Suchergebnisse

Parallelsacht.: Population change and funkcional structure of Pančevo

In a totalitarian society, the journalist profession could not grow; that is why politics still takes precedence in Croatian journalism. The journalists have remained socio-political activists. This has stunted the professional development of the journalistic profession, so that Croatian journalists cannot separate truth from fallacy, they equate (accurate) facts and (truthful) opinion, and conceive of commentaries in a rather odd way - as the ultimate and subjective journalistic form. (SOI : PM: S. 185)

T eorija društvenog izbora postavlja značajan izazov pred teoriju demokratije. Erouova teorema mogućnosti pokazuje da nije moguće istovremeno da budu zadovoljeni neki normativni uslovi u pogledu procedure glasanja koji garantuju da je ona fer i da ishod glasanja bude koherentan. Ovaj rezultat dovodi u pitanje normativnu opravdanost demokratije u onoj meri u kojoj se ona zasniva na proceduri glasanja. Kao jedan od mogućih puteva za rešenje Erouovog problema predložen je uslov jednovršnosti u pogledu poredaka preferencija. U ovom radu bavićemo se pitanjem u kojoj meri koncepcija deliberativne demokratije može da doprinese postizanju jednovršnosti koja potom garantuje koherentan društveni izbor. U tom kontekstu posebno ćemo istražiti tezu da javna deliberacija dovodi do metasaglasnosti koja potom može da implicira jednovršnost. Ovoj tezi pristupićemo ispitujući njenu empirijsku i normativnu adekvatnost. ; T he social choice theory presents a significant challenge to democratic theory. Arrow's impossibility theorem shows that it is not possible for some normative conditions – regarding the voting procedure guaranteeing its fairness and that the outcome of voting be coherent – to be satisfied at the same time. This brings into question normative justification of democracy to the degree to which it is based on the voting procedure. The single-peakedness condition was proposed as one of the possible ways to solve the Arrow's problem. In this paper we will explore to what extent the conception of deliberative democracy may contribute to achievement of single-peakedness which subsequently guarantees coherent social choice. In this context we will particularly explore the thesis that public deliberation leads to meta-agreement which might subsequently imply single-peakedness. We approach this thesis by probing its empirical and normative adequacy.

Engl. Zsfassung u.d.T.: The Latin-Alphabet transliteration of Despot Stefan Lazarević's Mining Code

Engl. Zsfassung u.d.T.: Coca-Cola socialism : the americanization of Yugoslav popular culture in the 1960s

"Globalism" and "globalization" are suggestive and vague terms so that extreme caution is required when using them to define phenomena. There is no doubt there are certain actual issues due to which the world on the whole is becoming an object of attention to a bigger extent than it used to be. However, when the consequences and implications of these issues are concerned, it is easy to give free reigns to imagination and overestimate their farreaching repercussions, just as it is possible to underestimate them, believing "there is nothing new under the sun". (SOI : PM: S. 8)

Rezension von: Cigar, Norman: Genocide in Bosnia. The policy of "ethnic cleansing". College Station/Tex. : Texas A&M Univ. Press, 1995. XVI, 242 S

The Kosovo crisis once again brought the powerful, unscrupulous and destructive Milosevic media apparatus into the spotlight. This is nothing new nor surprising for all those who have been covering his political ascent from the very beginning, but this time he used his heaviest artillery, never mincing words nor flinching from using all possible means to achieve his ends: to justify the genocidal policy and rallying Serbs once again around the well-known platform of national unity and Greater Serbia rhetoric. On one side, we had a well-oiled media machine that mercilessly rolled over everything on its way, not respecting any basic journalistic principles, not to mention ethics. On the other side, there were the most powerful world media, aggressive, assertive, equipped with the state-of-the-art technology, but with one major flaw: these are mass media, not a propaganda machinery. Two completely different structures clashed head-on. Thus, the media in war turned into the war of the media, a totally unfair war between a powerful propaganda machine and democratic media. (SOI : S. 113)

The author poses the question about the fate of neoconservatism, in the 1980s the official political orientation in the USA. Twenty years later, one can see how anti-communism and anti-modernism, neoconservatism's fundamental ideological premises, have changed the political practice and awareness, both (and equally) in American foreign and national policy. Though conceptually incoherent, neoconservatism has proved to possess exceptional clout. This has led the author to conclude that neoconservatism, despite the claims by neoconservatives themselves that it is dead, still has much leeway, since voters' awareness has been changed: they have got used to the new political context, they vote for well-balanced "mixtures" of rightist and leftist ideologies. (SOI : PM: S. 164)

The notions of "right" and "left" are a fundamental semantic pattern within which voters construct their political perceptions and attitudes. Their universal meaning lies in a simple spatial approach to politics as conflict; functionally, "right" and "left" are "shortcuts" for political communication. In the empirically oriented political science, the left- right scale has become a standard variable in public opinion polls. After the initial pessimistic interpretations, in the last twenty years or so, this scale has increasingly demonstrated its validity and reliability. The sources of the right-left identification may be manifold, and not solely ideological. Also, the right-left scheme has demonstrated a remarkable potential to - in time - encompass new political contents and thus create a need for new cross-national and longitudinal studies. Voters - and not scientists - are those who define what is left and what is right. (SOI : PM: S. 168)

Rad razmatra problem zastoja u procesu pridruživanja, odnosno pristupanja zemalja Zapadnog Balkana Evropskoj uniji. Osnovne uzroke ovog problema autorka vidi u samoj prirodi asimetričnog odnosa Evropske unije i pomenutih zemalja u čijem središtu se nalazi Proces stabilizacije i pridruživanja, odnosno pristupanja. Njemu su doprinele obe strane: Evropska unija preambiciozno postavljenom politikom prema regionu, nedovoljno definisanim i stalno promenljivim kriterijumima, ali i zemlje u procesu svojim nekritičkim odnosom prema mogućem članstvu, nejasno definisanim interesima i ciljevima, sporim reformama i slabom demokratskom tradicijom. Kako bi proces mogao uspešno da se nastavi, autorka tvrdi da je potrebno njegovo suštinsko preoblikovanje ka fleksibilnom procesu. U svetlu sve češćih rasprava o mogućem kretanju evropske integracije ka većoj diferencijaciji, proces fleksibilnog pristupanja bi omogućio članstvo samo u odabranim oblastima delovanja Evropske unije, koje bi bile odabrane shodno prethodno jasno definisanim i analiziranim interesima i mogućnostima zemalja kandidata i potencijalnih kandidata. Autorka zaključuje da je potrebno proces što više odvojiti od uslovljavanja u političkim oblastima kako bi se umanjila mogućnost arbitrarnog odlučivanja o napretku ovih zemalja u procesu. Osim što bi za države kandidate i potencijalne kandidate ovakav manje zahtevan proces bio jednostavniji i omogućio veću autonomiju u izboru oblasti integracije i tempu prilagođavanja, za države članice EU bi predstavljao način da se vrati kredibilitet jednoj od svojih nekada najuspešnijih spoljopolitičkih aktivnosti. Ključne reči: pristupanje, zastoj, Evropska unija, Zapadni Balkan, fleksibilnost, diferencirana integracija. ; The article deals with the problem of the Western Balkans countries' accession and association process impasse. The author finds the key causes of this problem in the very nature of an asymmetric relationship between the EU and these countries with the Stabilization and Association Process laying in its core. ...

Zusammenfassung: Vesti su loše po naše zdravlje. Čitanje vesti vodi do osećanja straha i čini nas nespokojnim ili agresivnim, istovremeno sputavajući našu kreativnost i sposobnost da sveobuhvatnije promišljamo svet. Rešenje? Prestanimo da ih čitamo. Prestanite da čitate vesti je Dobelijev kritički osvrt na opasnosti najtoksičnijeg oblika informacija – vesti. Dobeli ukazuje na štetu koju nanose našoj pažnji i blagostanju. Knjiga autora bestselera Umetnost jasnog razmišljanja nudi čitaocu smernice ka mnogim mogućim prednostima života bez vesti. U svetu sve većih potresa i podela, Prestanite da čitate vesti je putokaz ka životu sa više slobodnog vremena, dubljim uvidima i manje strepnje. --page [4] of cover.

As newly established nation-state Slovenia continues to develop concepts, policies, and institutions to provide for its national security. She does so as a young country in a new Europe and must consider not only her own experiences, principles, and international politics, but also the dynamic environment of th multifaceted proposals and efforts at European integration. These are the basic considerations for understanding the process whereby Slovenia is forming a new national security network, both internally and on the international level, and for following Slovenia's endeavors to participate in European integration and NATO and the European Union. (SOI : PM: S. 123)

Cover -- Titelseiten -- Inhalt -- Angela Richter: Laudatio anlässlich der Verabschiedung von Frau Univ.-Prof. Dr. phil. Renate Hansen-Kokoruš -- Dijana Simić & -- Marizela Reithofer Bektić: Predgovor -- Ingeborg Jandl & -- Goran Lazičić: Transkulturalität und Geschlecht in süd- undostslawistischen Kontexten. Eine Einleitung -- Transkulturalität, Geschlecht und kulturelles Erbe -- Walter Kroll: Die Kiever Emblematik im Kulturtransfer des 18. Jahrhunderts. Am Beispiel des kirchenslavischen Emblembuchs Ifika ieropolitika -- Dagmar Burkhart: Genderspezifische Konstruktionen des Honor-Shame-Codes in literarischen Texten -- Marina Protrka Štimec: Govor i šutnja u Fortisovoj "Asan-aginici" Rod i žanr u transkulturalnoj recepciji balade -- Weiblichkeitsimaginationen in transkulturellen Kontexten -- Валерий А. Доманский: Тургенев - переводчик «немецких» альбомовПолины Виардо -- Ольга Б. Кафанова: «Тургеневская девушка». Движение к феминизму -- Наталья Е. Никонова: Итальянский текст периодики Сибири 1890-1910-х гг. -- Wolfgang Eismann: Feminismus, Sex und Gender bei Viktor Pelevin -- Komik, Geschlecht und Gesellschaftsanalyse -- Nenad Veličković: Socijalno i nacionalno u Jazavcu pred sudom Petra Kočića -- Дмитрий Д. Николаев: Трансформация «комизма нормы» в литературе русской эмиграции. Столкновение культурных идентичностей в произведениях Н.А. Тэффи 1920 г. -- Goran Lazičić: "Čudovišta u suknjama" i nove Antigone. Ženski likovi i rodne uloge kod Ranka Marinkovića -- Künstleridentität, Geschlecht und Gesellschaft -- Angela Richter: Umbruchssituationen aus weiblicher Sicht. Eine Re-Lektüre des Romans Kroz Ničiju Zemlju von Vera Obrenović-Delibašić -- Darko Lukić: Spatial and cultural migration, memory in exile. The example of Oliver Frljić.