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BACKGROUND. Interest in the health and behavioral effects of economic insecurity appears to vary with the performance of the economy. The current recession in the United States and Western Europe and growing unemployment in Eastern Europe make it timely to analytically review the recent research concerned with the health effects of economic contraction. METHODS. The research concerned with the health and behavioral effects of economic insecurity is organized by dependent variable and method. Rules for determining which effects are supported by strong and which by weak evidence are developed and applied to the literature. RESULTS. Evidence for effects on symptoms of psychological distress, seeking help for psychological distress, and nonspecific physiological illness is strong. Evidence for effects on suicide, child abuse, adverse birth outcomes, and heart disease is characterized as weak or sufficiently controversial to warrant skepticism. CONCLUSIONS. The health effects of economic security are undoubtedly mediated by economic policies. Estimating the effect of policy alternatives on the incidence of various outcomes is, however, very difficult given the current state of the research. The effect of rising unemployment on health in Eastern Europe cannot, moreover, be estimated from existing research. Effects estimated from Western economies probably do not generalize to situations in which the meaning of economic insecurity is conditioned by profound social and political reforms.

Are public attitudes toward immigration policy in the United States driven by economic or non-economic concerns? Though systematic analyses are few, a burgeoning literature suggests that cultural norms and enduring values, rather than calculations of self-interest, determine immigration policy preferences. This paper challenges the contention that economic motivations play little or no role in the formation of immigration policy preferences. Drawing on recent work in political economy, I argue that individual preferences over immigration policy reflect economic and non-economic concerns – both broadly rooted in considerations of individual self-interest. While affective orientations toward ethnic groups and prejudice clearly underlie public attitudes toward immigration policy, analysts err in discounting an economic interpretation of immigration policy preferences. In fact, multivariate analysis of 1992 through 2000 National Election Study surveys reveals a robust link between an individual's position in the labor market and immigration policy. Respondents at the lower end of the nation's occupational and/or educational distribution are more likely to oppose increased immigration, as the Heckscher-Ohlin model of international trade implies.

Although evidence varies, the process of globalisation has produced concern among the public in terms of its possible effects on job security. Our objective is to discover some of the determinants of the variation in public opinion on this issue. We analyse public opinion about the effects of globalisation on job security [using a multi-response item] based on the Asia-Europe Study (ASES) study of 18,000 respondents in nine Asian and nine European countries, which studies regions and globalisation. We use multinomial logistic regression techniques to determine the factors that are significant in explaining variation in responses on job security including: demographics, economic situation, value orientations, national political and policy attitudes, and selected economic and migration data. Regression models are specified for the respective regions. Important findings from the results for Europe are that measures of economic insecurity, worries about immigration, dissatisfaction with national government performance and political values are positively associated with 'bad effect' responses. In Asia, there is strong support for the good effects of globalisation on job security, especially among younger respondents. Importantly, this support appears to be more widespread and is not predicted by 'winner status' (education and living standards) as is the case for Europe. Our conclusions are: negative attitudes to the job effects of globalisation in Europe are in part values-driven and that national government performance on unemployment - which has been generally dismal - matters in determining opinion about this issue. Combined with evidence from the survey, which suggests that the public prefers national solutions to unemployment, and global solutions to other problems, we suggest that national institutions have a significant role in mediating both real effects and opinion about this issue.

Most Southeast Asian states now embrace the language of sustainable development, environmental protection, and biodiversity conservation. But the impact of these new policies differs across political and economic systems. This paper compares the links between commercial forest management and community insecurity in the Philippines, Indonesia, and Sarawak (Malaysia), focusing in particular on the roles and responses of the state. Since the late 1980s, the Philippine government has decentralised environmental management, incorporating local governments, communities, and nongovernmental organisations. Although serious problems remain, especially in the areas that retain valuable commercial timber, compared to the years of President Ferdinand Marcos (1965-86), forest management is now far more transparent, inclusive, and responsive to the environmental security of communities. These changes were possible because of the collapse of the commercial timber industry, the fall of powerful logging patrons, and the emergence of democratic practices and a vibrant civil society. Sarawak and Indonesia have also reformed environmental and forest policies since the 1990s, such as raising forest fees, tightening regulations, and increasing the penalties for illegal and destructive loggers. But these new policies have had little impact on powerful, politically-connected companies. With substantial areas of valuable timber controlled by state-business networks, and with b state controls over civil society, state and business leaders have managed to resist and undermine genuine environmental reforms. They have also disputed or ignored the evidence that environmental degradation is contributing to community insecurity. When Indonesia and Sarawak do link security and environmental degradation, the purpose is generally not to improve environmental management, but to justify and legitimise campaigns to increase control and suppress internal dissent.

Date of publication unknown ; Date of publication unknown ; The current economic recession has made it difficult for millions of American households to make ends meet and cover basic needs such as food. The largest federal program that supplements food consumption is the Food Stamp Program.1 While typically, you might expect that food insecurity is lower in states that have high rates of participation in the Food Stamp Program, in Missouri we see a very different pattern. At a time when national levels remained relatively constant, Missouri's food insecurity rate rose from 9.8 percent in 1996 to 12.9 percent in 2006. What is noteworthy is that this increase in state levels of food insecurity occurred during a time when participation in the Food Stamp Program in Missouri rose from 74 percent to 98 percent of those eligible. This report shows the intersection and interplay of three metrics commonly used for examining population well being: food insecurity, food stamp participation, and the poverty level. ; Includes bibliographical references

Economic security means that sufficient provision has been made to furnish at least the basic material needs of an individual or family. Social insurance is one of the basic instruments used to combat economic insecurity. It is not easy to define economic insecurity but there are several basic factors involved. The loss of income is a factor that could lead to economic insecurity. Job separation arising from old age, accidental injury, sickness and death of the wage earner are the major forces giving rise to economic insecurity. Society has attacked the problem of economic insecurity in several ways. Regulation, alleviation, and prevention have been established as the basic methods used to approach the problems of economic security. The term social security is new in our society. Social security is a term which involves social insurance, social assistance, and related public programs. The United States was not the first country to have a social security-type program but it was not until the passage of the social. Security Act in the United States on August 14, 1935, that the term became common throughout the world. The main objective of social security is to replace part of the earnings that have stopped or reduced because the worker retires, dies, or becomes disabled. Social security is based on similar principles as private insurance, with elements to accomplish its social purpose and to keep it the least expensive. There are certain differences between commercial insurance and private insurance on the one hand and social security insurance, on the other; but the general idea is the same. Under the social security program, the whole system is operated by the federal government and some people get more benefits than others in relation to their contributions. Several services are provided through Federal grants to States under the Social Security Act.

This paper analyses public policy choices in the security economy from an economic perspective. It discusses the role of public goods for national and global security and identifies the importance of the first- and second-order indirect effects of insecurity on economic activity, which include the behavioural responses of agents and the government to security measures, akin to such effects in insurance economics. Furthermore, key public policy trade-offs are outlined, in particular between security and efficiency, globalisation, equity and freedom. The analysis identifies suitable policy options for raising security in the national and international contexts and in view of these trade-offs. A suitable balance between market and non-market instruments in achieving security should be aimed for to minimise the adverse effects of aiming for higher security. In addition, the public good nature of security implies that international coordination of security policies is important, despite this process being itself fraught with enforcement problems.

The concept of human security as a new paradigm presents a particular challenge for East Asia. While the region experienced dramatic political, economic and social transformations in the last few decades, much of the region's key security concerns are state-focused. In fact East Asian regional security structures that are products of the Cold War era have remained largely intact.

The rapid spread of HIV/AIDS in Southern Africa is both a cause and a consequence of poverty. But while there is a clear link between AIDS and economic insecurity, there is no evidence of a connection between AIDS and security understood in the policing/state security sense of the term. Orphans are a human tragedy but not a direct security threat. AIDS does not appear to be high on the list of political priorities for most Southern Africans. Governments are thus likely to continue to respond to the epidemic unevenly and with limited resources.

The issue of urban security can be seen as a persistent and recurring subject in the political and cultural debate about cities: subjective perception increases and, in turn, the demand for security policies rises. This article argues that the lack of urban security is not a given objective, but rather the result of a social construction. In fact, the perception of being less secure does not stem from the increase in the number of acts that threaten the lives and property of individuals, which in fact did not happen. On the contrary, it reflects the situation of social discomfort that affects an increasing part of the population due to liberal economic policies. This feeling of discomfort, in turn, increases acts of intolerance to "drop outs", seen as potentially dangerous (immigrants, poor and excluded) and behaviours that, although not violent, appear to be "deviant" ". In this way, coexistence becomes increasingly difficult and incompatibilities grow wildly. "Safe city", in this context, does not mean the militarized city, on the contrary, the safe city must be understood as the city where "civil control" is exercised (a decentralized form of control and mutual balance that guarantees the best freedom of all) and where tolerance prevails. ; A questão da segurança urbana pode ser encarada como um assunto persistente e recorrente no debate político e cultural acerca das cidades: a percepção subjectiva aumenta e, por sua vez, aumenta a procura de políticas de segurança. Este artigo argumenta que a falta de segurança urbana não é um dado objectivo, mas sim o resultado de uma construção social. Com efeito, a percepção de se estar menos seguro não deriva do aumento do número de actos que ameaçam a vida e a propriedade dos indivíduos, o que de facto não aconteceu. Pelo contrário, espelha a situação de desconforto social que afecta uma parte cada vez maior da população, devido a políticas económicas liberais. Este sentimento de desconforto, por sua vez, aumenta os actos de intolerância perante os "desviantes" ("drop ...

Speech reflecting on challenges facing the American South ; -5- Justin Miller, says that the way to get satisfactory results in the crime drive is to improve your educational opportunities and your social conditions, so that this vast army of youngsters who are turning to crime will be happily adjusted. Now it is apparent that the South's trouble is poverty, and until we agree on that and resolve to reduce it, ultimately to abolish it, we will be following an inadequate economic policy. Starving children in a flood or famine win sympathy. Dramatic means are resorted to for saving them. Children starve sometimes by degrees. Let's stop that sort of starvation. Remember, the percentage of those who live upon the borderline of poverty may be as high as 80. You and I can find our company in the upper stratum where poverty is not an immediate threat, and the distress of the poor is not always before us. Nevertheless, that condition constitutes a form of insecurity for all of us. Poverty was not always an anomolous thing in society, though it is in ours. Through long ages before man's mastery of his physical surroundings the problem of scarcity was considered beyond his ingenuity. The machine has changed it. To state it accurately, our problem is not poverty, but "poverty in the midst of plenty." There will be no economic salvation for the South unless agriculture prospers and we can think of Southern agriculture strictly in terms of cotton. I am not foolish enough to believe that will always be true. Some pretty wise men are prophecying that the new cotton picking machine may give the Southwest an advantage over Alabama and other Southeastern states, and that your agricultural economy may be modified. If that time comes, that is, if the states west of the river, with superior advantages for use of the cotton picking machine in large scale operations, take the cotton business away from you, it will be found that we are, nevertheless, bound by a common interest. There is more than a commodity involved in the problem of establishing regional and national policies. The real division is not between cotton and non-cotton growing states, nor between agriculture and industry, but in the age-old problem of giving to those who produce

Conflict Management and Peace Science, 1991. ; Refereed Journal Article ; The growth in world military expenditure is the supreme paradox of our age. While it is reasonable and prudent for a nation to make provision for security against external threats, one nation's security is likely to be another's insecurity. As a result, particularly in an atmosphere of hostility and suspicion, military expenditure assumes a competitive dynamic. The net result is a reduction in security for all nations. The realization that this bizarre process consumes huge quantities of resources with high opportunity cost in terms of the possibility of achieving higher standards of living is only slightly less disquieting (Treddenick, 1985: 77).

International audience ; The search for a balance of forces is a stimulus for the arms races and it is a factor of insecurity that endangers "détente". Arms race is a game with a zero outcome for security, but it is also seen as a means of undermining the economies of rival powers. They are the resultant of conflicts of interest. There is a common interest to delete deadly competition by a philosophy of co-operation. Disarmament can serve the cause of development and development can be also a factor of disarmament. However, States's security needs a minimum defence potential. The creation of IDFD is interesting because the reduction of military expenditure must be used for the development of developing countries. UNO must organize this Fund, following some rules of equity. ; La recherche d'un équilibre des forces est un stimulant pour la course aux armements et c'est un facteur d'insécurité qui met en danger la "détente". La course aux armements est un jeu dont l'issue est nulle pour la sécurité, mais elle est aussi considérée comme un moyen de sauter les économies des puissances rivales. Elles sont la conséquence de conflits d'intérêts. Il y a un intérêt commun à supprimer la concurrence mortelle par une philosophie de coopération. Le désarmement peut servir la cause du développement et le développement peut également être un facteur de désarmement. Cependant, la sécurité des États a besoin d'un potentiel de défense minimum. La création de l'IDFD est intéressante car la réduction des dépenses militaires doit servir principalement au développement des pays en développement. L'ONU doit organiser ce Fonds, en suivant certaines règles d'équité.

International audience ; The search for a balance of forces is a stimulus for the arms races and it is a factor of insecurity that endangers "détente". Arms race is a game with a zero outcome for security, but it is also seen as a means of undermining the economies of rival powers. They are the resultant of conflicts of interest. There is a common interest to delete deadly competition by a philosophy of co-operation. Disarmament can serve the cause of development and development can be also a factor of disarmament. However, States's security needs a minimum defence potential. The creation of IDFD is interesting because the reduction of military expenditure must be used for the development of developing countries. UNO must organize this Fund, following some rules of equity. ; La recherche d'un équilibre des forces est un stimulant pour la course aux armements et c'est un facteur d'insécurité qui met en danger la "détente". La course aux armements est un jeu dont l'issue est nulle pour la sécurité, mais elle est aussi considérée comme un moyen de sauter les économies des puissances rivales. Elles sont la conséquence de conflits d'intérêts. Il y a un intérêt commun à supprimer la concurrence mortelle par une philosophie de coopération. Le désarmement peut servir la cause du développement et le développement peut également être un facteur de désarmement. Cependant, la sécurité des États a besoin d'un potentiel de défense minimum. La création de l'IDFD est intéressante car la réduction des dépenses militaires doit servir principalement au développement des pays en développement. L'ONU doit organiser ce Fonds, en suivant certaines règles d'équité.

International audience ; The search for a balance of forces is a stimulus for the arms races and it is a factor of insecurity that endangers "détente". Arms race is a game with a zero outcome for security, but it is also seen as a means of undermining the economies of rival powers. They are the resultant of conflicts of interest. There is a common interest to delete deadly competition by a philosophy of co-operation. Disarmament can serve the cause of development and development can be also a factor of disarmament. However, States's security needs a minimum defence potential. The creation of IDFD is interesting because the reduction of military expenditure must be used for the development of developing countries. UNO must organize this Fund, following some rules of equity. ; La recherche d'un équilibre des forces est un stimulant pour la course aux armements et c'est un facteur d'insécurité qui met en danger la "détente". La course aux armements est un jeu dont l'issue est nulle pour la sécurité, mais elle est aussi considérée comme un moyen de sauter les économies des puissances rivales. Elles sont la conséquence de conflits d'intérêts. Il y a un intérêt commun à supprimer la concurrence mortelle par une philosophie de coopération. Le désarmement peut servir la cause du développement et le développement peut également être un facteur de désarmement. Cependant, la sécurité des États a besoin d'un potentiel de défense minimum. La création de l'IDFD est intéressante car la réduction des dépenses militaires doit servir principalement au développement des pays en développement. L'ONU doit organiser ce Fonds, en suivant certaines règles d'équité.