Suchergebnisse

Speech given at Chamber of Commerce ; "freedom." Patrick Henry didn't say "give me security or give me death," it was liberty that he valued above mere existence. When we advocate what is known as free enterprise we must not lose sight of the fact that no economic system can be an end in itself. We believe in a system of free enterprise because we are convinced that it will leave the individual with greater freedom than any totalitarian system. I have great confidence that under the partnership arrangement whereby a free industrial society finances democratic government, adequate solutions will be forthcoming for such economic problems as unemployment, if we will but encourage mutual obligations. You may have heard me disparage labels. Frankly, I don't like them. We seldom carry one indefinitely anyway. "In the spring the tree is a liberal," says Samuel Pettengill, "but as winter's blasts are threatening, its conservative character asserts itself. Old

Speech given at Chamber of Commerce ; I think I love America more than ever. I think the flag has a finer meaning for me, that the welfare of this nation its institutions and its interests have a greater claim than ever before upon me. Speculation as to whether a representative must in voicing local needs sacrifice the national interest if a conflict with his district's welfare develops is a form of intellectual exercise that has no great value - even in peace time the conflicts between local and national interests are generally more fancied than real and in war time the question is easily answered. The nation's interest must be considered ahead of the economic or social claims advanced by any group or region. However, I like to think that the two are not incompatible; that the nation's interest is served only as the basic needs of economic groups are met and as sectional grievances are

Speech given at Chamber of Commerce ; tends to obscure the legislative weaknesses in our structure, "but should not foe used as a cloak for our shortcomings. It is my judgment that we must get into a better working attitude all around. The bureaucrat who feels contempt for Congress and legislative mandates must be disciplined in the American tradition or be retired, but I urge you not to write off all bureaucrats as petty dictators. Many are willing and able servants of the public. But some way must be found to control bureaucracy. Congress must perfect its legislative craftsmanship , seeking all the light it can get on economic procedures. We must regard the economic system as a whole, preserving its balance, and avoid yielding to particular pressures which would break into segments a system which is an organic whole. We should all rise up now and then, as Andrew Jackson did, in recommitment to the Federal Union - "it must be preserved."

Speech given at Chamber of Commerce ; Actually some of our grievances will be adjusted in no other way. We must retain the substance as well as the form of national economic unity. We are insisting right now, for example, that freight rates ought to be constructed on a national, not a regional basis. A distinction might be made between actions of this kind - namely: (1) a legislative declaration based on abstract justice that rates should be uniform, (2) as contracted with settlements of group or sectional rivalries by exercise of superior political power. The first should advance unity, the other will retard it. Obviously many conflicts cannot be settled until after the war; but, in the meantime the Congress and all political agencies must undertake to make less severe the clash of interests affecting North and South

Speech given at Chamber of Commerce ; among the northern people and the Confederacy faced internal frictions too. World War I produced dissensions much like those which disturb us now. There was this difference, however, it was a less expensive war (costing only a tenth as much as we have already appropriated) and no complicated economic programs touching the lives of people intimately were necessary. It was inevitable that a program carrying such a terrific impact upon existing relationships would create dissensions and misunderstandings. Criticism of the government's failure to administer these programs satisfactorily has resulted in some improvements and has certainly had the value of providing a continuing challenge to all administrators. It would be rather unbecoming of a legislator to throw off on the administrative or executive department of government by echoing the criticims [sic] - to dismiss the problem with a cheery "blame the bureaucrats." This is the human thing to do - for it

Speech given at Chamber of Commerce ; individual men and women but they must see by this time that individual security is an ideal to be pursued, not a right to fee asserted - a privilege to be earned, not a gift to be bestowed. I believe that a great contribution may be made by governments to the individuals quest for security, but that contribution must be made with patience, with good will, and with respect for technical and financial, as well as human limitations. To regard security as a governmental gift rather than as an individual and social goal is to over-emphasize material and economic values and to obscure the greater ends in life. We are all interested in welfare. We believe in assumption by the government of its responsibilities in this regard; but let me emphasize again that freedom rather than welfare is the key word when government is considered in relation to human values. The government

Admission to the bar is a matter of increasing concern to the state. As its economic life, its social life, become more intricate, the legal rules governing social conduct and their administration through courts of justice become more complicated, so that adequately trained lawyers are increasingly necessary to the competent exercise of their function as officers of the courts admnistering justice. Too, overcrowding of the bar increases the concern. As the relative number of lawyers increases, the temptation to lawyers to violate the public trust reposed in them increases, and their violations of legal ethics work generally to the detriment of society and specifically to the interference with administration of justice and to the disgrace of their profession. Higher standards for admission to the bar would result in a more competently trained bar, and would relieve considerably the overcrowded condition by admitting as lawyers, officers of the court, only those well prepared to assist the courts in their work. There is strong sentiment that favors (and justly so) democracy of the bar. But surely the thinking adherents of that democracy would favor a raising of standards directed to the benefit of the general public and the profession. "The American Bar Association believes in that democracy, but firmly maintains that it should not be used as a cloak to excuse inadequate legal training."

In his address at the 200th convocation of the University of Chicago, June 11, 1940, President Hutchins invited American youth to reexamine the principles which make life worth living.This enterprise is most urgently necessary in removing the intellectual unpreparedness of the nation. Far worse than the military and economic deficiencies in equipment and armament are the spiritual dissensions among the various groups of our time. In the universal conflict those nations will prevail whose unity results from spontaneous and free devotion to values which are recognized as worth living and dying for. We can reintegrate the nation, when we succeed in breaking the continuous secularization which, parallel to the rapid industrialization after the Civil War, is undermining the ethos of American life. The ethos which made this commonwealth great, was the fighting spirit of enlightenment. The backbone of the political principles of the Constitution, is the spirit of the Christian Law of Nature; that means political freedom as the fullfilment of the rules of the Almighty. This unity between the three spheres: nature, man and God was discarded by the process of secularization. The ethics of enlightenment shifted to the demand for universal comfort and for good living. The attitude of a boundless optimism prevailed which considered history an unending process of perfection. It was thought that this state of continuous improvement would result from the scientific organization of social and political institutions; their progress would eliminate eventually what the less scientific past had ascribed to the finiteness and sinfulness of man.