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Role of Peace Economics and Peace Science in Peace Movement ; International audience ; For liberal economists, with the end of the Soviet Union, globalization is a step towards peace. However, war is still a threat for a humanity capable today of committing suicide, with nuclear and cybernetic weapons. The analyses of mercantilism do not disappear and the relations of force are still alive. The nature of "war" has changed. National security cannot be limited to the military, it also includes health, education, industrial risks or the protection of natural resources. The economy is both a cause of war and a means of armed conflict. Economic warfare uses weapons adapted to obtain a right or the exercise of a domination. As such, blockades, embargoes, boycotts or mercantilist-type power actions are techniques of war or conflict recognized by States. The international economic system is largely dominated and organized by the great powers and by multinational corporations. Moreover, the coercive power of states is mainly controlled by the largest multinationals. The current globalization is criticized, it is accused of developing inequalities and factors of conflicts, by giving power to the actors of international finance and to an unscrupulous commercial world. With the process of digitalization, a new type of colonialism in a dematerialized world deeply influenced by mercantilist behavior. There is a need for economic and social democratization of democracy.

Role of Peace Economics and Peace Science in Peace Movement ; International audience ; For liberal economists, with the end of the Soviet Union, globalization is a step towards peace. However, war is still a threat for a humanity capable today of committing suicide, with nuclear and cybernetic weapons. The analyses of mercantilism do not disappear and the relations of force are still alive. The nature of "war" has changed. National security cannot be limited to the military, it also includes health, education, industrial risks or the protection of natural resources. The economy is both a cause of war and a means of armed conflict. Economic warfare uses weapons adapted to obtain a right or the exercise of a domination. As such, blockades, embargoes, boycotts or mercantilist-type power actions are techniques of war or conflict recognized by States. The international economic system is largely dominated and organized by the great powers and by multinational corporations. Moreover, the coercive power of states is mainly controlled by the largest multinationals. The current globalization is criticized, it is accused of developing inequalities and factors of conflicts, by giving power to the actors of international finance and to an unscrupulous commercial world. With the process of digitalization, a new type of colonialism in a dematerialized world deeply influenced by mercantilist behavior. There is a need for economic and social democratization of democracy.

Role of Peace Economics and Peace Science in Peace Movement ; International audience ; For liberal economists, with the end of the Soviet Union, globalization is a step towards peace. However, war is still a threat for a humanity capable today of committing suicide, with nuclear and cybernetic weapons. The analyses of mercantilism do not disappear and the relations of force are still alive. The nature of "war" has changed. National security cannot be limited to the military, it also includes health, education, industrial risks or the protection of natural resources. The economy is both a cause of war and a means of armed conflict. Economic warfare uses weapons adapted to obtain a right or the exercise of a domination. As such, blockades, embargoes, boycotts or mercantilist-type power actions are techniques of war or conflict recognized by States. The international economic system is largely dominated and organized by the great powers and by multinational corporations. Moreover, the coercive power of states is mainly controlled by the largest multinationals. The current globalization is criticized, it is accused of developing inequalities and factors of conflicts, by giving power to the actors of international finance and to an unscrupulous commercial world. With the process of digitalization, a new type of colonialism in a dematerialized world deeply influenced by mercantilist behavior. There is a need for economic and social democratization of democracy.

International audience ; For mercantilism, the main objective of economic action is to increase the power of the Prince (Machiavelli). With the rise of capitalism and the market economy, liberal economists strongly criticized state management of the national economy. The centralization of political power was often seen as a major brake on the market economy and thus on economic development. Since 1990, the history of capitalism seems to have stopped being written within national borders. We are moving from the wealth of nations to the wealth of the world. However, despite the existence of the World Trade Organization, there is in fact no supranational authority capable of imposing rules on multinational markets, which are often speculative and interested mainly in short-term profit, thus threatening the sovereignty of nations. Yet market system generalization is often perceived as a factor of democracy. This statement is debatable. As states have lost most of their economic power, the electorate is the victim of a democratic illusion comparable to Keynes' monetary illusion. The risk is the progressive establishment of international plutocratic systems which, within each state, will defend private interests, sometimes in competition from state to state. War and economic war are not over. ; Pour le mercantilisme, l'objectif principal de l'action économique est d'accroître le pouvoir du Prince (Machiavel). Avec l'essor du capitalisme et de l'économie de marché, les économistes libéraux ont fortement critiqué la gestion étatique de l'économie nationale. La centralisation du pouvoir politique était souvent considérée comme un frein majeur à l'économie de marché et donc au développement économique. Depuis 1990, l'histoire du capitalisme semble avoir cessé de s'écrire à l'intérieur des frontières nationales. On passe de la richesse des nations à la richesse du monde. Cependant, malgré l'existence de l'Organisation mondiale du commerce, il n'existe en fait aucune autoritésupranationale capable d'imposer des règles aux ...

International audience ; For mercantilism, the main objective of economic action is to increase the power of the Prince (Machiavelli). With the rise of capitalism and the market economy, liberal economists strongly criticized state management of the national economy. The centralization of political power was often seen as a major brake on the market economy and thus on economic development. Since 1990, the history of capitalism seems to have stopped being written within national borders. We are moving from the wealth of nations to the wealth of the world. However, despite the existence of the World Trade Organization, there is in fact no supranational authority capable of imposing rules on multinational markets, which are often speculative and interested mainly in short-term profit, thus threatening the sovereignty of nations. Yet market system generalization is often perceived as a factor of democracy. This statement is debatable. As states have lost most of their economic power, the electorate is the victim of a democratic illusion comparable to Keynes' monetary illusion. The risk is the progressive establishment of international plutocratic systems which, within each state, will defend private interests, sometimes in competition from state to state. War and economic war are not over. ; Pour le mercantilisme, l'objectif principal de l'action économique est d'accroître le pouvoir du Prince (Machiavel). Avec l'essor du capitalisme et de l'économie de marché, les économistes libéraux ont fortement critiqué la gestion étatique de l'économie nationale. La centralisation du pouvoir politique était souvent considérée comme un frein majeur à l'économie de marché et donc au développement économique. Depuis 1990, l'histoire du capitalisme semble avoir cessé de s'écrire à l'intérieur des frontières nationales. On passe de la richesse des nations à la richesse du monde. Cependant, malgré l'existence de l'Organisation mondiale du commerce, il n'existe en fait aucune autoritésupranationale capable d'imposer des règles aux ...

International audience ; For mercantilism, the main objective of economic action is to increase the power of the Prince (Machiavelli). With the rise of capitalism and the market economy, liberal economists strongly criticized state management of the national economy. The centralization of political power was often seen as a major brake on the market economy and thus on economic development. Since 1990, the history of capitalism seems to have stopped being written within national borders. We are moving from the wealth of nations to the wealth of the world. However, despite the existence of the World Trade Organization, there is in fact no supranational authority capable of imposing rules on multinational markets, which are often speculative and interested mainly in short-term profit, thus threatening the sovereignty of nations. Yet market system generalization is often perceived as a factor of democracy. This statement is debatable. As states have lost most of their economic power, the electorate is the victim of a democratic illusion comparable to Keynes' monetary illusion. The risk is the progressive establishment of international plutocratic systems which, within each state, will defend private interests, sometimes in competition from state to state. War and economic war are not over. ; Pour le mercantilisme, l'objectif principal de l'action économique est d'accroître le pouvoir du Prince (Machiavel). Avec l'essor du capitalisme et de l'économie de marché, les économistes libéraux ont fortement critiqué la gestion étatique de l'économie nationale. La centralisation du pouvoir politique était souvent considérée comme un frein majeur à l'économie de marché et donc au développement économique. Depuis 1990, l'histoire du capitalisme semble avoir cessé de s'écrire à l'intérieur des frontières nationales. On passe de la richesse des nations à la richesse du monde. Cependant, malgré l'existence de l'Organisation mondiale du commerce, il n'existe en fait aucune autoritésupranationale capable d'imposer des règles aux ...

Geographic patterns of commodity trade and foreign direct investment are not consistent with the proposition that European economies are experiencing a process of increasing 'globalisation'. Internationalisauon is taking place as economic integration within the European Union. During the last 35 years, the European Union has not become relatively more integrated with the world's other trade blocs. Moreover, in contrast to what globalisation theory might cause us to predict, the share in foreign direct investment taken by low-wage countries shows little growth. We try to explain such findings, using arguments about the nature of the process of technological change.

This dossier deals with the impact of economic globalisation on workers, especially in developing nations: their employment opportunities, wage income, job security and other aspects of decent work (ILO 1999, 2002). This is a highly relevant theme. Not only do workers in the EU, the United States and other prosperous parts of the world fear the low wages in Asian and Eastern European economies, but workers in developing and transition countries also fear losing their jobs and incomes as a result of neo-liberal policies increasing the exposure of domestic firms to the competitive strength and power of EU, US or ASEAN based multinationals. The main question for this dossier is therefore whether economic globalisation can work out positively for workers, especially in developing nations.

Economic globalization is indeed one of the three primary characteristics of internationalization discussed in scientific research the other pair are sociopolitical globalization, as well as the overall concept "globalization." International trade allows for multiple flow of products, cash, commodities, innovation, and data across worldwide borders. It is the rising political interaction and interconnectedness of regional, local, and municipal markets around the world as cross-border flow of goods, commodities, information, and investment intensifies. Employment, banking, trade, science, institutional systems, organizations, enterprises, and individuals are all part of economic internationalization.

Legal development has a more comprehensive and basic meaning compared to the promotion and renewal of law in the context of increasing the nation's competitiveness, legal politics in Indonesia directs legal development to encourage economic growth. The research objective is to determine economic growth, especially in the business world and in the industrial world which determines investment capacity, especially law enforcement and protection. The method used is normative juridical. The results of this study see Law as a social engineering tool that was born because the concept of law is taught to direct people to better understand change. Law as an instrument of development control includes development in the economic field. Enforcement of law and justice in particular in the economic development of activities and developing development in accordance with long-term government programs. The role of law in economic globalization in the 21st century is certainly expected aspects of globalization in legal and economic growth, the development of economic law also includes investment law, which of course must run in accordance with long-term development tools.

Today's economic globalization is not in itself a factor of peace. With its development, the economic war has taken other strategic forms imposed both by the most powerful countries and by the large multinational corporations, which ultimately account only for Washington or possibly for those of Chinese origin, in Beijing. It is a question of using the adapted weapons to obtain a right or the exercise of domination. Economic and military values become inseparable, which clearly expresses the close relationship between globalization and the balance of power in today's world.

Today's economic globalization is not in itself a factor of peace. With its development, the economic war has taken other strategic forms imposed both by the most powerful countries and by the large multinational corporations, which ultimately account only for Washington or possibly for those of Chinese origin, in Beijing. It is a question of using the adapted weapons to obtain a right or the exercise of domination. Economic and military values become inseparable, which clearly expresses the close relationship between globalization and the balance of power in today's world.

International audience ; Economists and politicians often oppose the market and state action. The question that is asked is who predominates in these economic relationships. Today, the market seems to be preferred by most nations, but the state still plays an essential and irreplaceable role in the economy of a country. The doses of its interventions are different depending on the country, with Russian, Chinese, French, American, European or democratic models. It is necessary to fulfill its sovereign power, to reduce the weight of trusts and organize competition, to protect the Nation from all existing threats, such as war or economic dumping, environmental and climatic causes, the reduction of inequalities and the fight against the precariousness of citizens. ; Les économistes et les hommes politiques opposent souvent le marché et l'action de l'Etat. La question qui est posée est de savoir qui prédomine dans ces relations économiques. Aujourd'hui, le marché semble être préféré par la plupart des Nations, mais l'Etat exerce encore un rôle essentiel et irremplaçable dans l'économie d'un pays. Les doses de ses interventions sont différentes selon les pays, avec les modèles russes, chinois, français, américain, européen ou démocratique. Il est nécessaire pour accomplir son pouvoir régalien, pour réduire le poids des trusts et organiser la concurrence, pour protéger la Nation contre toutes les menaces existantes, comme la guerre ou le dumping économique, les causes environnementales et climatiques, la réduction des inégalités et la lutte contre la précarité des citoyens.

International audience ; Economists and politicians often oppose the market and state action. The question that is asked is who predominates in these economic relationships. Today, the market seems to be preferred by most nations, but the state still plays an essential and irreplaceable role in the economy of a country. The doses of its interventions are different depending on the country, with Russian, Chinese, French, American, European or democratic models. It is necessary to fulfill its sovereign power, to reduce the weight of trusts and organize competition, to protect the Nation from all existing threats, such as war or economic dumping, environmental and climatic causes, the reduction of inequalities and the fight against the precariousness of citizens. ; Les économistes et les hommes politiques opposent souvent le marché et l'action de l'Etat. La question qui est posée est de savoir qui prédomine dans ces relations économiques. Aujourd'hui, le marché semble être préféré par la plupart des Nations, mais l'Etat exerce encore un rôle essentiel et irremplaçable dans l'économie d'un pays. Les doses de ses interventions sont différentes selon les pays, avec les modèles russes, chinois, français, américain, européen ou démocratique. Il est nécessaire pour accomplir son pouvoir régalien, pour réduire le poids des trusts et organiser la concurrence, pour protéger la Nation contre toutes les menaces existantes, comme la guerre ou le dumping économique, les causes environnementales et climatiques, la réduction des inégalités et la lutte contre la précarité des citoyens.

A striking change in the political party systems of many established democracies in recent years has been the rise to electoral and political prominence of right-wing populist parties. Moving beyond the usual anti-statism and racism attitudinal explanatory foci, this article posits that popular support for these parties is associated with the job insecurity that populist party leaders have attributed to deepening international economic integration, or economic globalization. The conceptualization of job insecurity is discussed and its expected relationship to the mercantilism of right-wing populist parties clarified. The hypothesis is tested in the specific context of support for Pauline Hanson's One Nation Party in the 1998 election to the Australian federal House of Representatives. The article concludes with a consideration of the wider implications of its findings.