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Structure Change in the Economy of Romania – Part Two
In: Társadalomkutatás, Band 30, Heft 3, S. 235-257
ISSN: 1588-2918
Structure Change in the Economy of Romania – Part One
In: Társadalomkutatás, Band 30, Heft 2, S. 138-158
ISSN: 1588-2918
Crítica de Marx à metafísica da economia política
In: Griot: Revista de Filosofia, Band 18, Heft 2, S. 271-280
In developing his materialist conception of history, Marx creates, at the same time, a critique to the Hegelian thought next to a critique of political economy. Those critiques are mainly concentrate in his works written throughout his youth, in particular 'The Misery of Philosophy'. Based on this work of Marx, the present paper aims to discourse on the metaphysics of political economy, whose critique is directed mainly to Proudhon responding to the work 'Philosophy of Misery', in which Proudhon tries to provide, in a metaphysical bias, the bases for the social problems, applying the Hegelian dialectic to the method of political economy. For Marx, the Proudhonist ideology, which is expressed in that work, is totally reformist and utopian. In contrast to the Proudhonist thought, and explaining simultaneously the foundations that constitute the theory of social being, which is woven by the capitalist mode of production, Marx publishes in 1847 his work 'The Misery of Philosophy' in response to Proudhon's 'Philosophy of Misery'.
Women, Migration & the Cashew Economy in Southern Mozambique: 1945-1975
Analyses the lives and livelihoods of the female cashew shellers in Mozambique's capital in the colonial era, during which the industry grew to be a major export, and relates how the women played a fundamental, but previously underappreciated, role in the colony's economy. JOINT RUNNER-UP FOR THE 2017 AIDOO-SNYDER BOOK PRIZE Between the late 1940s and independence in 1975, rural Mozambican women migrated to the capital, Lourenço Marques, to find employment in the cashew shelling industry.This book tells the labour and social history of what became Mozambique's most important late colonial era industry through the oral history and songs of three generations of the workforce. In the 1950s Jiva Jamal Tharani recruited a largely female labour force and inaugurated industrial cashew shelling in the Chamanculo neighbourhood. Seasonal cashew brews had long been an essential component of the region's household, gift and informal economies, but bythe 1970s cashew exports comprised the largest share of the colony's foreign exchange earnings. This book demonstrates that Mozambique's cashew economy depended fundamentally on women's work and should be understood as "whole cloth". Drawing on over 100 interviews, the rich narratives convey layered histories: the rural crises that triggered the flight of women, their lives as factory workers, widespread payment and wage fraud, the formation of innovative urban families, and the health costs that all African families paid for municipal neglect of their neighbourhoods. Jeanne Marie Penvenne is Professor of History, and core faculty in International Relations, Africana and Women, and Gender and Sexuality Studies at Tufts University.. She is the author of the Herskovits shortlisted African Workers and Colonial Racism (James Currey/Heinemann, 1995)
Imagens de perto: economia global e formação do sensível
In: ETD - Educação Temática Digital, Band 14, Heft 2, S. 113-125
This article approaches the images to achieve a perception of our time. Not just what we can see, but mainly as sensitive is our ability, our desire and undesirable, our imagination and the unimaginable. It is problematized the political links with the market economy, to the extent that they have generated and instructed us to manage our own self-image. Thus, productivity is revealed a strong amalgam of generators and sense of body and reality. Through analysis of advertisements and television programs available on the Internet, advertisements distance courses distributed by e-mail, as well as an art project also published on the network, we come to the evidence that the image today has become the commodity par excellence. She does not just sell a product or herself, sells an experience of a world to 'my own'.
Brazilian journal of political economy: Revista de economia política
ISSN: 1809-4538
Brazilian journal of political economy: Revista de economia política
ISSN: 0101-3157
A economia moral do turismo ; The moral economy of tourism
Neste artigo, sugiro que a indústria do turismo mundial está mobilizada em torno de um núcleo, a atração turística, que está afastada e protegida do intercâmbio económico. Se o turismo é, de facto, a maior indústria do mundo, é por causa e não a despeito da separação da sua principal estrutura motivacional e moral do mercado. Aqui exploro as implicações do facto de que o sistema global de atrações turísticas é uma enorme coleção de "bens gratuitos" democráticos, abertos e disponíveis para todos verem. A indústria do turismo depende desta oferta interminável de atrações de livre acesso, mantidas por governos, ONG e/ou simplesmente existentes na sociedade e na natureza. A indústria do turismo mundial só pode prosperar se a sua estrutura moral e motivacional permanecer isolada das transações do mercado. O Taj Mahal, a Torre Eiffel, o Partenon, o Grand Canyon, a Estátua da Liberdade, as Montanhas Karakorum, etc., não estão à venda. Mais de mil milhões de turistas gastam 1,5 biliões de dólares por ano para viajar internacionalmente e ver coisas que não podem comprar ou ter no sentido material; que ninguém, por mais rico que seja, pode comprar; que muitas vezes nem conseguem tocar. A enormidade do turismo hoje é possível apenas porque as forças causais que estão no coração da economia do turismo são inteiramente imaginárias e simbólicas. Na sua essência, a economia turística é menos económica do que fenomenológica. E o principal impulso do turismo, a sua motivação mais profunda, não é materialista, mas democrática. O overtourism (excesso de turismo) resulta da própria indústria que explora agressivamente o facto de que não implica matérias-primas, não necessita de desenvolver cadeias de fornecimento, não precisa de fábricas e não se envolve em qualquer conceção, fabrico, montagem ou distribuição. O consumidor trabalha de graça, na realidade, paga para fazer o trabalho do turismo e torna-se o produto. Estas eficiências neoliberais levam ao overtourism. O overtourism pode ser facilmente controlado ao nível local. ; In this article I suggest that the global tourism industry is deployed around a nucleus, the tourist attraction, that is removed and protected from economic exchange. If tourism is, indeed, the world's largest industry it is because, and not in spite of the separation of its primary motivational and moral structure from the marketplace. I explore the implications of the fact that the global system of tourist attractions is a massive collection of democratic "free goods" open and available for all to see. The tourist industry depends on this endless supply of free access attractions maintained by governments, NGOs, and/or simply existing in society and nature. The global tourism industry can thrive only if its moral and motivational structure remains insulated from market transactions. The Taj Mahal, the Eiffel Tower, the Parthenon, the Grand Canyon, the Statue of Liberty, the Karakorum Mountains, etc. are not for sale. Over a billion tourists spend $1,5 trillion annually to travel internationally to things they cannot buy or have in any material sense; that no one no matter how wealthy can buy; often that they cannot even touch. The enormity of tourism today is possible only because the causal forces at the heart of the tourism economy are entirely imaginary and symbolic. At its core, the tourist economy is less economical than phenomenological. And the primary tourist drive, its deepest motivation, is not materialistic but democratic. Overtourism results from the industry aggressively exploiting the fact that it requires no raw materials, need not develop supply chains, needs no factories, and engages in no design, manufacture, assembly or distribution. The consumer works for free, indeed, pays to do the work of tourism, and becomes the product. These neoliberal efficiencies lead to overtourism. Overtourism can easily be controlled at the local level.
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