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This article explores the Spanish crown's efforts to study, cultivate, and transplant
spices from the East Indies to the West Indies and then to Spain in the sixteenth and
early seventeenth centuries. Beginning with Christopher Columbus's first observations
of New World flora, the Spanish crown sought out spices to cultivate for economic
gain. Although they were ultimately unsuccessful in efforts to generate a large-scale
spice trade, colonial officials and local entrepreneurs participated in a coordinated program
of empirical information gathering and botanical experimentation that is itself of
historical significance. For the empirical and experimental—"scientific"—methods
they represented serve to challenge and enhance current understanding of several historiographical
themes: the origins of economic botany and the Scientific Revolution
more generally, the role of human agency in the Columbian exchange, and the dissemination
of knowledge from imperial centers to colonial peripheries.

This essay provides a fresh view on early history of the botanical garden in Buitenzorg by zooming in on the activities of the gardens' first and second directors: Caspar Georg Carl Reinwardt and Carl Ludwig Blume. In particular under Blume's aegis the garden was under constant threat which eventually led to the temporary closure of the garden in 1826. The essay conceptualizes the garden as a provisional niche, in which collectors, gardeners, merchants, administrators, and plant experts with diverse socio-economic backgrounds and networks came together to negotiate the relationship between botany and imperial politics. Taken together this essay argues that plant science and the garden's institutional development need to be analyzed as part of a much wider history of colonial management and agricultural exploitation.

Introduction: natural history and visual culture in the Spanish empire -- A botanical reconquista -- Natural history and visual epistemology -- Painting as exploration -- Economic botany and the limits of the visual -- Visions of imperial nature: global white space, local color -- Conclusion: the empire as an image machine

During the 18th century British encyclopaedias included in their lemmata an increasing number of botanical lexis, that is the terminology pertaining to "that branch of natural history which treats of the uses, characters, classes, orders, genera, and species of plants. […] and what useful and ornamental purposes may be expected from the cultivation of it [i.e. botany]" (Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1768-1771, s.v. BOTANY). More often than not, these terms represented migrating plants coming from exotic places, new geographical areas, whether eastwards or westwards. The general aim of this survey is to investigate the representation of the botanical science in 18th-century universal and specialized encyclopaedias, starting from prefaces and going on with the micro-texts of the single entries s.v. BOTANY. The starting point is thus theoretical botany. A further point in the analysis focuses on applied botany and discusses those plants such as Camellia Sinensis, Coffea Arabica, Theobroma Cacao, Saccharum Officinarum and Cinchona Officinalis which were mostly exploited for commercial and/or medical reasons. The individual entries include the most tiny details on the single headwords-topics and also display an acceptable plurality of beliefs, viewpoints and perspectives, focussing on botanical descriptions, historical information, socio-cultural issues, legal, political and commercial considerations.

The potential value of the efficient utilization of rural lands to cultivate indigenous fruits and vegetables to improve the livelihood of farming households cannot be overemphasized. Using primary data from 400 randomly selected rural farming households in Ondo State, Nigeria, this study applied probit regression, principal component analysis (PCA), and propensity score matching (PSM) models to investigate the factors that determine the decisions of households to utilize their lands to cultivate indigenous fruits and vegetables. The impact of their cultivation on the livelihood of the participants was assessed, and the result revealed that they were profitable (NGN19,187.8/USD 42.60/Ha; Nigerian Naira = NGN, USD = United States Dollar). The farmers who cultivated indigenous fruits and vegetables (n = 277) made an additional 29.40% average total farm revenue than those (n = 123) who did not. Based on the probit regression analysis, factors such as educational attainment, access to government subsidies, and knowledge of the nutritional benefit of the indigenous fruits and vegetables influenced the decision of farmers to cultivate indigenous fruits and vegetables. The PSM model established that the cultivation of indigenous plants increased farm revenue and livelihood outcomes by NGN17,604.85 and NGN2265.00, respectively. In this context, the cultivation of indigenous fruits and vegetables in the selected rural communities is important for improving the livelihoods of households and suggests the need to rethink the present dominant policy narrative that neglects these indigenous plants. A concerted effort needs to focus on increasing their productivity and commercialization as a primary pathway to improve rural livelihood and transformation.

Contents -- Section I. Introduction -- Chapter 1. Biocultural collections: needs, ethics, and goals / Jan Salick, Katie Konchar and Mark Nesbitt -- Box: Ethical standards in ethnobiology / Ethnobiology Working Group -- Featured Biocultural Collections -- Missouri Botanical Garden, Biocultural Collection / Katie Konchar and Jan Salick -- National Botanic Gardens of Ireland, Economic Botany Collection / Peter Wyse Jackson and Matthew Jebb -- National Museum of Natural History, Paris, Ethnobiology Collections / Serge Bahuchet

This fascinating book examines the biology and culture of foods and beverages that are consumed in communal settings, with special attention to their health implications. Nina Etkin covers a wealth of topics, exploring human evolutionary history, the Slow Food movement, ritual and ceremonial foods, caffeinated beverages, spices, the street foods of Hawaii and northern Nigeria, and even bottled water. Her work is framed by a biocultural perspective that considers both the physiological implications of consumption and the cultural construction and circulation of foods.

We are surrounded by plants that are not native to the countries in which we live. Some are accidental arrivals but many are deliberate introductions. The first step in the introduction process is the collection of a plant sample. Stating a handful of seeds or dried plant specimens was taken from their native habitat and transferred to a garden or herbarium oversimplifies intricate, complex networks of interpersonal relationships. Fascination with these networks and the long-term environmental, social, biological, economic or political consequences of plant movement and establishment unites researchers across diverse academic disciplines.

How did imported technology contribute to the development of the colony of Singapore? Who were the main agents of change in this process? Was there extensive transfer and diffusion of Western science and technology into the port-city? How did the people respond to change? Examining areas such as shipping, port development, telegraphs and wireless, urban water supply and sewage disposal, economic botany, electrification, food production and retailing, science and technical education, and health, this book documents the role of technology and, to a smaller extent, science, in the transformation

Crop Resources contains papers that were originally presented as a symposium on Crop Resources at the 17th Annual Meeting of the Society for Economic Botany in Urbana, Illinois, 13-17 June 1976. The volume attempts to evaluate (a) the possible nonfood uses of cultivated plants; (b) the extent to which new and additional food resources may become available; (c) the prospects of several specialized uses of plants such as drugs, insecticides, rubber, and condiments; and (d) the origin of four major crops of the American Midwest and prospects for their future development. The discussions include t

We examined and analyzed methods used to create numerical equivalence between sites affected by development and proposed conservation offset sites. Application of biodiversity offsetting metrics in development impact and mitigation assessments is thought to standardize biodiversity conservation outcomes, sometimes termed yield by those conducting these calculations. The youth of biodiversity offsetting in application, however, means little is known about how biodiversity valuations and offset contracts between development and offset sites are agreed on in practice or about long-term conservation outcomes. We examined how sites were made commensurable and how biodiversity gains or yields were calculated and negotiated for a specific offset contract in a government-led pilot study of biodiversity offsets in England. Over 24 months, we conducted participant observations of various stages in the negotiation of offset contracts through repeated visits to 3 (anonymized) biodiversity offset contract sites. We conducted 50 semistructured interviews of stakeholders in regional and local government, the private sector, and civil society. We used a qualitative data analysis software program (DEDOOSE) to textually analyze interview transcriptions. We also compared successive iterations of biodiversity-offsetting calculation spreadsheets and planning documents. A particular focus was the different iterations of a specific biodiversity impact assessment in which the biodiversity offsetting metric developed by the U.K.'s Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs was used. We highlight 3 main findings. First, biodiversity offsetting metrics were amended in creative ways as users adapted inputs to metric calculations to balance and negotiate conflicting requirements. Second, the practice of making different habitats equivalent to each other through the application of biodiversity offsetting metrics resulted in commensuration outcomes that may not provide projected conservation gains. Third, the pressure of creating value for money diminished projected conservation yields.