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The aim of this study is trying to interpret the crisis of legitimacy which faced the political system in Libya after the events of 2011, including the multiple legislative and executive bodies, based on specified theoretical perception is Crisis Theory for Jürgen Habermas, which he is trying to linking between the political system has legitimacy and its ability to overcome the different crises and challenges that faced, is a reliable perception in the case of Libya, in particular, every political party in the Libyan scene is consider himself the legal and legitimate representatives of the Libyan community, in light of political division and multiple parliamentary bodies and executive Governments in the country,the researcher adopted in this trying to analytical reading emphasize on specific points in many official and non-official studies and reports on the Libyan situation, study found that all successive political parties that topped the Libyan political scene form 2011, had failed to counter the various challenges whether security or constitutional, and were unable to manage the different crisis suffered by the Libyan citizen, specially economic, living and service, this place it in a real crisis of legitimacy at the level of society as a whole, in light of decrease what they have done in the past and what they can do in the future under the current situation, which contributed in create a case of distrust among the citizens in their programs and plans and lost motivation to participate in the various activities that they supervise on the one hand, and in increasing cases of disrespect for laws and decisions that represent their authority on the other hand,this leads us to say that the political system in Libya after the events of 2011, is faces a national crisis of legitimacy, accompanied by crises in motivation and non-normality, according to Habermas societal crisis theory, this is reflected in our reading of studies and reports that have been exposed to the Libyan crisis.

当今,越来越多的用倾向于使用论坛、博客、脸书等在线工具来表达关于商品、电影和政治等话题的观点。这些观点不仅可以帮助用进行决策,同时也为各个商业和社会领域提供了具有重要价值的反馈信息。因此,面向观点应用成为了当前最活跃的研究领域之一,其中包括观点检索,观点摘要,观点问答。面向观点应用与面向事实应用的根本区别是信息需求的不同,分别是传统的客观信息和主观信息。所谓主观信息是指对于某个特定目标的观点或评论。为了表示主观信息,应该综合考虑观点性、主题相关性,以及观点与主题之间的关联。现有的基于词袋的表示方法将词作为描述客观信息的基本语义单元,它可以有效的表示主题相关性以满足客观信息的需求。而主观信息需要同时考虑观点性和主题相关性,由于单独一个词不能同时表示观点性和相关性,因此词不再是最小的语义单位。此外,基于词袋的表示方法忽略了词序和词义,这使得观点性和相关性两类信息通常混在一起,难以区分。因此,基于词袋方法不能够准确的表示主观信息,并严重的影响了面向观点应用的性能。 ; 本文回答了以下几个由主观信息表示不当所引发的研究问题: 1. 对于主观信息而言单个词将不再是基本语义单元,是否存在一种有效的表示方法对其进行描述? 2. 由于主观信息是观点信息和相关性信息的结合,如何利用新的表示方法来描述这二者之间的关联信息?3. 如何对主观信息进行量化,以便对文档进行检索和分析? 4. 如何在面向观点应用中实现全新的主观信息表示方法? ; 由于观点检索的结果会直接影响到其它面向观点应用的性能,因此本文从观点检索这一问题入手。首先,我们提出了一种基于句子的方法来分析词袋表示方法的局限性。以此为据,定义了一种具有丰富语义的表达方式来表示主观信息,即词对,它是由出现在同一句子中的情感词和与之关联的目标词共同组成的。然后,我们提出了一系列方法来描述和获取两类语境信息:1)观点内信息:我们给出了三种提取词对的方法以获取观点与主题的关联信息;2)观点间信息:我们提出了一种权重计算方法来度量词对间的相关程度,从而获取词对与词对之间的关系。最后,我们集成了观点内信息和观点间信息并提出了潜在情感关联模型来解决观点检索这一问题。在标准数据集上的实验结果表明,基于词对的表示方法可以有效地描述主观信息,同时潜在情感关联模型能够获取词与词之间的关联信息,从而实现了利用语境信息提高观点检索的效果。 ; 此外,我们将词对应用于观点摘要和观点问答中,标准数据集上的评测结果显示基于词对的主观信息表示方法对于其它面向观点应用也同样有效。 ; There is a growing interest for users to express their opinions about products, films, politics, by using on-line tools such as forums, blogs, facebooks, etc. These opinions cannot only help users make decisions, e.g., whether to buy a product, but also to ob-tain valuable feedback for business and social events. Today, research on opin-ion-oriented applications (OOAs) including opinion retrieval, opinion summarization and opinion question and answering is attracting much attention. The difference be-tween fact-based and opinion-oriented applications lies in users' information need. The former requires objective information and the latter subjective, which comprises of opinions or comments expressed on a specific target. To meet the need of subjective information, both opinionatedness and relevance together with the association between them should be taken into account. Existing systems represent documents in bag-of-word. However, this representation fails to distinguish ...

There has been a misconception that there was no political party in Hong Kong before the 1980s, and that the Hong Kong people cared less about political reforms before the 1990s. This misconception is reinforced by various discourses such as the "lifeboat" theory, the "administrative absorption" theory, and the national characteristic of the Chinese people. Through a historical study of the Reform Club of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong Civic Association in the early postwar period, we come to a clear picture of the history of political development in Hong Kong. First, Hong Kong people were not indifferent to politics, although constitutional reforms made little progress before the 1980s. Second, early form of political party did exist before the 1980s. ; The Reform Club of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong Civic Association were more than pressure groups but could be defined as political parties to pursue political, economic and social reforms in Hong Kong. Serving as the bridge between the Government and the people, they were particularly interested in such social issues as the urban development, housing, medicare, economy, education, crime, and hawking. Although the two parties often took a critical stance towards the Government, the Government used them to communicate with the people and to balance of interest of different political forces. The historical role of the Reform Club of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong Civic Association is largely forgotten and little-studied. This is the first academic treatment of these two earliest political parties in postwar Hong Kong. It aims to give a better understanding of the intricate relationship between the Colonial Government and the staff in London, the nature of colonial politics in early postwar Hong Kong, and the legacy of the Reform Club of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong Civic Association in today's Hong Kong. ...

يقوم نشاط الإدارة على أسلوبين مهمين، أحدهما انفرادي يتمثل في القرارات الإدارية، والآخر اتفاقي يتمثل في العقود الإدارية، وتتميز العقود الإدارية عن العقود التي يبرمها الأفراد في ما بينهم بأن الغاية من إبرامها تنظيم المرافق العامة وتسييرها وتحقيق النفع العام، وهذا يستتبع بالنتيجة امتداد آثار هذه العقود إلى غير أطرافها، سواءٌ أمِنَ المنتفعين بخدمات المرافق العامة كانوا أم غيرهم، ومن ثَمَّ تمتعهم ببعض الامتيازات والحقوق، وتحمّلهم بعض الأعباء والالتزامات. وأيًا كان السند القانوني الذي قدّمه الفقه الإداري لتبرير امتداد آثار العقد الإداري إلى الغير، سواء أنظرية الاشتراط لمصلحة الغير كان أم نظرية الطبيعة الذاتية للعقود الإدارية أم غيرها، فإن المتفق عليه أن الأعباء والالتزامات التي يتحمّلها الغير من العقود الإدارية ما هي إلا نتيجة طبيعية للامتيازات التي يتمتع بها المتعاقد مع الإدارة، التي مُنحت له لتمكينه من تنفيذ التزاماته على أكمل وجه، وبالآتي تحقيق المصلحة العامة. وقد تقرر تقسيم هذا البحث إلى ثلاثة مباحث رئيسة تناولنا في أولها الأساس القانوني لامتداد العقد الإداري إلى الغير، وتطرّقنا في ثانيها إلى الحقوق التي يستمدها الغير من العقد الإداري، أمّا ثالثها فكان عن الالتزامات التي يفرضها العقد الإداري تجاه الغي.، وفي خاتمة هذا البحث توصل الباحثون إلى عدة نتائج، من أهمها: عدم تطرق القوانين والتشريعات المنظمة لموضوع العقود الإدارية إلى إيراد نصوص تعالج بصورة واضحة وشاملة مسألة نسبية أثر العقد، ومدى سريانها على العقد الإداري، ومن أهم توصيات هذا البحث توسيع اختصاص القضاء الإداري في الأردن ليشمل النظر في جميع المنازعات الناشئة عن العقود الإدارية، وليس فقط البت في القرارات الإدارية القابلة للانفصال عن هذه العقود. ; The administration's activity is based on two important manners، one of which is the unilateral administrative decisions and the other is an agreement represent of administrative contracts. The administrative contracts are concluded by the individuals among themselves ; that the purpose of these agreements is to regulate the public utilities and to achieve public benefit which resulting extension of the effects of these contracts to third parties whether they are beneficiaries of the services of public utilities or others. Subsequently، they enjoy some privileges and rights as well as bearing some of the burdens and obligations. Whatever the legal basis provided by administrative jurisprudence to justify the extension of the effects of the administrative contract to third parties - whether the theory of the requirement for the benefit of third parties، or the theory of the self-nature of the administrative contracts، or else - it is agreed that the burdens and obligations borne by third parties due to the administrative contracts، which is only a natural outcome of the privileges enjoyed by the contractor with the administration، that granted to him to enable him to carry out his obligations to the fullest and thus، to achieve the public interest. This paper is divided into three main topics the first section dealt with the legal basis of extension of the effect of the administrative contract to third parties، the second section addressed the third parties` rights derived from the administrative contract، and the third section handled the obligations imposed by the administrative contract of third parties. In conclusion، the researchers reached to several findings، the most important of which is that the laws and regulations governing the subject of administrative contracts do not address with the inclusion of articles that clearly and comprehensively solve a matter of the relative effect of the contract and the extent of its validity on the administrative contract. In addition to the necessary recommendations، expand the jurisdiction of the administrative judiciary in Jordan to include consideration of all disputes arising out of administrative contracts، and not only to decide on the administrative decisions that are separate-able from these contracts.