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Xenophobia-the fear and hatred of foreigners-has been making headlines at an alarming rate as immigration soars worldwide. Many countries are dealing with an influx of people who speak different languages and who hold different cultural traditions and beliefs. In times of rapid change and uncertainty-as well as economic pressure-many citizens resort to xenophobic views to help them justify their fears. Recently these xenophobic attitudes have led to acts of extreme violence in a number of different places, including the United States, Europe, and South Africa. This book examines specific examples of xenophobia, particularly xenophobic violence, in the news in an attempt to explain what xenophobia is, where it comes from, and how it can be combated

We study the effect of anti-immigrant sentiments among voters on the equilibrium position of political parties on the economic issue. We model political competition as taking place among three parties (Left, Right, and Extreme Right) on a two-dimensional policy space (economic issue, immigration issue) using an extension of the Party Unanimity Nash Equilibrium concept. We "calibrate" the model to French survey data for the election years 1988 and 2002, and show that the immigration issue influences equilibrium on the economic issue in a significant way. ; Nous nous proposons d'étudier l'impact que le sentiment anti-immigrés de certains électeurs est susceptible d'avoir sur les propositions que font les partis en matière de politique économique. Nous modélisons la compétition électorale comme ayant lieu entre trois partis (la Gauche, la Droite et l'Extrême-Droite) et portant essentiellement sur deux dimensions (la taille du secteur public et l'immigration). Nous " calibrons " le modèle en utilisant des données d'enquêtes menées durant les années d'élections présidentielles 1988 et 2002, et montrons que l'influence des questions liées à l'immigration sur la taille du secteur public est loin d'être négligeable.

We study the effect of anti-immigrant sentiments among voters on the equilibrium position of political parties on the economic issue. We model political competition as taking place among three parties (Left, Right, and Extreme Right) on a two-dimensional policy space (economic issue, immigration issue) using an extension of the Party Unanimity Nash Equilibrium concept. We "calibrate" the model to French survey data for the election years 1988 and 2002, and show that the immigration issue influences equilibrium on the economic issue in a significant way. ; Nous nous proposons d'étudier l'impact que le sentiment anti-immigrés de certains électeurs est susceptible d'avoir sur les propositions que font les partis en matière de politique économique. Nous modélisons la compétition électorale comme ayant lieu entre trois partis (la Gauche, la Droite et l'Extrême-Droite) et portant essentiellement sur deux dimensions (la taille du secteur public et l'immigration). Nous " calibrons " le modèle en utilisant des données d'enquêtes menées durant les années d'élections présidentielles 1988 et 2002, et montrons que l'influence des questions liées à l'immigration sur la taille du secteur public est loin d'être négligeable.

Xenophobia, the fear or dislike of strangers, can be seen throughout the course of history in the form of communal riots, racist attacks, religious hatred and genocide. Here, Tabish Khair studies this fear in a historical, philosophical and socio-economic context, offering fresh perspectives on the rise of ethnic, cultural and religious politics in today's age of globalisation.

In the last years we have witnessed, predominantly within Europe, a dramatic upsurge in xenophobic attitudes and ethnic violence. This book analyses most European countries as far as the feeling for, the treatment of, and the action against foreigners is concerned and describes various aspects of the complexity and variation of the xenophobia theme. The economic recession, uncertainty about the future of granted values and institutions (like the EU, NATO, and OSCE) has brought xenophobia back to the forefront of the European agenda. This book is the product of an initiative by researchers at the European University Institute in Florence, and takes advantage of both the sophisticated research undertaken at and the multi-national composition of the Institute: all co-authors describe their own country, all have several years of experience as social scientists working on dissertations and in projects of related interest, and (nearly) all of them are EUI members or alumni

In this article, the authors set out to evaluate two competing mechanisms that may account for the negative relationship between xenophobia and left voting. Xenophobia may reduce left voting because parties of the right are more conservative on issues relating to immigration and ethnic relations (the policy-bundling effect), or it may reduce left voting because many potential left voters lack sympathy with the groups to whom redistribution is thought to be directed (the anti-solidarity effect). These two mechanisms imply radically different scenarios for political competition. Using a multilevel modeling approach, the authors analyze the data compiled in fifteen different surveys carried out in ten Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries between 1990 and 2000. This study is the first to draw out the implications of these mechanisms for left voting and to subject them to empirical scrutiny in a large-scale comparative study. The results are consistent with the existence of a relatively strong policy-bundling effect; by contrast, the anti-solidarity effect is trivial in most of the surveys analyzed.

We report here a summary of our recent research on the effect that the race issue, in the United States, and the immigration issue in European countries, is having on the degree of redistribution and the size of the public sector that is implemented through political competition. We model political competition as taking place on a two dimensional policy space, where the first issue is the tax rate, or the size of the public sector, and the second issue is the race or immigration issue. Our substantive conclusion is that the conservative economic agenda has been given new life in many countries because of racist and xenophobic views of polities. JEL Categories: D3, D7, H2

Purpose of the study: In the past two decades several researchers have explored the concern of xenophobia in South African fiction. Studies sought to determine the reasons behind the prevalence of xenophobic violence in South Africa. Previous research on xenophobia claims that xenophobic violence is prevalent in the state is, in fact, due to economic and social reasons only. Yet, this article aims to correct the misconception of the Rainbow Nation that South Africa was supposed to have been achieved after 1994. Methodology: The text Zebra Crossing (2013) by the South African novelist Meg Vandermerwe is under the focus. The concept of Michael Neocosmos of Citizenship from the postcolonial theory is applied to the selected text. A close reading of the text and qualitative research is the method of my analysis. The article will focus on the acts of violence reflected in the text in an attempt to find the reasons behind such acts. Neocosmos' valid conceptualization about the outbreaks of xenophobia in South Africa in the post-apartheid is applied to the selected text. Main Findings: the article will conclude that the notion of the rainbow nation in South Africa is no more than a dream due to the outbreaks of xenophobia and the ongoing violence against foreigners. It will also prove that the continuous xenophobic violence in South Africa is not because of social or economic reasons only yet, there is a political discourse that engenders and triggers the natives to be more xenophobic. Thus, the state politics of exclusion, indigeneity, and citizenship are the stimuli for citizens to be more aggressive and violent against foreigners. Applications of this study: the study will add new insight to the domain of English literature generally and the South African literature specifically. The study will be valuable in immigration literature as it deals with the plights of migrants in South Africa and their suffering from xenophobic violence. The study is located in the postcolonial approach. Novelty/Originality of this study: the study offers new insight towards xenophobia in South Africa. The concept applied in the study has not been explored so far in the selected text. Previous research claimed that xenophobia in South Africa is due to economic and social reasons but did not focus on the legacies of postcolonialism nor the new political system. The study is original and new as it discusses an ongoing and worldwide phenomenon utilizing a new concept.

In all of economic history, the foreigner appears everywhere as the trader, or the trader as foreigner.

This book is a vivid history of racism in post-apartheid South Africa, focusing on how colonialism still haunts black intraracial relationships. In 2008, sixty-four people died in a wave of anti-immigrant violence in the Alexandra township of Johannesburg; in the aftermath, Hashi Kenneth Tafira went to Alexandra and undertook an ethnographic study of why this violence occurred. Presented here, his findings reframe xenophobia as a form of black-on-black racism, unraveling the long history of colonial dehumanization and self-abnegation that continues to shape South African black subjectivities. Studying vernacular, popular stereotypes, gender, and sexual politics, Tafira investigates the dynamics of love relationships between black South African women and black immigrant men, and pervasive myths about male sexuality, economic competition, and immigrants. Pioneering and timely, this book presents a cohesive picture of the new face of racism in the twenty-first century.

One can readily identify a number of factors that, over the last ten years or so, have combined to reduce and destabilize the legal status and social standing of non-citizens who are seeking to enter or remain in Canada. Particularly conspicuous are the amendments to our refugee and citizenship laws that were introduced by the government that held power from the 2006 election until 2015, especially those harsh measures that were introduced after the government obtained a majority in the legislature in 2011.1 The changes in question were extensive and far-reaching. A shortlist of wellknown examples indicates the scope. Prompted by concerns about fraud, families have been kept apart by provisions that, for example, rede�� ned who could sponsor. 2 Prompted by economic reasons, older children were removed from the list of dependants who could be sponsored, even in circumstances where they were clearly dependent on their parent.3