Suchergebnisse

Cet article réexamine de façon sélective l'abondante littérature économique des 20 dernières années sur la relation entre inégalité et développement. Son principal argument porte sur la distinction nécessaire, et souvent négligée, entre « inégalité des revenus », ou des résultats, et « inégalité des chances » comme frein au développement. Les justifications théoriques d'une relation négative entre développement et inégalité suggèrent que ce n'est pas l'inégalité des résultats, revenu ou consommation, qui est un frein au développement. Ce sont d'autres dimensions, plus fondamentales, de l'inégalités économique et sociale, comme les différences dans les familles ou les milieux sociaux d'origine, dans l'accès à l'éducation, aux soins de santé, au crédit, à la sécurité ou à la justice, ou encore la discriminations à l'égard de certains groupes ethniques ou des femmes. Il se trouve que l'inégalité des revenus sur laquelle se concentre presqu'exclusivement la littérature empirique sur inégalité et développement n'est qu'un marqueur très imparfait de cette définition plus générale de l'inégalité, qui correspond à l'« inégalité des chances ». Mais en même temps, et de façon paradoxale, corriger ces dimensions de l'inégalité requiert le plus souvent des politiques impliquant une certaine redistribution des revenus, bien que l'inégalité des revenus soit plutôt une conséquence que la principale cause des inégalités qui compromettent le développement.

The Gnassingbé clan has ruled the country since 1967. The demand for political alternance, initiated by institutional and electoral reforms, constituted the major contentious issue between the government and the challengers of the Gnassingbé regime throughout the survey period. An alliance of opposition parties and civil society groups organized peaceful demonstrations in opposition to the regime, which were often violently suppressed. Civil society organizations and representatives of the Christian church supported the demands of the opposition. The legislative elections of 20 December 2018, boycotted by the major opposition parties, resulted in an easy victory of the ruling party. The local elections, crucial for democratization at the grass-roots, but postponed time and again since 1987, were again postponed in December 2018 sine die. The human rights record of the government has improved but remains poor. Despite undeniable improvements to the framework and appearance of the regime's key institutions during the review period, democracy remains far from complete. However, the international community, notably Togo's African peers, the AU and CEDEAO, followed a 'laissez-faire' approach in the interests of regional stability and their national interests in dealing with Togo. Economic growth remained stable at about 5% per annum. Public investment in infrastructure (e.g. roads, harbour) and increases in agricultural productivity, notably of export crops, had been the key drivers of economic growth. However, growth remains vulnerable to external shocks and the climate and has not been inclusive. Positive growth was overshadowed by increasing inter-personal and regional inequality as well as an increase in extreme poverty. Moreover, money-laundering, illegal money transfers and trafficking grew alarmingly. The business climate improved considerably nevertheless.

Economie inequalities, old and new : the Czech experience.
During the period of transition, the question of economic inequalities takes on, for a variety of reasons, a new importance and a new significance. There are a good many people for whom economic reform has meant considerable financial difficulty, or indeed poverty. At the same time, privatization, the restitution of property and the existence of private business undertakings create wealth : consequently, these factors call into question the earlier option of "supposed equality", and their legitimacy is challenged. In conditions of newly acquired political freedom, the problem of inequality can be openly discussed, and handled as a political issue.
In the present article, the intention is to analyse the root causes of the existing situation, and to list recent changes as they are reflected in the various forms of the phenomenon of inequality. The first part deals with the legacy of communist society, which was a mixture of equality and privilege. The second has to do with the order of the market, which has to be defined more broadly then as a fundamentally homogeneous system, satisfied with replacing an inequitable equality with an equitable inequality. The third part is concerned with new sources of wealth and poverty, and their impact on society. Finally, there is a comparison of the changes that have objectively come about in the context of economic inequality, and the view which people have of them. In conclusion, there will be an analysis of the situation and specific problems of the Czech Republic in relation to the other countries of Eastern Europe.

Gary A. Dymski - Korea's Post-Crisis Banking Crisis.
This paper develops the argument that a foreign-bank-led wave of bank mergers and acquisitions will not yield universally higher welfare levels. Korea's banking crisis is not the result of the inefficiency or rent-seeking of its intermediaries, but of a regional structural financial crisis in East Asia after 1990. Most bank mergers and other structural changes in banking in Korea in recent years have resulted in large and risky public-sector debts, with gains taken primarily by overseas private-equity funds. Further, the impact of these structural shifts on lower-income households and small businesses may take Korea further toward a future of economic inequality and social bifurcation.

The Philippine paradox : Restore a democratic or an oligarchie system ?
Democracy in the Philippines used to be, and still is, personalized. The "people's power" of the February 1986 revolution forced Ferdinand Marcos out, but was unable to build a structure. Elections have served to choose among politicians, but they have also opened the way for big provincial families to re-emerge in an elitist, patronage democracy. Rigidly controlled by the traditional elite, the Congress has not made much haste toward adopting the sweeping reforms laid down in the 1987 Constitution. The problems President Ramos has to solve have not changed : economic inequality ; land disputes (which still arise because land reform has not worked) ; an industry still mainly in the hands of monopolies ; political corruption ; and an elite more concerned with its personal interests than the public good. Two things are lacking in the Philippines : continuity in policy and the sense of a national interest. The head of state should disregard the existing system, dismantle monopolies and take account of economic globalization ; but he should not lose from view the political and social reforms indispensable for putting an end to armed uprisings.

Even though Chinese growth makes inequalities deeper, does it create the conditions for a middle class to emerge & flatten out inequalities? Or do inequalities stem from rigidities imbedded in the regime itself? Could the unchanging nature of the regime lead in the long run to an implosion? Despite contradictory signals from its leaders, the Chinese society reacts to the most urgent questions: environment problems, expropriations, worker's protection & especially migrant workers, which is one of the main problems. Adapted from the source document.

After a presentation of the historical and sociological Mauritian contexts, this article first recalls the main steps of the development of Mauritian tourism. The text then shows how the touristic development of Mauritius has reinforced the economic power of the great franco-mauritian families. Tourism plays nowadays a major role in the social reproduction of Mauritius and in the perpetuation of social and economical inequalities that were already prevailing in the former plantation economy, when the main economic resource of the island was sugar. Finally, a better repartition of the economic benefits of tourism seems today to be necessary in order to preserve the national political stability, and social peace, which are both absolutely necessary for local society's future. Adapted from the source document.

After two decades of extensive reforms which brought about macroeconomic stability, economic growth and a clear reduction in inequality, Brazil appears to be revisiting its more hazardous economic policies. As for the popular mobilizations, aside from the occasional protests about living costs, they indicate a more general political malaise, which concerns both state function and the quality of Brazilian democracy. Adapted from the source document.

Cette étude analyse la production du secteur informel non-agricole camerounais et détermine dans quelle mesure son efficience peut contribuer à améliorer les niveaux de vie au Cameroun. A cet effet, les techniques d'enveloppement des données (Data Envelopment Analysis, DEA) ont été utilisées pour mesurer le niveau d'efficience. Nous apprécions ensuite l'impact que pourrait avoir l'élimination de l'inefficience sur les niveaux de vie en comparant les niveaux de pauvreté et d'inégalité obtenus de la distribution de revenus observée sur le marché du travail avec ceux résultant de l'hypothèse d'efficience de toutes les unités informelles étudiées, le niveau d'investissement restant identique. Nous élucidons les déterminants de l'efficience dans un troisième axe. Il ressort de l'étude un faible niveau d'efficience avec un score moyen de 0,40. L'amélioration de l'efficience de ces unités pourrait réduire la pauvreté de 19%.