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The end of the Cold War, which came on the heels of the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the near-collapse of the Soviet-styled communist ideology, paved the way for globalization and the entrenchment of a Western-styled economic system hinged on free enterprises. Free enterprises encourage such liberal economic programmes as private initiative and entrepreneurship, accumulation of capital, de-regulation, competition, and trade liberalization, among others. Most developing countries, without much choice, got integrated into this global capitalist system. How they fare as regards economic growth and development is determined by an objective research and interpretation of available data on their economic performance since the trend of "free trade" absorbed them in the global capitalism. The debate on the credibility of "free trade" as a determinant of mutual economic growth and development has been prevalent in international political economy discourse since the 18th century. The credibility of "free trade" has been called into question, especially its effects on the countries of the global South or the developing economies. This study assesses the debate on free trade over the years and how this trend affects the countries of the South in the 21st century economic recession. Most of the scholars and experts of the developing world extraction vehemently kick against the premature integration of the developing economies into the already established western capitalism. They blame the adverse effects of the recession on the South on this unequal relationship. This study also presents some of their arguments. The work makes use of diverse secondary and tertiary sources and the thematic historical approach in the interpretation and discussion of the accounts presented.Key words: Free trade, globalization, economic recession, and global South

I: Origins and Contexts -- Factors Shaping the Growth of Business Associations and their Involvement in Political Finance -- II: Germany -- How German Business Associations Came to Innovate Manifold Political Finance Techniques -- III: Norway -- Why Norwegian Business Associations Have Generally Avoided Political Finance Roles -- IV: Japan -- How Even a Giant Conveyer is Limited in its Impact on Japanese Party Politics by the Timidity of the Self-Effacing Entrepreneur -- V: Comparative Analyses -- How National Party and Interest Group Patterns Affected the Efficacy and Viability of Conveyers.

This book compares reform trends in Australia and Canada's local government systems over the past two decades, with attention to the impact of globalization on local governments, their bureaucracies, and local democratic accountability. Local governments in Australia and Canada show striking resemblances in relation to history, development, and contemporary issues. This reflects that in both countries, local governments remain an instrument of the states and provinces.The exploration of the connections between globalization and local government is timely given the importance of international influences on the economic, social and environmental challenges facing governments. For the local governments discussed in the book, and for many others, economic and fiscal constraints have reduced the sector's ability to meet community expectations while also responding to growing competitiveness across jurisdictions. These pressures have highlighted the benefits of encouraging regional and local differentiation, and giving prominence to 'place' in policy and management designs and practices.

For many decades after II World War the differentiation of political standpoints and attitudes in modern societies could be described according to a normal curve (bell curve). But for several years this interpretation has become inadequate because of the increasing polarization of political preferences in contemporary societies, leading to bipolar opposition inside them. The explanation of this change by economical agents is not satisfying, because similar processes have been noticed in many societies quite different from the economic standpoint. The reason of social polarization and bipolar opposition is cultural one and reflecting tension between tradition and innovation, especially in the age of globalization, escalating this process.

For many decades after II World War the differentiation of political standpoints and attitudes in modern societies could be described according to a normal curve (bell curve). But for several years this interpretation has become inadequate because of the increasing polarization of political preferences in contemporary societies, leading to bipolar opposition inside them. The explanation of this change by economical agents is not satisfying, because similar processes have been noticed in many societies quite different from the economic standpoint. The reason of social polarization and bipolar opposition is cultural one and reflecting tension between tradition and innovation, especially in the age of globalization, escalating this process.

Theories of the cold war that stress the imperatives of the American domestic politico-economic system or the requirements of bipolarity are undermined by the argument that the Korean war strongly influenced international history and indeed brought about most of the characteristics which we associate with the cold war. Without Korea, U.S. policy would have been very different, and there were no events on the horizon which could have been functional substitutes for the war. The international or the American domestic system may have "needed" high defense budgets, the globalization of American commitments, and the militarization of NATO, but these patterns arose only in the wake of Korea. To explain the cold war in terms of such requirements is therefore inadequate.

ABSTRACTThere is a need for a new rationale to guide American security policy, including arms control and disarmament. In light of fundamental changes in the external and internal environment, American security policy would appear to have to rest on the following four assumptions: (1) the multiplication of threats, allies, and adversaries; (2) the disparity between greater absolute military power at the disposal of the United States and greater relative impotence in wielding it to influence events abroad; (3) the globalization yet divisibility of American and international security, economic, and political regime interests; and (4) the persistence of divided domestic consensus as the shaky basis from which to project American military power to shape the international environment in ways congenial to often conflicting American preferences.

Bergesen, H. O. 'Not Valid for Oil': The Petroleum Dilemma in Norwegian Foreign Policy. Cooperation and Conflict, XVII, 1982, 105-116. In this article traditional Norwegian foreign policy ideals are compared with the problems Norway is facing as an oil-exporting country. It is the basic thesis of the article that in the latter capacity the country is confronted with a global situation very different from the international environment it is familiar with and from the ideals on which its foreign policy is based. This is most clearly seen with regard to the vision of a future international legal order including close political cooperation across the North-South cleavage — the globalization of the Scandinavian model. This ideal is a world apart from the insecure, unstable oil system with its high economic stakes, political risks, and high tension. The article explores how the Norwegian foreign policy leadership has reacted to this discrepancy. The analysis shows that it is hard to discern any overall, dominating trend in the formulation of Norwegian foreign oil policy. We seem to be confronted with, not a coherent government position, but several separate policies that coexist in spite of their inconsistency.

This article addresses the problem of military dominance in the Third World from the perspective of historical and structural linkages with the West. The author argues that military trends can be traced to the Cold War period when the U.S. poured military aid into newly emergent states willing to join the anti-communist campaign. This stimulated the development of large and sophisticated militaries within otherwise underdeveloped states, severely burdening local economies. As internal conditions worsened, hard-pressed Third World states employed the philosophy of total war built into Cold War diplomacy to shift their image of "the enemy" from external actors exclusively, to domestic social groups, using the military to maintain social control. Today, "security and development" is a prominent Third World slogan but it is a goal frustrated by three interrelated factors: globalization of the East/West conflict which is epitomized by interventions and regional arms races; reduction in foreign military aid; and consequent subordination of development needs to the demands of military preparedness. Rather than experiencing development, Third World states face chronic balance of payments problems and unemployment, largely because they are sectorally linked with the world market in a spiral of military-related economic relationships. Attempts to counter this trend must take into account the complex dynamic of the new international military order by planning for alternative security arrangements as well as alternative economic policies. To this end, the author suggests that a system of taxation of arms or military spending would be useful; it would provide incentives to convert arms industries into more socially productive enterprises without forcing the Third World to abandon all arms purchases.

Welcome to the July 2005 issue of Portal, a special issue with the title 'Strange Localities: Utopias, Intellectuals and Identities in the 21st Century,' guest edited by Alistair Fox and Hilary Radner (both from the University of Otago, New Zealand), who convened an international colloquium on this theme in January 2004, and Murray Pratt (University of Technology Sydney, Australia). As Alistair Fox says in his introduction to the special issue, the twelve papers gathered under the 'Strange Localities' rubric provide rich insights into the ways by which 'the contemporary utopian impulse is expressing itself, both in the search for utopia, and through the exposure of false utopias.' With a broad geographical reach, and an equally broad critical gaze, the essays collected here shed new light on the critical, yet often ambivalent, role that identity politics play in myriad utopian projects, and also in such critical enterprises and epoch-defining processes as postcolonialism, postfeminism, postmodernism, transnationalism, multiculturalism, and economic and cultural globalization.

In addition to the papers collected in the special issue section, this issue of Portal includes a number of essays that, while not addressing the special issue theme, also have much to say about the nexus between contemporary identity debates, intellectual practice, and utopian imaginaries. We are also pleased to introduce in the Portal Cultural Works' section two short chronicle-like pieces by Moses Iten, a young Australian writer.

Paul Allatson, Chair, PORTAL Editorial Committee

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