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Populism is rising in many parts of the world and appears from both ends of the political spectrum. I identify two distinct global trends that underlie its rise. First, the rising knowledge-intensity of world output has turned the terms of trade against primary activities like agriculture and mining. Countries that have remained dependent on these activities have seen their economies stall. Second, falling spatial transaction costs have resulted in the rise of disaggregated global value chains, wherein low-knowledge activities have migrated away from high-income countries. This has led to a secular decline the standards of living of low-knowledge workers in these countries. The first trend is most pronounced in Latin America; here class-based leftist populist ire targets domestic elites that have insulated themselves, often through capital flight. The second trend is most visible in North America and Europe; here rightist populist anger is aimed at workers in (and immigrants from) poorer countries, who are seen as "stealing" low-knowledge jobs. Finally, I note that these economic explanations of rising populism are incomplete. In many quarters, the current form of globalization is seen as threatening national identity and this may be an even more powerful source of populism.

ABSTRACTNeoliberal globalization has moved industrial production to low‐wage countries such as China or Indonesia, fuelling rapid economic growth and rising national income. New employment opportunities, however, have been under‐pinned by poverty wages and inhumane working conditions as states 'race to the bottom' in terms of labour rights and regulations in order to be competitive and attract capital investment. Labour agency at the bottom of transnational supply chains is often said to be structurally powerless because of the international mobility of capital. The 'boomerang effect' has often been presented as a remedy that increases local bargaining power in the global South by mobilizing consumer pressure in the global North through multi‐stakeholder initiatives or transnational advocacy networks. The problem with this perspective is that it overstates the Northern dimension of this transnational politics and underestimates the local power base of Southern trade unions and labour movements. The incipient debate about Networks of Labour Activism (NOLA) aims to overcome this Northern bias. This article contributes to this debate by highlighting some of the limitations and unintended effects of multi‐stakeholder initiatives and taking a closer look at the Play Fair alliance and the 'Freedom of Association Protocol' in Indonesia's athletic footwear industry.

Although the current globalization eliminates and blurs the differences between cultures in different regions of the world, different inclinations and preferences in thinking between East and West, historically grounded cultural specificities and different hierarchy of values play an important role in the approach to solving current problems of our time. Differences in perception of the world in relation to its surroundings, organization of human relations, emphasis on socio-economic aspects and models of management of public affairs between East and West are so great that we can talk about different geography of thought. This is particularly the comparison of Western culture and Confucian East Asian societies. It is reflected not only at the individual positions, but at system approaches that are a kind of form of identification of the collective consciousness of these cultures. In some cases these approaches and perception are contradictory and can be compared in terms of «versus» oppositions. It includes topics such as individuality vs. community, holistic vs. reductionist solutions, social order vs. revolt, responsibilities vs. rights, pragmatism vs. ontological beliefs, conflicting vs. complementary perception of the world and other concepts. The work seeks to contribute to the understanding of these divergent concepts and help bridging model approaches between the two spheres of civilization.

Abstract
U. Beck and Giddens play a leading role in the development of new academic research field called 'theory of the risk society' that studies the risk in the light of social, economic and political contexts in which it manifests itself. The German sociologist Ulrich Beck starts from the assumption that globalization and technological progress are changing not only the way of understanding and addressing the risk but also its very nature. In postmodern society, rapid technological progress, coupled with an increasingly dense network of global connections, goes hand in hand with the production of new risks, such as those generated by atomic, genetic and chemical. Anthony Giddens, like Ulrick Beck, believes that modernity has led to a deep uncertainty that previous eras had never known. The prospect of Giddens differs from that of Beck in relation to the concept of trust that the British sociologist reserves particularly important, according to him, the global expert knowledge must regain the lost confidence, considering the fact that the risk can also be understood as opportunities, such as stakes in order to achieve certain results. Confidence is a psychological condition necessary to cope with risks, which otherwise would stop the action, making anxiety attack.

The international regimes which create a global order regulate a multitude of actions and relations between states with respect to global public goods. In this context, the rise of the emerging powers like India draws attention to how such countries will navigate the global order in the coming years. Will emerging powers support a liberal order or seek to reinvent the order as they become economically and politically more powerful? This article seeks to examine such issues by looking at the regimes and global order from the prism of a rising India. A robust growing economy has added to India's economic and political power as it seeks to expand its role within the global order. Socialization and a buy into the current liberal order imply that India will strive to sustain the existing global order since it has benefited from it. Simultaneously, India challenges the rules of the global order by seeking change to the existing status quo in various institutions such as the nuclear non-proliferation regime, which has been examined more specifically in this article. As globalization and interdependence reshape alignments, India's role and position reflect how it negotiates global regimes and the global order.

AbstractHow should we understand the relationship between urban environments and infectious diseases? This article addresses this question from three particular perspectives: that of the materialities of health, that of nature and that of networks. The first perspective analytically blends biological dynamics, environmental influence and social practice. The second perspective, mainly influenced by multispecies ethnographies, foregrounds the liveliness and unboundedness of cities. Finally, the third perspective analyses how health is drawn into the domain of security. The article argues that while globalization and urbanization are often discussed as having triggered the emergence and spread of pathogens, urban epidemics are not self‐evident and 'natural' consequences of these pro‐cesses. They do not fall neatly into universal categories of space, modernity or risk; rather, they are produced and shaped by a range of social, political, biological and economic sites and scales. Accordingly, the emergence of pathogens depends on its articulation through specific analytical frameworks. This article suggests that a critical focus on how infectious diseases manifest themselves differently in different local contexts may not only provide insights into the manifold forms of urban life, but also into the multiple, complex and highly political constitution of health.

The Philippines is one of the world's top migrant‐sending countries. Besides financial transfers and the spread and magnitude of Filipino presence on a global scale, feminization of migration has been an important characteristic of this outmigration trend since the 1980s. Heightened globalization, lack of economic opportunities, government policies, and demographic shifts have all propelled this exodus. There is an existing policy that governs the flows of migrant workers in the Philippines as well as international commitments to safeguard the rights of migrant workers. In this Praxis feature, political scientist Jean Encinas‐Franco from the University of the Philippines evaluates to what extent has the implementation of this existing Philippine migration policy been consistent with standards and norms pertaining to women's rights, particularly against discrimination. Using a feminist perspective, Encinas‐Franco finds that some provisions of the policy are not consistent with existing international standards. She also argues that while protection against abuse and discrimination is a fundamental concern, the right of women migrant workers to travel and avail of employment opportunities that are not otherwise available in the country should also not be compromised. The Philippine experience and possible policy improvements could be instructive to other migrant‐sending countries in Asia and beyond.

How much authority can sovereign states exercise over international banking in times of financial globalization? While most literature on international finance is rather pessimistic, this article argues that in case of US law enforcement, this pessimistic view is increasingly erroneous. The reason is that US authorities can take advantage of international banks' structural dependence on access to the dollar-based financial system to force banks into punitive agreements or to plead guilty in case of criminal offenses. Using the conflict between the USA and Swiss banks over tax evasion by US persons, this article demonstrates that banks in the liberal economic system can no longer survive without access to the US-controlled, dollar-based financial system, thus giving the USA structural power over banks. In addition, it is shown that US structural power can be used strategically during negotiation processes to apply pressure on banks. Finally, while the use of this structural power was originally restricted to smaller banks, whose collapse would not endanger the world economy, US authorities have recently learnt to manage market expectations in a way that allows them to also target banks that were previously considered "too big to jail."

AbstractNotions of "empowered women," promoted by NGOs, economists, and feminists beginning in the 1970s, do not necessitate a countervailing notion of "failed patriarchs." However, our review of the feminist literatures on globalization, development, and migration in the United States, the former Soviet Union, and South Asia suggests that discourses of empowered women and failed patriarchs are fused in the specter of the "reverse gender order." A presumption of this new order is that global capitalism has liberated women to such an extent that they have surpassed men who are now the truly "disadvantaged." Drawing on these literatures as evidence, we argue that the large‐scale incorporation of poor and working‐class women into global capitalism relies upon an ideology of the family that keeps women's labor "cheap" and draws support from the feminist idea that work is empowering for women. Diverse nationalisms uphold the ideology of the family as central to capitalist expansion, providing culturally resonant justifications for women's unpaid reproductive work, while men are breadwinners. Thus, poor and working‐class men experience a painful dissonance between breadwinning expectations and economic opportunities. We show that these tensions between ideologies and material conditions make women's responsibility for reproductive work a structural feature of neoliberalism.

On the 50th anniversary of the ISSA and IRSS, one of the most important Eastern European scholars in the sociology of sport, Mojca Doupona Topič, reflects on the character of early engagement with the field by scholars in her region and the more recent challenges that scholars in post-socialist countries have in continued disciplinary dialogue. Doupona Topič notes the essential role that the IRSS played in publishing the work of Eastern bloc scholars in the formative years of the sociology of sport; here studies centred on the positive roles of sport in effective socialization and worker productivity with little focus on critical issues, such as violence, doping or other forms of deviance. More recent work has shifted from assessing the positive social roles of sport to understand sport's role in national identities, its connection with globalization processes and in facilitating social change. A key challenge for scholars in post-socialist countries will be to recover from the economic crises of recent years so that they may re-engage with broader scholarly communities around the world and advance focus on how sport plays key roles, both positively and negatively, in national identity and development in newly independent countries.

Abstract
In recent decades economic integration and globalization processes facilitate the firms' internationalization. The main determinants of that process are divided into three categories - internal factors, external factors and personal characteristics of an entrepreneur. The latter is considered to be the most important and will be the research subject in this article. The objective of this paper is to analyze the determinants of firm internationalization on the individual level and to verify whether entrepreneurial traits of the founder are indeed important for the internationalization. The research is based on the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor data, using which we employ independent sample t-test and one-way ANOVA analyses to test the hypotheses. The results show that the only variable which determines international orientation of a company is the level of education of an entrepreneur. All other characteristics of an entrepreneur do not correlate with international orientation of a firm. Results obtained make important contribution to entrepreneurship research - they show significant shift in international entrepreneurship trends - internationalization is getting more available, less risky and more natural for entrepreneurs of different ages, backgrounds and individual characteristics. Findings may be useful for further international entrepreneurship research.

Indias Look East policy was envisioned by the Narasimha Rao government in 1991 as a focused foreign policy approach towards South East Asia in particular and East Asia in general. In the present day circumstance, tourism covers rural areas, the health sector, and the environment. There are about 305 communities and over 200 tribes inhabited in Indias northeast region. Each community has its distinct customs, cultural legacy and tradition and as such, the region has ample projection to promote modern day tourism. However, policy makers face certain challenges in the North East towards best possible implementation of the Look East policy (hereinafter Act East Policy). This paper throws light on these challenges like lack of infrastructure, crisis of insurgency, the disjuncture between the elites and the social base in the North East regarding the Look East policy, and the states in capacities during the implementation process of this policy. There are ample possibilities for Tribals in North-East India to reap benefits from Indias thriving relations with South East Asia as the process of globalization provides the countries with the opportunities to grapple with cross-market convenience and enabling them lessen their poverty and economic backwardness.

AbstractScholars who study higher education describe globalization as an inevitable force in postsecondary systems and institutions worldwide. Resulting trends include massification, privatization, reduced public funding, competition, and unprecedented student and faculty mobility. In the last two decades, another small but important trend has developed: the emergence of liberal education (often called "liberal arts and science" or "general education") in cultures where it has rarely existed before. Discourse about this phenomenon is overwhelmingly positive. Using critical theory to analyze this evolving global trend, however, provides a much-needed alternative perspective for policy and practice. In this article, I define liberal education and provide an overview of the current trend based on a 2013 empirical study. In reaction to a dominant economic framework that rationalizes the development of liberal education programs, I present several counter narratives related to history, students and faculty, learning and teaching, access and elitism, and cultural hegemony. This article emphasizes the importance of critically analyzing new international higher education developments to increase the propensity for creating socially just policies and programs. Finally, I illustrate the implications for the global emergence of liberal education by suggesting that liberal education as a higher education philosophy could both reinforce and resist neoliberal practices.

In this age of globalization, where economic motives precede over all virtues and traditions, protection of larger public interest from great corporate scandals has become matter of great concern. Faced with cut-throat competition, fraudulent conduct, illegitimate dealings and corrupt practices have become the norm. The exposes that have surfaced recently in the public and corporate domain have made a serious dent into the country's image and in Transparency International's Corruption Perception Index, 2012, India ranked 94 out of 176. The issue, then, is one of the biggest challenges facing the country. What can be done? The political class has failed to tackle the issue, the complicity of the bureaucracy is an open secret and the corporate houses seem to be hand in glove with the unscrupulous. The answer has to come from the lesser mortals, the ordinary people who are the real stakeholders. Against this backdrop there is need to understand and strengthen the framework of whistle blowing.The paper attempts to understand a typical whistle blowing pattern and develop a model based on empirical studies. It also underscores the need to encourage and protect whistle blowers, thereby facilitating the creation of a whistle blower-friendly organizational culture.

Burkina Faso currently has no diplomatic relationship whatsoever with the People's Republic of China. Engaged in cooperation with Taiwan since 1994, it is one of only three African countries not a part of the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation. This unusual situation has produced a unique manifestation of the Chinese presence in Burkina Faso, where the estimated 600 Chinese migrants are primarily private entrepreneurs. This phenomenon of "globalization from below" – or, this migration of entrepreneurs that transcends the absence of diplomatic relations – creates new intimate social relations between the Burkinabe and Chinese people who come into contact with each other. Far from simply turning Chinese and Burkinabe into economic competitors, these relations have also led to the emergence of many forms of interpersonal and business cooperation. In this paper, I therefore demonstrate how Sino-African cooperation from below has developed in Burkina Faso, which stands in radical contrast to the latter's cooperation with Taiwan, which takes place almost exclusively on a broader state-to-state level. The empirical evidence of this study is drawn from field survey interviews and observations of both Chinese and Burkinabe entrepreneurs in Burkina Faso between 2010 and 2011.