Suchergebnisse

This article try to observe if some concepts which was used in order to explain the changes in the western party systems can be use for the Romanian case too. We concentrate our analyze on the concept of "cartel party" and his emergence in the Romanian political space. The Democratic Party was chose as a study case because we think that this political organization illustrate very well our hypothesis that in the last years, in Romania we pass from a model of mass parties to catch-all parties and cartel parties. We must clarified that this concept of "cartel party" can be understood only if we have in mind that the hole party system is subjected to the same cartelization logic. The author focuses his analysis on the evolution of the Democratic Party between the two electoral moments of 2000 and 2004, whit a special attention on the modalities for establishing the lists of candidates, the discussion about the internal reforms and organization. An important part of the article is dedicated to the political migration of the members of Democratic Party, a very often practice for the Romanian political system.

Article shows how to change the public opinion of voters according to televised political leaders. Combining the results of monitoring television with opinion polls have shown the strategies they had TV stations in election campaigns and the effectiveness of these strategies.

A presente pesquisa se debruçou sobre o Ensaio Sem Stress, evento de bandas amadoras que ocorreu em São Lourenço da Mata de 2007 a 2014. O trabalho busca responder qual a motivação dos/as jovens para frequentar o evento; para isso, analisa as formas de interação e sociabilidade entre os/as frequentadores/as da festa; buscando compreender, por um lado, as semelhanças no gosto e estilos de vida; e, por outro lado, busca entender as hierarquias, a forma como surgem e como atuam. Analisa também de que maneira os vínculos de amizade regulam a "normalidade da interação" e atenuam as disputas entre os grupos hierarquizados. Ainda para atingir esse fim de pesquisa - a motivação do público para frequentar a festa - o trabalho analisa a relevância dos conteúdos do evento - as bandas e a possibilidade de lazer na cidade – para os/as frequentadores/as. Por fim, através dos códigos de conhecimento e comunicação compartilhados, as redes de relações, como de amizade e vizinhança; os vínculos em atividades e a relação travada com os equipamentos urbanos - a praça onde ocorria o evento e os bares próximos -, será buscado mostrar como a familiaridade dispersa em diferentes pontos da cidade é levada à praça. Em relação a todos esses elementos supracitados, serão discutidas as implicações para os resultados de pesquisa da relação subjetiva do autor/pesquisador com os aspectos da vida social investigados. Metodologicamente, o trabalho se vale da observação participante e entrevistas semiestruturadas.

Since 1992, in the wake of the first elections held in May 1990 and the adoption
of a Constitution in 1991, parliamentary and local elections have been held
every four years. Romanian electorate voted six times in presidential elections
and seven times in referenda (referenda were more numerous than the ones
organized during the whole modern history of the country). Reinvented in 1989,
Romanian political parties had to pass all these tests. The main purpose of the
article is to give a comprehensive, systematic and detailed view on Romanian
parties' performance, both in terms of votes and mandates. Therefore, data is
organized following four main criteria: legal status, the mobilization in electoral
competitions, parliamentary status, and participation to government.

This study consists in an analysis of the modern Romanian conservatism's evolution. Starting with the semantic definition of the term "conservative", the author sketches the circumstances of its use in the Romanian political language in the middle of the 19thcentury and later in political practice. The author highlights that in the 50's and the 60's decades of the 19th century there was a great interest in a precise definition of the term in the political vocabulary. It was the time when "conservative" together with its antonym "liberal" were two political terms just entering the political language. Also in Romania, the conservatism defined its identity from the ideas of natural progress, organic evolution, order and legality in the spirit of the ideas of E. Burke, already common in the political imagology of the European conservatism. At the beginning of the 20th century Romanian conservatives continued to use the specific vocabulary and ideas of the former century, trying to unveil the consequences of the forced modernisation of the country, so that later, after the First World War, to disappear as a party from the political stage; conservative doctrine persisted in a fragmentary form in the interwar period.

This article aims to analyze the party laws of the Southern Cone countries (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay) and the theoretical debate on the subject. The state regulations are not new in political world scene, with the first legislation being formulated after World War II. In the case of the Southern Cone countries, some nations had regulated party activities before their authoritarian periods, and party activities were taken over from the 1980s with new legislation that set new limits and allocations to political parties, changing their organizations and their activities. To accomplish this work there will be a qualitative analysis of party laws of five countries, focusing on their differences and similarities. In conclusion, it can be said that the five countries have different views of party activities and this is reflected in their laws, with some of them providing greater freedom for partisan activities than others ; Este artigo tem como objetivos analisar as legislações partidárias dos países que compõem o Cone Sul (Argentina, Brasil, Chile, Paraguai e Uruguai) e o debate teórico sobre o tema. As regulações estatais não são novidade no cenário político mundial com as primeiras legislações tendo sido formuladas logo após a Segunda Guerra Mundial. No caso dos países do Cone Sul, algumas nações tinham as atividades partidárias reguladas antes de seus períodos autoritários e as atividades partidárias foram retomadas a partir da década de 1980 com novas legislações que estabeleceram novos limites e atribuições aos partidos políticos alterando suas organizações e suas atividades. Para realizar este trabalho será realizada uma análise qualitativa das legislações partidárias dos cinco países, se concentrando em suas diferenças e semelhanças. Como conclusões, pode-se afirmar que os cinco países tem visões diferentes das atividades partidárias e isto reflete em suas legislações, com algumas fornecendo maior liberdade para a atuação partidária do que outras

This article is based on three hypotheses. First, the legal requirements for
establishing political parties in Romania are among the most restrictive in Europe.
Second, electoral participation decreased globaly during the last two decades;
however, when a party succeeded in registering and endorsed a non-ideological
position, the electoral participation slightly increased; so, if the legal requirements
will be relaxed, new parties might emerge and a greater participation to the
elections might be taken into consideration. Third, the current legal procedure
for registering political parties contradicts the constitutional provisions on the
freedom of association and the right to be elected. In the light of this findings, the
article suggest a revision of the current legislation.

The article explores the way political participation, representation and governance
are conceptualized and rationalized by the Romanian legislation on parties. The
plurality of parties was initially set up as a way to discipline and organize the
political pluralism manifest in society in order to contain it within the boundaries
imposed by the Constitution. This disciplinary vocation of parties was confirmed
and reinforced by the laws enacted in 1996 and 2003 that embedded parties into
a functional vision of democracy where they were explicitly endowed with
the public mission of ensuring the political integration of Romanian citizens.
The detailed rationalization of parties' mission to organize citizens' political
participation and to contain the expression of their political will contrasted
sharply with both the ambiguity of their governmental role within the "eclectic"
institutional design of the Constitution, and with their organizational friability.

The article presents an analysis of ethnography carried out in the scene of lesbian parties that take place in Downtown São Paulo, where an eroticized funk circulates, as well as interviews with participants of the scene during the Covid_19 pandemic. The field comprehends two parties: "Sarrada no Brejo" and "Fancha", (local funk brazilian parties). Based on the notion of local musicking, as well as locality, displacement and intersectionality I analyze the ways of how funk promotes an engagement among the participants, supporting the processes of transformation and identification that configure the lesbian, fat and black bodies. Observing funk music, the performance and the localities involved, I identify in this way of musicking a set of actions that resignify stereotypes and the body considered as an abject, transforming it into a political body through fun, occupation and creation of spaces. ; O artigo apresenta análise sobre etnografia realizada na cena de festas lésbicas que ocorrem no centro da cidade de São Paulo, por onde circula o funk com teor erotizado, como também sobre entrevistas realizadas com participantes da cena durante a pandemia de Covid-19. O campo abrange duas festas: a "Sarrada no Brejo" e a "Fancha". A partir da noção de musicar local, como também de localidade, deslocamentos e interseccionalidades, analiso os modos como o funk propicia um engajamento entre as participantes, auxiliando nos processos de transformação e identificação que configuram o corpo lésbico e, também, gordo e negro. Observando o funk, a performance e as localidades envolvidas, identifico nessa forma de musicar um conjunto de ações que ressignificam estereótipos e o corpo considerado abjeto, transformando-o num corpo político por meio da diversão, ocupação e criação de espaços.

OBJETIVO: analisar a ampliação do número de cursos de graduação em enfermagem nas últimas duas décadas, frente ao movimento de expansão da educação superior no Brasil. Metodologia: foi realizada pesquisa documental sobre os marcos legais, que impulsionaram esse movimento, e pesquisa quantitativa, que descreveu a expansão do número de cursos de enfermagem. Os dados foram analisados por meio da análise temática (qualitativos) e da estatística descritiva (quantitativos). RESULTADOS: o discurso político-ideológico, presente nos documentos normativos que apontam a educação superior como possibilidade de transformação da realidade social, não vem se refletindo na área da enfermagem. A expansão dos cursos de enfermagem vem se dando de maneira desordenada, concentrada no setor privado e com desigualdade geográfica na distribuição desses cursos. CONCLUSÃO: não se observa preocupação com as necessidades locais, com a articulação entre o ensino, a pesquisa e extensão, fato esse que compromete a qualidade da formação das futuras enfermeiras. ; OBJECTIVE: This study analyzed the increase in the number of undergraduate nursing courses during the last two decades due to the expansion of higher education in Brazil. METHOD: A records-based research concerning the legal frameworks that have driven this movement and a quantitative research that described the increase in the number of professional nursing courses. Data were analyzed using thematic content analysis (qualitative) and descriptive statistics (quantitative). RESULTS: the political-ideological argument present in the regulatory documents, which points out higher education as a possibility to change the current social scenario, has not been reflected in the professional nursing field. The expansion of nursing courses has been unfolding in a disorderly manner and is concentrated in the private sector, with geographical inequality in the distribution of these courses. CONCLUSION: There does not seem to be a concern with the local needs and with a connection among education, research and extension, which compromises the quality of the education provided to future nurses. ; Introducción: Este estudio analizó la ampliación del número de cursos de pregrado en enfermería en las últimas dos décadas ante el movimiento de expansión de la educación superior en Brasil. MÉTODO: Fue desarrollada una investigación documental sobre los marcos legales que impulsaron ese movimiento y una investigación cuantitativa que describió la expansión del número de cursos de enfermería. Los datos fueron analizados a través del análisis temático (cualitativos) y de la estadística descriptiva (cuantitativos). RESULTADOS: El discurso político-ideológico presente en los documentos normativos que indican la educación superior como posibilidad de transformación de la realidad social no se viene reflejando en el área de enfermería. La expansión de los cursos de enfermería está ocurriendo de manera desordenada, concentrada en el sector privado y con desigualdad geográfica en la distribución de esos cursos. CONCLUSÍON: No se observa una preocupación con las necesidades locales, con la articulación entre la enseñanza, investigación y extensión. Ese hecho compromete la calidad de la formación de las futuras enfermeras.

No final de 2019, para assinalar os 20 anos da publicação de Império, os seus autores, Michael Hardt (académico) e Antonio Negri (filósofo e ativista político, tendo estado preso por alegadamente pertencer às Brigadas Vermelhas), escreveram um ensaio na New Left Review, onde olham para as diferenças entre as épocas e analisam a forma como o processo de globalização se desenvolveu. O livro, pode afirmar-se, mantém-se atual na sua ideia-chave, já que a globalização continua, cada vez mais, a pontuar a ordem mundial. O seu desenvolvimento é mais dissimulado e, por conseguinte, mais eficaz. As forças de dominação e o controlo da ordem global de forma alguma diminuíram, apesar da posição muitas vezes histriónica dos ideólogos da soberania nacional. ; In the end of 2019, in order to celebrate 20 years of the publication of the book Empire, its authors, Michael Hardt (scholar) and Antonio Negri (philosopher and political activist, who was arrested for allegedly being a member of the Red Brigades), wrote an essay for New Left Review, in which they analysed different eras and the process of globalisation. One might say that the book's key idea kept absolutely current because globalisation is increasingly more on the agenda. Its development is more dissimulated, hence more effective. The dominant forces and the control exerted by the global order have not subsided in any way, regardless of the often histrionic positioning of national sovereignty ideologists.