Suchergebnisse

Publikacja współfinansowana przez Uniwersytet Śląski w Katowicach ; The presented book provides a comparative analysis of new political parties in the party systems of the Visegrad Group countries. The primary aim of analysis is to define the factors which have impact on gaining parliamentary representation by new parties in Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. Research on new political parties in these countries seems to be especially important for at least two reasons. Firstly, due to differences in social and political conditions, it is impossible to uncritically adapt the theoretical models made in western democracies. This stems from short tradition of functioning of democratic institutions in Central and Eastern Europe (also in V4 countries) which shaped the specific pattern of emerging of new political parties, diametrically opposed to patterns formed in consolidated democracies. On the basis of this pattern, two types of groupings can be distinguished: Old Regime parties and New Regime parties. The first type has personal or organizational ties to the previous communist regime, while the second one descends from anti-communist opposition. Secondly, in the case of the former Eastern bloc, indicators describing the party systems (e.g the electoral volatility index or the effective number of parties) do not provide full information about their real dynamics, because in conditions of weak institutionalization of political parties, changes in configuration on the political scene usually occur within the party system (as a result of mergers, splits or transformations of political parties). For this reason, it is worth analysing changes in the parliamentary arena resulting from the transfer of electoral preferences to new extra-parliamentary political entities.

The following draft of the Code aims to regulate investment processes in the field of local planning and spatial development (urban planning) as well as in the field of architecture and construction.

This article concerns the evolution of the party system and the political scene of Bulgaria after the system transformations. The foundations of this analysis are the results of the elections to the National Assembly in the years 1990-2017. In order to identify the type of the party system, official election results and the effective number of parties index (ENP) were used. This index was used to characterise the party system after 2001. Some conditions from communism time had an influence on the shape and kind of how the Bulgarian party system and political scene evolved after system transformation. Between 1990-2001 in Bulgaria, a two-block or two and a half-block party system existed. From 2001 it evolves in the direction of a multiparty system.

Due to the social and economic costs the problem of climate change has recently become one of the factors which antagonizes or merges national political systems and their entities. The case of Norway as a leading European producer and exporter of oil and gas seems to deserve particular attention. Although the main political actors in the country, such as the Norwegian Labour Party (DnA), the Conservative Party of Norway (H), the Socialist Left Party (SV), the People's Christian Party (Kr.F), the Centre Party (S) and the Liberal Party (V) have quite similar ideas about the major objectives of the national climate policy, their opinions differ in operational matters. The position of the Progress Party (Fr.P) is an important exception to the approach towards the discussed issue. This article aims to analyse the programme assumptions about the climate policy and climate protection of all parliamentary groups and assess their practical implementation in the past decade.

Celem artykułu jest pokazanie wielości i różnorodności partii węgier­skich funkcjonujących w latach 1990-1998 w systemie partyjnym Słowacji, a zatem przed powstaniem w 1998 r. Partii Węgierskiej Koalicji - Strana mad'arskej koalicie (SMK). Tekst ten koncentruje się na odpowiedzi na pytania: 1) kim byli ich liderzy i elita partyjna - czy można mówić o ciągłości personalnej reprezentacji mniejszości od 1990; oraz 2) kto głosował na poszczególne partie mniejszości węgierskiej. Wąt­kiem marginalnym, będzie refleksja na temat, jakie miejsce zajmowały analizowane partie w układzie rywalizacyjnym. Tekst też próbuje odpowiedź na pytanie, czy po­wstanie SMK oznaczało intensyfikację konfliktu narodowościowego w słowackim systemie partyjnym. ; The aim of the article is to show the multiplicity and diversity of Hungarian ethnic parties existing in the years 1990-1998 within the party system of Slovakia, before the emergence of the Hungarian Coalition Party - Strana mad'arskej koalicie (SMK) in 1998. This text focuses on answering the following questions: (1) who were the parties' leaders and elites, and whether it is justified to talk about the continuity of personal representation of minorities since 1990; and (2) who voted for different Hun­garian minority parties and whether their unification into the SMK brought with it an electoral bonus. An additional aspect of this is the position of the analyzed parties in the competitive system. The text also tries to answer the question of whether the creation of the SMK led to an intensification of the national split within the Slovakian party system.

Celem artykułu jest pokazanie wielości i różnorodności partii węgier¬skich funkcjonujących w latach 1990-1998 w systemie partyjnym Słowacji, a zatem przed powstaniem w 1998 r. Partii Węgierskiej Koalicji - Strana mad'arskej koalicie (SMK). Tekst ten koncentruje się na odpowiedzi na pytania: 1) kim byli ich liderzy i elita partyjna - czy można mówić o ciągłości personalnej reprezentacji mniejszości od 1990; oraz 2) kto głosował na poszczególne partie mniejszości węgierskiej. Wąt¬kiem marginalnym, będzie refleksja na temat, jakie miejsce zajmowały analizowane partie w układzie rywalizacyjnym. Tekst też próbuje odpowiedź na pytanie, czy po¬wstanie SMK oznaczało intensyfikację konfliktu narodowościowego w słowackim systemie partyjnym. ; The aim of the article is to show the multiplicity and diversity of Hungarian ethnic parties existing in the years 1990-1998 within the party system of Slovakia, before the emergence of the Hungarian Coalition Party - Strana mad'arskej koalicie (SMK) in 1998. This text focuses on answering the following questions: (1) who were the parties' leaders and elites, and whether it is justified to talk about the continuity of personal representation of minorities since 1990; and (2) who voted for different Hun¬garian minority parties and whether their unification into the SMK brought with it an electoral bonus. An additional aspect of this is the position of the analyzed parties in the competitive system. The text also tries to answer the question of whether the creation of the SMK led to an intensification of the national split within the Slovakian party system.

Due to the social and economic costs the problem of climate change has recently becomeone of the factors which antagonizes or merges national political systems and their entities. The case of Norway as a leading European producer and exporter of oil and gasseems to deserve particular attention. Although the main political actors in the country,such as the Norwegian Labour Party (DnA), the Conservative Party of Norway (H), theSocialist Left Party (SV), the People's Christian Party (Kr.F), the Centre Party (S) andthe Liberal Party (V) have quite similar ideas about the major objectives of the nationalclimate policy, their opinions differ in operational matters. The position of the ProgressParty (Fr.P) is an important exception to the approach towards the discussed issue. Thisarticle aims to analyse the programme assumptions about the climate policy and climateprotection of all parliamentary groups and assess their practical implementation in thepast decade. ; Problem zmian klimatu ze względu na koszty społeczne i ekonomiczne staje się w ostatnich latach jednym z czynników antagonizujących bądź scalających narodowe systemypolityczne i występujące tam podmioty. Casus Norwegii jako czołowego w Europie producenta oraz eksportera ropy i gazu wydaje się zasługiwać na szczególną uwagę. Głównepodmioty polityczne w tym państwie, jak: Norweska Partia Pracy (DnA), Partia Konserwatywna (H), Socjalistyczna Partia Lewicy (SV), Chrześcijańska Partia Ludowa (Kr.F),Partia Centrum (S), Partia Liberalna (V) wyrażają w kwestii celów narodowej politykiklimatycznej dość istotną zbieżność, choć różnią się w kwestiach operacyjnych. Istotnymwyjątkiem w podejściu do omawianej problematyki jest stanowisko Partii Postępu (Fr.P).Celem artykułu jest analiza założeń programowych w obszarze polityki klimatyczneji ochrony klimatu wszystkich ugrupowań parlamentarnych oraz ocena ich praktycznejimplementacji w minionej dekadzie.

Political parties are the key element of the representative formula of democratic system. The aim of the paper is to show parties' attitudes towards the citizen legislative initiative, being an institution of direct democracy. The analysis was carried out with the inclusion of the following three levels of party activity: conceptional, programme-related and functional. Both on the conceptional and programme-related levels there is a lack of reflexion and – in consequence – hardly any debate held on the essence of the institution of citizen legislative initiative, its significance and consequences with regard to the socio-political system. This results in an almost mechanical acceptance of concrete legal solutions, which – at the next stage, i.e., that of realization of these records – ends in an escape from the problem (here: prolonging works of Parliament or an instrumental making use of citizens' activity).Both ruling parties and those in the Opposition – despite obvious differences in the approach towards institutions of direct democracy – are joined by an axiologically justified dislike of strengthening these forms of citizens' engagement, which diminish the area of representative democracy.

Political parties are the key element of the representative formula of democratic system. The aim of the paper is to show parties' attitudes towards the citizen legislative initiative, being an institution of direct democracy. The analysis was carried out with the inclusion of the following three levels of party activity: conceptional, programme-related and functional. Both on the conceptional and programme-related levels there is a lack of reflexion and – in consequence – hardly any debate held on the essence of the institution of citizen legislative initiative, its significance and consequences with regard to the socio-political system. This results in an almost mechanical acceptance of concrete legal solutions, which – at the next stage, i.e., that of realization of these records – ends in an escape from the problem (here: prolonging works of Parliament or an instrumental making use of citizens' activity).Both ruling parties and those in the Opposition – despite obvious differences in the approach towards institutions of direct democracy – are joined by an axiologically justified dislike of strengthening these forms of citizens' engagement, which diminish the area of representative democracy.

Jednostki samorządu terytorialnego stanowią bardzo ważne struktury w tworzeniu i realizacji polityki regionalnej na szczeblu województwa, jak również polityki lokalnej na szczeblu powiatu i gminy. W selekcji kandydatów do samorządowych organów władzy, pierwszoplanową rolę odgrywają partie polityczne. Partyjne procedury tworzenia i zatwierdzania list wyborczych na radnych, a także sposób wyboru jednoosobowych organów samorządowych mają niebagatelne znaczenie dla jakości regionalnych i lokalnych elit władzy. Na charakter przywództwa politycznego występującego na szczeblu regionalnym lub lokalnym niewątpliwy wpływ wywierają powiązania personalne struktur partyjnych z władzami samorządowymi, jak również typ kultury politycznej dominującej w danej społeczności. Przedmiotem artykułu jest przedstawienie powyższych uwarunkowań związanych z wyłanianiem i funkcjonowaniem władz samorządowych. ; Local authority units constitute significant structures in the creation and execution of regional policy at the regional level, as well as local policy at the district and municipal levels. Political parties play the leading role in selecting candidates for local govemment bodies. Party procedures for composing and approving councilors' ballot papers, as well as the method of electing single person local authorities are crucial for the quality of regional and local elites of power. The character o f political leadership at regional and local levels is undoubtedly influenced by personal relations between party structures and local authorities, as well as by the type of political culture that dominates in a given community. The subject of the paper is the presentation o f the above determinants, regarding the appointment and functioning of local authorities.

Artykuł opisuje najpopularniejsze wskaźniki (tzw. indeksy) oraz sposoby ich łączenia i interpretacji w politologicznych badaniach porównawczych. Przy ich pomocy analizować można wpływ systemu wyborczego na kształt struktury systemu partyjnego. Autor, na przykładzie mieszanych systemów wyborczych w Rosji i na Ukrainie oraz systemu proporcjonalnej reprezentacji w Polsce, przedstawia wpływ wybranych elementów systemów wyborczych na konfigurację systemów partyjnych mierzoną przy wykorzystaniu m.in efektywnej liczby partii politycznych. Zwraca także uwagę na poziom koncentracji systemu partyjnego jako jedną z konsekwencji systemu wyborczego. Artykuł weryfikuje wiele obiegowych poglądów na temat politycznych skutków systemów wyborczych oraz uczy jak przy pomocy metody indeksowej można weryfikować twierdzenia na temat wpływu poszczególnych elementów systemu wyborczego na system partyjny. Jednocześnie pokazuje jak interpretować uzyskane w toku badania wskazania indeksów. ; The article describes the most common indicators (so-called indices) and the methods of combining as well as interpreting them in the political science comparative studies. An employment of these indices allows the analysis of the impact of electoral systems on party ones. Using Russian and Ukrainian mixed electoral systems and Polish proportional representation as an example, the author expounds the impact of given elements of electoral systems on configuration of party systems. Proceeding so, he gauges the effects of the influence in question by deploying the so-called effective number of parties formula. The author points out that amongst others effects of this interconnection of systems there is also the impact on the concentration level of party systems. Additionally, this paper debunks a plethora of popular opinions concerning political effects of electoral systems and teaches how one can verify those opinions employing the index method and how to interpret the indices.

The premise of the article is that the experience of the COVID-19 pandemic, among others, will highlight the shortcomings in public policies in Poland. It is also assumed that public policies include actions of the authorities towards artists. The status of artists as a target group of public policy in a democratic system is diagnosed as well as the process of creating regulations for the status of a professional artist in Poland is described. The subject of a detailed analysis are the decisions of the Polish government regarding artists in the years 2020-2021. Technical, formal, and media problems of the authorities with the distribution of aid funds for artists in Poland are related to the lack of a law definition of an artist in the Polish social security system, and more broadly, in public policies. Due to the fact that the legislative work on the artist's status has not been completed before the 5th wave of the COVID-19 pandemic, problems in managing public aid for artists in Poland are expected to reoccur.

Over the last two decades, family law has undergone changes in Western Europe, widening the definition of marriage to include same-sex couples. In addition, some East European countries offer a legal recognition of civil unions of same-sex couples, while others do not offer any legal recognition at all. This diversity in family law has been recently challenged by developments at the European level. It is argued here that this constitutes an adaptational pressure on those European Union (EU) member states that do not offer any or offer only formal recognition of same-sex couples. We examine two cases when member states faced such an adaptational pressure, namely Estonia and Latvia, focusing on the interplay of two types of factors. First is that of formal institutions which, due to their constitutional role or their expertise in the EU law, may act as facilitators of legal changes. On the other hand, there are also political actors which have tried to constrain such an adaptation. We examine here especially the role of two political parties which have made a considerable effort to oppose the change in the two countries. It is argued here that the ideological orientation of these parties explains, at least partly, their opposition to the ongoing Europeanization of family law. The paper concludes with a discussion of the main findings and their implications.

artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio M, Balcaniensis et Carpathiensis Vol. 4 (2019), s. 39-52 ; streszcz. pol., ang. ; artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio M, Balcaniensis et Carpathiensis Vol. 4 (2019), s. 39-52 ; streszcz. pol., ang.

Since Ukraine gaining independence in 1991, parties supporting close cooperation with the Russian Federation have been an integral part of the Ukrainian political scene. Nevertheless, after the Revolution of Dignity, the annexation of Crimea and the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian war, it would seem that their influence will steadily decline. Nevertheless, the recent parliamentary election shows a reverse tendency, and the Opposition Platform - For Life, political party founded in 2018, headed by former members of the Party of Regions and persons closely connected to Vladimir Putin, managed to defeat national-democratic parties. In this paper, the Author tries to answer the question, using the theory of linguistic constructivism, how the Opposition Platform - For Life is regaining its influence in the new political reality in Ukraine, analyzing the genesis of pro-Russian parties since independence, their political programs and narratives in the media environment, which were and are created by pro-Russian parties. ; Od uzyskania niepodległości w roku 1991, partie popierające ścisłą współpracę z Federacją Rosyjską, stanowią nieodłączny element ukraińskiej sceny politycznej. Niemniej jednak, po rewolucji Godności, aneksji Krymu i trwającej nadal wojnie rosyjsko-ukraińskiej wydawać by się mogło, że ich wpływ będzie stabilnie malał. Mimo to, ostatnie wybory parlamentarne pokazują tendencję odwrotną, a utworzonej w roku 2018 partii Opozycyjna Platforma – Za Życie, na czele z byłymi członkami Partii Regionów i osobami przybliżonymi do Władimira Putina, udało się pokonać partie o charakterze narodowo-demokratycznym. Autorka próbuje odpowiedzieć na pytanie, posługując się teorią konstruktywizmu lingwistycznego, jak Opozycyjna Platforma – Za Życie odbudowuje wpływy w nowej rzeczywistości politycznej na Ukrainie, analizując genezę prorosyjskich partii od czasów uzyskania niepodległości, ich programy polityczne, jak i narracje w środowisku medialnym, które były i są tworzone przez prorosyjskie partie. ; С момента обретения Украиной независимости в 1991 году, партии, поддерживающие тесное сотрудничество с Российской Федерацией, стали неотъемлемой частью украинской политической сцены. После Революции достоинства, окуппации Крыма и продолжающейся российско-украинской войной, их влияние, как можно было предполагать, будет неуклонно снижаться. Однако, парламентские выборы 2019 г. демонстрируют обратную тенденцию, а созданной в 2018 году партии Оппозиционная платформа - За Жизнь, возглавляемая бывшими членами Партии регионов и людьми, близкими к Владимиру Путину, удалось победить национально-демократические партии. В данной статье предпринята попытка ответить на вопрос, используя теорию лингвистического конструктивизма, как Оппозиционная платформа - За Жизнь восстанавливает свое влияние в новой политической реальности в Украине, анализируя генезис пророссийских партий с момента обретения Украиной независимости, их политические программы и нарративы в медиасреде, которые создавались и дальше создаются пророссийскими партиями.