise.