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This study attempts to reach an understanding of how economic globalization and neo-liberal reforms can be related to, on the one hand, the weakening of trade unions, and on the other hand, changes in the forms and objectives of trade unions' struggles. For this purpose, the "modes of regulation", emanating from the regulationist approach to economic development, serve as important hermeneutical tools as they provide a perspective on how economic and social dynamics vary over space and time. The study focuses on the particular development in the Costa Rican political economy during these two decades, and its relation to the setbacks and struggles of the country's banana union movement. It is argued that economic globalization, international trade and capital liberalization sparked a switch in development from an import substitution model to a neo-liberal, export oriented model models in Costa Rica. This consequently affected the modes of regulation so as to adopt repressive features, effectively undermining banana workers' rights to organize, to celebrate collective agreements and their freedom of association. The study claims that these repressive features of the modes of regulation are related to the setbacks of the banana unions and a subsequent reassessment of the forms and objectives of their struggles. The argument is that this reassessment can be seen as a manner to adapt trade union struggle to a new globalized world order.En este estudio se analiza el debilitamiento de los sindicatos y los cambios en las formas y objetivos de sus luchas en relación a la globalización de la economía y las reformas neo-liberales. Con este propósito se consideran los "modos de regulación" definidos de acuerdo al enfoque regulacionista del desarrollo económico. Los mismos constituyen importantes herramientas hermenéuticas ya que proporcionan una perspectiva de como el dinamismo económico-social varía en el tiempo y en el espacio. El estudio se focalize en el desarrollo político-económico de Costa Rica en las ultimas dos décadas, y en las derrotas y luchas del movimiento syndical bananero de dicho país. Se argumenta que la globalización económica incluyendo la liberalización del comercio internacional y del movimiento del capitales, produjo un cambio de modelos de desarrollo en Costa Rica. De un modelo de substitución de importaciones a uno orientado a la exportación. Esto afectó los modos de regulación los cuales adquirieron características represivas, incluyendo la efectiva cancelación de los derechos laborales de los trabajadores bananeros a organizarse colectivamente, celebrar acuerdos colectivos y afiliarse libremente. El estudio argumenta que estas características represivas se relacionan con las derrotas de los sindicatos bananeros y el subsecuente replanteamiento de las formas y objetivos de sus luchas. Esto último puede verse como una forma de adaptar la lucha sindical a un nuevo esquema mundial globalizado.

16 p. ; Equality and Equity, prime principles of justice in creation and distribution of income and assets, have plural, circular and retroactive relationships with globalization, growth and poverty. The objective of this paper is to establish a notion that which of these principles is to be followed and by which institutions in order to tackle the despicable stigma of poverty. In this aim, the first section of paper presents critical evaluation of equity vs. equality debate, specifically focusing on the processes of creation and distribution of outcomes and opportunities. The second section draws on the relative significance of institutions, principally government and IFIs, in these processes in order to spur growth, equality and wellbeing. This follows to the third section exhibiting some policy implications and recommendations. The paper concludes that no particular form of institution or principle of justice is "panacea" to social and economic objectives, including reducing wide inequalities.

16 p. ; Equality and Equity, prime principles of justice in creation and distribution of income and assets, have plural, circular and retroactive relationships with globalization, growth and poverty. The objective of this paper is to establish a notion that which of these principles is to be followed and by which institutions in order to tackle the despicable stigma of poverty. In this aim, the first section of paper presents critical evaluation of equity vs. equality debate, specifically focusing on the processes of creation and distribution of outcomes and opportunities. The second section draws on the relative significance of institutions, principally government and IFIs, in these processes in order to spur growth, equality and wellbeing. This follows to the third section exhibiting some policy implications and recommendations. The paper concludes that no particular form of institution or principle of justice is "panacea" to social and economic objectives, including reducing wide inequalities.

Does economic globalization influence the positioning of parties and, as a consequence, the ideological characteristics of party systems? Answering this question is important because we need to understand the constraints that parties face in formulating policies from which voters have to choose. In our paper, we take a systemic perspective and conceptualize a party system's ideological center of gravity as the outcome of interest. We define the center of gravity as the weighted mean position of all parliamentary parties in a country that represents the position to which parties gravitate. We start by formulating static hypotheses on the effect of imports and exports on the center of gravity and derive their underlying mechanisms. We further derive dynamic hypotheses stipulating varying effects over time based on the premise that partisan attitudes toward globalization have undergone multiple changes over the last decades. A time-series cross-section analysis of 129 elections in 15 Western European countries from 1974 to 2015 finds evidence for opposite effects of exports and imports in the pooled data. Additionally, a moving-window analysis indicates that the relationship between globalization and the center of gravity varies over time. This is a significant finding because it suggests that economic globalization has an influence on party systems and that it is important to test for time-varying effects.

December 1994 saw the Russian military launch an assault on Grozny, capital of the obscure Caucasian autonomous republic of Chechnya, in an effort to put an end to its pretensions to national independence. Three years earlier, in 1991, a renegade Chechen general in the Russian Army, Djokar Dudayev, had acceded to the pleadings of Chechen "elders" who wished to take the territory out of the Russian Federation-Russia. By mid-1996, what had quite unexpectedly become a very bloody operation, and a political hot potato in Moscow, remained uncompleted. In spite of a declaration of cease-fire by President Yeltsin and the killing of Dudayev, Chechen "freedom fighters" based in the mountains and villages continued to wage an Afghan-style struggle against the "occupiers" from Moscow. After some 30,000 deaths, most of them civilian, there was no end in sight. Is the war in Chechnya sui generis, as some would claim? Or is it symptomatic of a broader class of wars? As of late 1995, according to the Kennedy School's Project on Internal Conflict (Harvard University), some 35 major armed intra-state struggles were underway around the world. In a number of ways, Chechnya is unique, but it can also be seen as an archetype for similar conflicts taking place, or pending, around the world. Why the apparent increase in ethnic conflict in the early 1990s? What, if anything, might the United States and the rest of the world do in the future to prevent such carnage from becoming an accepted feature of global politics? Absent satisfactory explanations of these crises, the chances are better than even that, within the next few years, the United States and its allies will find themselves confronted by a similar "no-win" situation in any one of the dozens of places where very little provocation will trigger new episodes of ethnic cleansing. We offer an account of the causes of ethnic and sectarian conflict that is applicable to a growing number of countries and regions. In brief: What we have come to call "ethnic and sectarian conflict" is neither ethnic nor sectarian per se. Rather, it is about struggles over the levers of power and wealth within societies and countries in which ethnicity and religion provide the cultural and historical resources for mobilizing popular support for particular elites. These countries are almost always caught in the throes of economic and political transformations, brought on by external factors and forces. These erode or destroy old social, political and economic relations—old ways of doing things—and conflicts follow. The outcomes of such struggles are not pre-determined—ethnic cleansing is not dictated by some kind of historical materialism. There are possibilities for intervention before violence erupts.

This essay examines the implications of economic globalization on the labor markets in the Philippines and Indonesia. Today's economic globalization characterized by liberalization of the market, privatization of state-owned enterprises, and minimal government intervention in the economy, results in job losses, retrenchments and irregular employment and rising wage differentials among workers. Both countries follow liberal economic policies that have constrained the state's response in terms of labor market policies to mitigate the negative impact of economic globalization. Free market proponents consider as labor rigidities the state's policy interventions in the labor market and the participation of trade unions. Labor flexibility and the free interplay of labor supply and demand are the ones valued in the liberalized labor market. Though constrained and weakened to address the economic restructuring brought about by globalization, the labor movements in the Philippines and Indonesia continue to find ways to develop new unionisms and strategies to organize themselves as social movements.

International migration is an integral part of globalization: the twenty-first century is even called the "age of migration". Although international migration has existed for a long time before the age of globalization, global migration volume, speed and complexity during this time, has become unprecedented. Lithuania is attributed to countries where migration flows are particularly large currently. The country's negative international net migration for 1000 persons is one of the largest in the European Union. Assessing the impact of emigration on the country, researchers express ambiguous attitude and identifies both positive and negative aspects of this phenomenon. However, it is emphasized that intensive growing emigration threatens both the social and economic stability of the country. So both scientific and practical aspect is important to investigate the emigration from Lithuania processes and assess determinants of emigration from Lithuania. Using the scientific literature analysis, comparison, systematization, classification, generalization it was found that there are no single definitions of migration and emigration. Concepts of these phenomena vary depending on the context, in which they are interpreted. There is no single universal theory of migration which would fully explain the process of migration and determinants of emigration. Migration theories investigate this process at different levels, certain parts, emphasizing one or another aspect. It should be noted that migration theories should be seen not as alternatives, but as complementary theories. Determinants of emigration are very diverse and can be classified into various groups. Using the analytical method of dynamic lines, it was found that the migration situation in the European Union countries has been quite uneven for the period of 1998–2013. Higher number of emigrants than immigrants in Lithuania was every year of analyzed period. The analysis of emigration dynamics showed that emigration flows from Lithuania were uneven. Santrauka Tarptautinė migracija – neatskiriama globalizacijos dalis: XXI a. net vadinamas "migracijos amžiumi". Nors tarptautinė migracija ilgą laiką egzistavo ir prieš globalizacijos amžių, pasaulinės migracijos apimtis, greitis ir kompleksiškumas jo metu tapo beprecedentis. Lietuva priskiriama šalims, kuriose šiuo metu vyrauja itin dideli emigracijos srautai. Šalies neigiamas tarptautinės migracijos saldo, tenkantis 1000-iui gyventojų – vienas didžiausių Europos Sąjungoje. Vertinant emigracijos poveikį šaliai, mokslinėje literatūroje išreiškiamas nevienareikšmiškas požiūris ir nurodomi tiek teigiami, tiek neigiami šio reiškinio aspektai. Vis dėlto pabrėžiama, kad intensyviai augantys emigracijos mastai kelia grėsmę tiek socialiniam, tiek ekonominiam šalies stabilumui. Tiek moksliniu, tiek praktiniu aspektu svarbu tirti emigracijos iš Lietuvos procesus ir įvertinti pagrindinius veiksnius, lemiančius sprendimą emigruoti. Naudojant mokslinės literatūros analizę, lyginimą, sisteminimą, klasifikaciją, apibendrinimą nustatyta, kad nėra vieno sąvokų migracija ir emigracija apibrėžimo, o šių reiškinių sampratos kinta priklausomai nuo konteksto, kuriuose yra aiškinamos. Nėra vienos universalios migracijos teorijos, visapusiškai paaiškinančios migracijos procesą ir migraciją lemiančius veiksnius. Migraciją aiškinančios teorijos šį procesą nagrinėja skirtingais lygmenimis, tam tikromis dalimis, akcentuodamos vieną ar kitą aspektą. Pažymėtina, kad migracijos teorijas reikėtų vertinti ne kaip alternatyvas, o kaip viena kitą papildančias teorijas. Emigraciją lemiantys veiksniai yra labai įvairūs bei gali būti klasifikuojami į įvairias grupes. Nustatyta, kad migracijos situacija Europos Sąjungos šalyse 1998–2013 metų laikotarpiu buvo gana nevienoda. Didesnis emigrantų nei imigrantų skaičius Lietuvai buvo būdingas kiekvienais analizuojamo laikotarpio metais. Emigrantų iš Lietuvos srautai analizuojamu laikotarpiu kito gana netolygiai. Raktiniai žodžiai:emigracija, Lietuva, globalizacija, emigraciją lemiantys veiksniai.

Arizona matters to us. Arizona is what Jacqueline Jones Royster would call our "home place."1 We studied together at the University of Arizona during the passing of SB 1070, which legalized racially profiling Latin@s "reasonably suspected" of being undocumented, and HB 2281, which outlawed Mexican American Studies in Tucson Unified School District. Because of our research and Arizona ties, we are responding to the recent Present Tense article, "Economic Globalization and the 'Given Situation': Jan Brewer's Use of SB 1 070 as an Effective Rhetorical Response to the Politics of Immigration" by Jennifer J. Asenas and Kevin A. Johnson. Our purpose is to problematize, complicate, and personalize the discussion presented by Asenas and Johnson. We feel that the article would have benefitted significantly from critical inquiry that engaged with the situation on the human level as well as taking into consideration the history of Arizona as the 'given situation.' As a demonstration of a methodology based on lived experiences, we also provide a counternarrative to further emphasize ethical considerations that were overlooked by Asenas and Johnson's use of logocentric strategies to discuss the dehumanizing policy of 58 1070.

Editorial: ; Continuan los cambios. ; Aguilera, Oscar ; Presentación ; Las ; miradas de las ciencias humanas. ; Reflections upon the social sciences. ; Silva, Alejandrina ; Damnificados, ; desplazados y colonos. ; Disaster victims displaced and re-settled. ; Morales, Nelson ; Interpretación ; antropológica del mal en la sociedad wayuu. ; An anthropological interpretation of evil in wayuu society. ; Segovia, Yanet ; Elementos ; léxicos y construcción de identidad en el español de Venezuela. ; Lexical elements and formation of identity in venezuelan spanish. ; Ramos, Elvira ; Clientelismo ; y mismidad conflictuada en una comunidad negro-venezolana en un fin de siglo. ; Political favors and sameness of identity in conflict - research within ; a black community in Venezuela at the turn of the 20th century. ; Altez, Yara ; La ; reproducción del desarraigo y las identidades colectivas en la vida cotidiana. ; Alienation and collective identity in everyday life. ; Silva, Alejandrina ; Los ; fundamentalismos religiosos: etapas y contextos de surgimiento. ; Religious fundamentalism: stages and origins. ; Caro, Isaac y Fediakova, Evguenia ; Cultura, ; ética y folklore. ; Culture, ethics and folklore. ; Jáuregui, Ramón M. ; Las ; organizaciones de productores agrícolas en el marco del proceso de globalización ; económica. ; Agricultural peasant organizations in the economic globalization process. ; García Lobo, Ligia ; La ; medicina popular en Venezuela como alternativa al sistema de salud de una ; modernidad en crisis. ; Popular medicine in Venezuela as an option to the defunct public health ; system. ; Pino de Casanova, Malin ; Los ; rostros y los efectos del medicamento. Un análisis socio-cultural. ; Diverse aspects of medication: a socio-cultural analysis. ; Méndez P., María ; Explorando la ciudad ; La ; ciudad como objeto de conocimiento y enseñanza en las ciencias sociales. ; The city as knowledge and teaching subject in the social sciences. ; Aranguren R., Carmen ; Reseñas. ; 477- 490 ; ligiag@ula.ve, nathaliegar21@hotmail.com ; trimestral ; Nivel analítico

Among the most significant issues facing welfare states are the implications of economic globalization for employment policies. This issue is confronted from the viewpoint of workfarism, the incentives created by social policies for increasing participation in the labor market. To measure the limited changes involved, the analytical framework also includes institutional stickiness, pointing to the capability of welfare state institutions to resist external pressures. Panel data on capital flow, an active labor market policy (ALMP), and unemployment benefit (UB) expenditures in 19 welfare states between 1985 and 2010 are drawn from the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and the KOF Index of Globalization (KOF). The Vector Autoregressive Moving-Average model with exogenous regressors (VARMAX)-regression analysis found institutional stickiness to be a more significant factor than capital flow in 61% of the observations. The impact of capital flow was particularly significant in the United Kingdom, and in northern and continental Europe, and a tendency toward workfarism was detected in 37% of the welfare states. From a comparative perspective, the impact via the increased capital flow to workfare-related policies is a matter of contrasts rather than a unilateral phenomenon.

A globalização econômica entrou em uma nova fase de relativa estagnação e arrefecimento a partir do início da crise global de 2008. O principal objetivo desse artigo é examinar as dinâmicas que explicam o arrefecimento do processo de globalização econômica a partir do início da crise global de 2008. Os resultados iniciais indicam que o processo de estagnação das forças globais não está ligado apenas a uma conjuntura de menor crescimento econômico da própria economia global após 2008, mas também reflete principalmente dinâmicas políticas no âmbito dos estados nacionais e do próprio sistema internacional que possuem impacto direto sobre o fenômeno da globalização econômica. ; Economic globalization has entered a new phase of relative stagnation and cooling since the beginning of the global crisis of 2008. The main objective of this article is to examine the dynamics that explain the stagnation of the economic globalization process from the beginning of the global crisis of 2008. The initial results indicate that the process of stagnation of global forces is not only related to a scenario of lower economic growth of the global economy after 2008, but also reflects mainly political dynamics within national states and the international system itself that have a direct impact on the phenomenon of economic globalization.

The author inquires how are societies to cope with economic globalization, migration and ethnic and religious diversity without sacrificing electoral responsiveness and governmental accountability. His also asks how to deal with grossly unequal distribution of political resources, skewed power structures, structurally embedded participatory barriers that resurface in a more dangerous forms in the new context. For answers he turns to a classic of democratic theory Robert Dahl and his ideas that are in sharp contrast to the present trend of introducing corporate management as a best way to run political affairs. Dahl, instead, proposes introducing democracy into the economic sphere and especially in large corporations. For the growing diversity of present societies, the author only partly advocates for the consociational recipes of Lijphart and the multiculturalism of Kymlicka pointing out that without resourceful political individuals and their political participation pluralist democracy cannot flourish. The author concludes that political science should again develop visions about how a "good society" might be designed – and how it might be politically brought even remotely closer to being attained. Such a discipline might then work as a science of democracy. ; Autor postavlja pitanje kako se društva mogu nositi s ekonomskom globalizacijom, migracijom te etničkom i vjerskom raznolikošću, a da ne žrtvuju ideal izabrane vlasti koja odgovara narodu. On se također pita kako se može nositi s ogromnom nejednakošću političkih resursa, zatvorenim strukturama moći i strukturnim preprekama političkoj participaciji koji se, u novom globaliziranom kontekstu, pojavljuju u još opasnijim oblicima. Odgovore traži u klasičnoj demokratskoj teoriji Roberta Dahla i njegovim idejama koje su u oštroj suprotnosti s postojećim trendom primjene metoda korporativnog upravljanja na upravljanje državom. Nasuprot tome, Dahl je predlagao širenje demokracije na ekonomsku sferu, osobito na velike korporacije. Kao 'lijek' za rastuću pluralnost društva, autor dijelom zagovara konsocijacijska rješenja A. Lijpharta i multikulturalizam W. Kymlicke, ali i naglašava da bez individualne građanske participacije i osuguravanja dovoljno političkih resursa za nju, pluralistična demokracija ne može napredovati. Autor zaključuje da bi politička znanost trebala razvijati vizije o "dobrom društvu" i načine na koji se one mogu politički ostvariti. Takva bi politička znanost bila prava znanost o demokraciji.

The current process of capitalist modernization in Latin American societies unveils a new cycle in the history of our countries. This process has touched every aspect of social life, being the working realm the field where the open-market economy has had a great effect. In this paper we expose the main labor reforms instrumented in the region: and we also analyze some theoretical and political views, from which we intend to justify the promulgation of a deregulating normative framework that substitutes past working laws. ; El actual proceso de modernización capitalista de las sociedades latinoamericanas abre un nuevo ciclo en la historia de nuestros países. Las repercusiones de este proyecto trastocan todos los espacios de la vida social. El mundo del trabajo es uno de los ámbitos que ha sufrido, de manera más directa, los efectos de la implantación del modelo de economía abierta. En este artículo se exponen las principales reformas laborales que se han instrumentado en la región y se analizan algunos de los argumentos teóricos y políticos a partir de los cuales se pretende justificar la promulgación de un marco normativo desregulador que sustituya a las anteriores leyes del trabajo.

This paper analyzes the political and economic issues that people with disabilities face related to globalization; how people with disabilities have been adapting globalization and surviving under worldwide competition system. It explains that economic globalization exacerbates inequality and deprivation of people with disabilities. The rising tide of neo-liberal welfare policies emphasized efficiency, downsized social expenditure for people with disabilities, excluded people with disabilities against labor market, and shifted them from welfare system to nothing. However, there have been people with disabilities' political responses to globalization, which are characterized by a global network of people with disabilities as well as participation to global governance. Their resistance can be seen as an attempt to tackle the problems that economic globalization has produced. It is necessary paradigm shift of disability policy from dependency represented by disability benefits to independency represented by labor market policies for people with disabilities.

The economic growth in ASEAN countries increases and develops in each year. globalization has a positive effect on economic growth through the effectiveness of the allocation of domestic resources, technological diffusion, increased productivity and capital. This study investigates globalization to economic growth in ASEAN in 2012-2017. The research method used judgmental sampling with samples of 11 countries. They were Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, East Timor, Indonesia, Lao PDR, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam. The analysis used path analysis to examine each variable. Globalization was determined by globalization index, economic globalization, social globalization, and politic globalization. Real Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita are used as proxy for economic growth. The results describe that globalization had a significant positive association with economic growth. All indicators of globalization, show the positive association between globalization index, economic globalization, social globalization, and politic globalization to real Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita. This confirms that globalization is able to provide a positive response in ASEAN.