Magistrsko delo obravnava uporabo drog v sklopu nočnega življenja v Sloveniji, pri čemer se osredotoča predvsem na after partije. Uporabo drog in after partije obravnava kot specifičen vidik obiskovanja nočnega življenja, pri čemer izhaja iz teze, da ju je treba razumeti sociološko in v širšem družbenem kontekstu. Ker je fenomen after partija na splošno še neraziskan, delo najprej opredeli njegove specifike in značilnosti obiskovanja after partijev. Nato posebej obravnava značilnosti uporabe drog na after partiju, predvsem vzorce uporabe drog, razliko med vzorci uporabe drog na after partijih in partijih ter identificira subjektivne razloge za uporabo drog na after partijih. Nadalje delo razpravlja o možnih tveganjih, ki jih prinaša obiskovanje after partijev in uporaba drog na njih, ter o občutenih posledicah obiskovanja after partijev, ki so lahko bodisi negativne ali pozitivne. Na podlagi identificiranih tveganj delo obravnava ukrepe za zmanjševanje škode, pri tem pa identificira ukrepe, ki jih sogovorniki pogosto uporabljajo in so jih prepoznali kot potrebne, ter ukrepe, ki bi si jih sogovorniki želeli. Na podlagi rezultatov raziskave magistrsko delo ugotavlja, da se after partiji realno in simbolno razlikujejo od ostalih vidikov nočnega življenja, prav tako pa se razlikujejo značilni vzorci uporabe drog ter s tem povezana tveganja in posledice. Kot ugotavlja raziskava, so zaradi drugačnih tveganj in posledic za after partije potrebni tudi posebni ukrepi zmanjševanja škode, zato naloga v sklepnem delu predlaga nekaj možnih ukrepov zmanjševanja škode za after partije. ; This work discusses the use of drugs in the context of nightlife in Slovenia, focusing primarily on after parties. Both the use of drugs and the after parties are analysed as a specific part of nightlife, arguing that this phenomena need to be understood sociologically and in a broader social context. Because after party as a phenomenon has not yet been thoroughly researched, this work first defines its characteristics and analyses the specificities of attending such events. The use of drugs during after parties is also discussed, focusing specifically on the patterns of drug use, on the difference between the patterns of drug use during parties and after parties, and on the subjective reasons for the use of drugs. Moreover, the work discusses the possible risks of attending after parties and of drug use as well as the consequences that visitors of after parties recognise as either negative or positive. On the basis of the recognised risks, this work further discusses the harm reduction measures, identifying those measures that are often used and recognised as necessary by the participants and those measures that the participants recognised as needed. This work argues that after parties differ from the rest of the nightlife on actual and symbolic level and that they are characterised by specific patterns of drug use as well as specific risks and consequences. Due to these inherent specificities, it is maintained that particular strategies of harm reduction need to be implemented. Some possible harm reduction measures for after parties are hence proposed.
Evropski parlament je politično telo, ki že dolgo časa razdvaja javnost. Njegovi nasprotniki po eni strani trdijo, da je tako politično in kulturno heterogen organ nezmožen učinkovitega delovanja, po drugi strani pa naj bi evropski poslanci hitro izgubili stik s svojimi volivci ter glasovali predvsem tako, kot jim to naročijo vodje skupin. Zanimalo nas je, če evropski poslanci glasujejo dovolj avtomatično in predvidljivo, da bi lahko rezultate glasovanj uspešno napovedovali z modelom strojnega učenja. Da smo zmanjšali časovno kompleksnost smo se odločili za napovedovaje rezultatov glasovanj po političnih strankah. Najprej smo implementirali spletne pajke, s katerimi smo pridobili čim več rezultatov glasovanj in z njimi povezanih podatkov. Iz teh smo nato z interdisciplinarno kombinacijo metod podatkovnega rudarjenja ter strokovnega geopolitičnega znanja izluščili značilke in zgradili model. Rezultati so pokazali približno 80% uspešnost napovedovanja rezultatov glasovanj (uteženi oceni f1 in roc-auc). Napovedovanje je bilo bistveno bolj uspešno pri strankah s proevropsko,liberalno in globalistično politično usmeritvijo kot to velja za evroskeptične, ekonomsko socialne in nacionalistične stranke. S tem smo dodatno podprli tezo o obstoju in pomembnosti nove nacionalistično-globalistične politične delitve. Poleg tega predstavlja problem tudi razred vzdržanih glasovanj, ki ga je težko napovedati že s pomočjo človeške inteligence. ; European parliament is the major political legislative body of the EU that causes divides in public opinion since its beginning. While some of its opponents usually point out its political and culutural heterogenity as a major weakness and cause of inability to function eciently, others claim that MEPs often quickly lose their connection with voters and vote mainly as it is directed to them by the leaders of their politival groups. We wanted to nd out if MEPs voting patterns are predictable enough to be successfully predicted with machine-learning based computer model. To reduce time complexity of the problem we rather focused on joint votes of (national) political parties than individual MEPs. At rst we implemented web crawlers that we used to extract as many roll-call voting oriented data as we can. Than we combined data mining with expert geopolitcal approach to extract the features and build a model for voting prediction. Our predictions were overall nearly 80% successful (weighted f1, roc-auc), however results vary greatly between political groups. It became clear that we could easily predict votes of coallition parties with liberal-globalist political orientation while eurosceptic, economic social and nationalist parties seemed to be much more unpredictable. With that information we further backed the importance of the new nationalist-globalist political cleavage. A challenge to the model presents also a class of votes of abstention, which is hard to successfully predict even with expert human-knowledge.
Magistrsko delo obravnava vpliv migracij na vzpon podpore ekstremističnim političnim strankam v EU. Toksična kombinacija evroskepticizma, dolgega obdobja gospodarske stagnacije in najhujše migrantske krize od konca druge svetovne vojne je vodila do povečanja nestrpnosti državljanov EU do migrantov, percepcije ogroženosti lastne države in EU, s tem pa tudi do raztezanja vzpona desnih ekstremističnih političnih strank po celotni celini. Raziskovalni cilj predstavlja analiza povezanosti njihovega vzpona v EU s predpostavljenim najmočnejšim pojasnjevalnim dejavnikom, tj. stopnja liberalizacije oziroma odprtosti migracijske politike posameznih držav, od česar je odvisno število sprejetih migrantov. Pri tem sem uporabila metode analize primarnih in sekundarnih virov, vključujoč uradne statistike, ter javnomnenjske in mednarodne primerjalne raziskave prepričanj in delovanja posameznikov. Na njihovi podlagi potrjujem porast migrantskega staleža in desnih ekstremističnih tendenc v EU ter hkrati tudi obstoj korelacije. Z izjemo Malte, Portugalske, Romunije, Slovenije, Hrvaške, Španije ter Irske, v katerih desne ekstremistične politične stranke niso prepoznane. Vpliv migracij na volilne rezultate se zaradi individualnih nacionalnih značilnosti posameznih držav članic EU izraža različno, zato posledično zavračam možnost predpostavljenih jasnih linearnih vzporednic. ; The master thesis addresses the issue of migration's impact on the rise of support for extremist political parties in the EU. The toxic combination of Euroscepticism, the long period of economic stagnation and the worst migrant crisis since the end of the Second World War has led to an increase of EU citizens' intolerance against migrants, the perception of the threat to their own country and the EU, as well as the extension of the rise of right-wing extremist political parties throughout the continent. The research objective is to analyse the correlation of their rise in the EU with the presumed strongest explanatory factor, i.e. the degree of liberalization or openness of the migration policy in individual countries, on which depends the number of migrants accepted. In doing so, methods of analysing primary and secondary sources, including official statistics, opinion polls and international comparative research on the beliefs and actions of individuals, were used. On their basis, I confirm the growth of the migrant stock and the right extremist tendencies in the EU, and at the same time the existence of a correlation. With the exception of Malta, Portugal, Romania, Slovenia, Croatia, Spain and Ireland, where the right-wing extremist political parties are not recognized. The impact of migration on election results is reflected differently due to individual national characteristics of EU Member States, consequently I reject the possibility of assuming clear linear parallels.
Risk in banking business can not be avoided because the latter is strongly embedded in the very nature of it and banks should therefore be aware of the importance of effective risk management, encompassing the identification, measurement and assessment of each type of risk. Risk management can be important source of gaining competitive advantage and a way to survive in the world of banking. One of the most important risk in bank is the credit risk. Credit risk can be defined as the potential that a bank borrower or counterparty will fail to meet its obligations. The goal of credit risk management is to maximise bank´s risk-adjusted rate of return by maintaining credit risk exposure within acceptable parameters. Banks need to manage the credit risk inherent in the entire portfolio as well as the risk in invidual credits of transaction. Banks should also consider the relationships between credit risk and other risks. The effective management of credit risk is a comprehensive component of a comprehensive approach to risk management and essential to the long-term success of bank. Risk management is usualy regulated by bank directives, prescriptions, where the most important in Slovenia is the Law about banking with under law acts.
The paper deals with the organizational model of political parties created by Italian political scientist Angelo Panebianco. For presentation of this, outside Italian academic discourse, an 'unknown' model is necessary to briefly describe the whole organizational theory and to introduce the review of this model. After that we examine the applicability of Panebianco's scheme on the structural transformation of communist political parties at the end of 1980s. This suitability will be measured on the case example of the Italian Communist Party (PCI). The PCI was historically the strongest and most influential communist party outside the Soviet bloc and that is why it is convenient to apply the organizational model to the organizational changes of the PCI during its transformation. We also define five main criteria of these changes and their compatibility with the Panebianco's model. Thus the main aim of this paper is to prove the suitability of the organizational model not only to the structural transformation of the Italian communists but using this case example also to the universal transformation of the communist parties in the western world. Adapted from the source document.
Predstavniška demokracija se je v zgodovini soočala s številnimi izzivi. Kljub temu da je izjemno fleksibilen pojav in da se je ob pojavu krize poskuša prilagoditi, pa se zaradi krize predstavniške demokracije pojavljajo različne ideologije. Osnovni namen dela je predstaviti razvoj predstavniške demokracije in populizem kot pojav, ki je nastal kot posledica težav znotraj predstavniške demokracije. V prvem delu bodo prikazani predstavniška demokracija, različni modeli ter ključni aparati predstavniške demokracije. V drugem delu sledijo kazalci krize predstavniške demokracije v Evropi ter izzivi, s katerimi se sooča. V zadnjem delu bo govora o ideologiji populizma, ki je predvsem v zadnjih dveh desetletjih doživel razcvet, zlasti v evropskih državah. S primerjavo levičarskega populističnega primera in desničarskega populističnega primera bo laže razumeti koncept populizma, ki ima v evropskem prostoru velik pomen. Ugotovili smo, da je populizem pomemben člen demokracije, in sicer predvsem na področjih participacije in mobilizacije ljudi. Populizem na oblasti pokaže drug obraz, takrat lahko postane dejavnik, ki kakovost demokracije slabša. ; Representative democracy has faced many challenges in the past. Despite the fact that it is an extremely flexible phenomenon and that it seeks to adjust in the event of a crisis, various ideologies occur because of the crisis of representative democracy. The main purpose of the master's thesis is to present the development of representative democracy and populism as a phenomenon that emerged as a result of problems within representative democracy. In the first part representative democracy, various models and key apparatus of representative democracy will be presented. The second part shows the indicators of the crisis of representative democracy in Europe and the challenges it faces. In the final part, we will discuss the ideology of populism, which has been booming particularly in the last two decades and especially in European countries. By comparing the left-wing populist example and the right-wing populist example, it will be easier to understand the concept of populism, which has great significance in the European area. We have found that populism is an important part of democracy, especially in the fields of participation and mobilization of people. Populism in power shows another face, then it can become a factor that worsenes the quality of democracy.
Namen magistrskega dela je bilo proučiti stanje ozaveščenosti glede sistema navzkrižne skladnosti. Ravno tako je bil namen proučiti možnosti poenotenja postopkov v izvajanju sistema, identificirati dobre prakse med deležniki in jih kot skupek dobrih praks, združenih v smernice, predstaviti vsem deležnikom, z namenom postati učinkovitejši v upravljanju kontrolnih sistemov. Pri tem smo kot osnovo za izboljšanje sistema analizirali izvedbeni model obstoječega sistema navzkrižne skladnosti, proučili akreditacijska merila, ki jih mora izpolnjevati plačilna agencija in jih nadgradili z zahtevami novega standarda ISO 9001:2015. Pri standardizaciji procesov smo sledili merilom, ki prispevajo k učinkovitejšemu upravljanju kontrolnih sistemov in ugotovitve združili v prepoznane pomanjkljivosti sistema ter predloge za izboljšanje delovanja modela za dosego večje učinkovitosti sistema vodenja in uspešnejšega izvajanja sistema. Precizen odgovor na učinkovito upravljanje nadzora je v raziskavi opredeljen kot rezultat primerljivosti ugotovitev rednih sistemskih kontrol izven sistema subvencij z ugotovitvami kontrol v subvencijskem modelu. Ugotovili smo, da idejna zasnova modela deluje, vendar pa je mogoče z uporabo predlogov izboljšav obstoječega modela in odpravo izpostavljenih pomanjkljivosti učinkovitejše upravljati kontrolne sisteme znotraj skupne kmetijske politike. V okviru magistrskega dela smo izvedli kvalitativno raziskavo s pomočjo intervjujev z udeleženci vodstvenega in operativnega nivoja deležnikov modela ter s kvantitativno raziskavo. Ta je temeljila na spletnem vprašalniku, posredovanem kmetijskim svetovalcem, kmetom in potrošnikom. Na osnovi raziskave, izvedene z deležniki modela navzkrižne skladnosti, smo ugotovili, da je bistvenega pomena za uspešno skupno politiko uskladitev ciljev kmetijske, okoljske in naravovarstvene politike, ki s svojim zakonodajnim okvirjem, smernicami in ukrepi bodisi neposredno bodisi posredno vplivajo na področje navzkrižne skladnosti. Te s svojim zakonodajnim okvirjem, smernicami in ukrepi bodisi neposredno bodisi posredno vplivajo na področje navzkrižne skladnosti. Izkoristiti je potrebno prožnost politik na ravni EU kot tudi specifike naše države ter postaviti jasno srednje ročno in daljno ročno strategijo kmetijstva, z načrtovanimi in ciljno naravnanimi ukrepi, ki jih podpirajo vse ključne politike in so v interesu kmetov ter hkrati dovolj stabilni v času. Usmerjenost k temu cilju bo privedla do skladnosti s standardi, trajnostnega razvoja kmetijstva, kakor tudi večje združljivosti skupne kmetijske politike s pričakovanji kritične družbe na splošno. Navedeni elementi so bili prepoznani kot cilji politike navzkrižne skladnosti. ; The purpose of the Master thesis was to examine the state of awareness of the cross-compliance system. It was also intended to examine the possibility of standardization of the system implementation procedures, to identify best practices among shareholders and to present these to all shareholders as a set of good practices joined in guidelines, in order to become more efficient in the management of control systems. The implementation model of the existing cross-compliance system was analyzed as a basis for the improvement of the system. Furthermore, the accreditation criteria to be met by a paying agency were also examined and upgraded with the requirements of the new ISO 9001: 2015. The criteria that contribute to more effective management of control systems were followed during the standardization processes. In order to achieve greater effectiveness of the management system and more effective implementation of the system the findings were combined in the identified deficiencies of the system and proposals for improving the functioning of the model. Within the study the precise answer to the effective management of controls is defined as a result of the comparability between findings based on regular system checks outside the subsidy system and findings of controls in the subsidy model. As established the concept of the model is in place. However, with the application of proposed improvements of the existing model and the elimination of the exposed weaknesses the control systems within the Common Agricultural Policy could be managed more effectively. In the framework of the Master thesis the quantitative survey and the qualitative research were carried out, the latest through interviews with managerial and operational level of shareholders model. The quantitative survey was based on an online questionnaire submitted to agricultural advisers, farmers and consumers. The results of the research conducted with shareholders of the cross-compliance model showed that harmonization of objectives concerning agricultural, environmental and conservation policy is essential for a successful common policy. The legislative frameworks, guidelines and measures of the above mentioned policies have either direct or indirect influence on the scope of cross-compliance. It is necessary to take advantage of the flexibility of policies at EU level as well as the specifics of our country and to set clear medium term and long-term agriculture strategy, with planned and targeted measures that are supported by all key policies, in the interests of the farmers and sufficiently stable in time. Direction towards this goal will lead to the compliance with standards, the sustainable development of agriculture and will make Common Agricultural Policy more compatible with the expectations of critical society in general. These elements are identified as the cross-compliance policy objectives.
Na volilni sistem lahko gledamo kot na proces, ki ga razdelimo na fazo kandidiranja, fazo glasovanja in fazo ugotavljanja izida glasovanja. Fazo kandidiranja lahko opredelimo kot volitve pred dejanskimi volitvami, saj se že v tem delu izmed vseh, ki izpolnjujejo pogoje pasivne volilne pravice, izbere manjše število kandidatov, med katerimi lahko volivci v naslednji fazi glasujejo. Pogoji kandidiranja pri predsedniških volitvah na eni strani zagotavljajo, da se volilne tekme udeležijo najbolj kredibilni in zaupanja vredni posamezniki, na drugi strani pa poskrbijo, da se izloči tiste, ki že v tej fazi uživajo premajhno podporo in nimajo niti najmanjše možnosti za izvolitev. Ti pogoji so navadno višji kot pri drugih državnih ali lokalnih volitvah. Primerjalno gledano sta najbolj značilna pogoja višja starost in državljanstvo, ki ju mora izpolnjevati kandidat ob podpori, ki je predpisana z določenim številom podpisov ali denarnim depozitom. Kot predlagateljice nastopajo predvsem tri skupine, in sicer politične stranke, člani parlamenta in volivci. Lahko pride tudi do kombinacije med dvema ali vsemi predlagatelji. Če za parlamentarne volitve velja prevlada političnih strank kot predlagateljev, je pri predsedniških volitvah drugače, saj se daje več poudarka članom parlamenta in volivcem. Za razliko od večine evropskih držav Republika Slovenija ne predpisuje strožjih omejitev za predsedniške kandidate, ampak določa enake pogoje za pridobitev pasivne in aktivne volilne pravice, pri tem pa lahko kandidata predlagajo politične stranke, poslanci državnega zbora in volivci. Volilni predpisi pa prepovedujejo, da bi lahko nekdo bil hkrati kandidat za Predsednika republike in za poslanca Državnega zbora ali člana Državnega sveta in je lahko na to funkcijo izvoljen največ dvakrat zaporedoma. ; Electoral system can be determined as a process that is divided into the phase of nomination, the voting phase and the phase that indentifies the results of voting. A smaller number of candidates that are eligible for election is selected in the phase of nominaton and among those voters can vote in the next phase. That is why nomination phase can be defined as the elections before actual elections. The conditions in the nomination phase on one hand ensure that the most credible and trusted individuals take part in elections and on the other hand the conditions eliminate those who do not have enough support and do not even have the slightest chance of being elected. These conditions are usually higher than in any other national or local elections. In comparative terms, most typical conditions are higher age and citizenship and those conditions must be met by a candidate, who also needs a support which is prescribed by a certain number of signatures or cash deposit. The proposers are mainly three groups – political parties, members of parliament and voters. There may also be a combination between two or all of the proposers. Unlike in parliamentary elections where political parties dominate as proposers, in the presidential election voters and members are more important proposers than political parties. Unlike most European countries Republic of Slovenia does not prescribe stricter limits for presidential candidates but stipulates the same conditions for obtaining the right to stand and right to vote. Candidates can be nominated by political parties, deputies of the national assembly and voters. The electoral regulations prohibit that one may be a candidate for the president of the republic and a member of the national assembly or a member of the national council at the same time. No one can be elected as the President of the Republic of Slovenia more than twice in a row.
The Law Amending the General Administrative Procedure Act refers to a variety of provisions. New solutions should contribute to a more rapid, more efficient and more cost-effective procedure. Primarily due to elimination of the inconsistent use of individual provisions in practice, the amending law regulates more definitely the issues of authorizing the persons to manage and make decisions at different decision-making levels in administrative procedures in municipalities. The law also develops electronic operations and it especially amends the electronic service provisions. There is a fairly large number of amendments in the Service Chapter. And an important novelty needs to be emphasized. This is the institute of the waiver of the right to appeal which the General Administrative Procedure Act did not know. However, it is well-known in foreign legal regulations and in the Construction Act adopted in our country. Adapted from the source document.
Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties' political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties' choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes. ; Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties' political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties' choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes. ; Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties' political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties' choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes. ; Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties' political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties' choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes. ; Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties' political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties' choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes. ; V luči pojava skrajno desne in populistične retorike v Evropi, ki je bila zlasti posledica migrantske krize leta 2015, ter rasističnega in ksenofobnega diskurza, ki je bil premnogokrat odgovor nanjo, članek podaja multimodalno analizo političnih sloganov in plakatov slovenskih strank, ki so na državnozborskih volitvah leta 2018 osvojile parlamentarne sedeže. Volitve so bile namreč poleg osredotočanja na problematike, lastne slovenski politični krajini, prežete z govorom o tem, kako se spopasti z izzivi, s katerimi se sooča Evropa. Cilj raziskave je preučiti, katerih jezikovnih in vizualnih sredstev so se posluževale stranke na najrazličnejših straneh političnega spektra in ali bi lahko za nekatere elemente dejali, da so značilni za določeno politično usmerjenost. Kratkemu pregledu slovenskih strankarskih dinamik in pogojev, ki so pripomogli k njihovemu razvoju, sledi analiza političnih kampanj strank. Zavzemši držo politične analize diskurza se prvi del osredotoča na leksikalne in skladenjske odločitve strank v političnih sloganih in na podporno slikovno gradivo, medtem ko je drugi del namenjen jezikoslovni analizi načina, kako politične stranke v svojih predvolilnih programih naslavljajo pet glavnih tem: pokojnine, korupcijo, finance, zdravstvo in varnost. Njihova stališča in razlike med njimi glede na politično usmerjenost so ponazorjene z izbranimi izseki iz strankarskih programov.
This article deals with the European integration policy of the Holy See from the 1950s until the resignation of Benedict XVI at the beginning of 2013. The goal of the study is to describe the integration policies of individual popes in the context of political science theories. In the first half of the study we will briefly introduce the major typologies of political science for the study of integration policies of political parties. From the list of the existing approaches, we choose the typology of Petr Kaniok as the most appropriate for this study. In the second half of the study, individual popes are classified according to the framework of Kaniok's typology. The goal of the study is not only to investigate the major moves in the integration policy of the Holy See, but also to utilize a theoretical approach traditionally used for the study of political parties on the issue of the Holy See. Adapted from the source document.
Avtorica v magistrskem delu obravnava vpliv Listine Evropske unije o temeljnih pravicah na upravni postopek v državah članicah. V začetku prikaže razvoj varstva temeljnih pravic v okviru Skupnosti, zatem podrobneje predstavi temeljne značilnosti Listine ter povzame ugotovitve o uporabi Listine v državah članicah, ki izhajajo iz poročil o temeljnih pravicah Agencije Evropske unije za temeljne pravice. Že v začetnih poglavjih na relevantnih mestih opozori na prednosti in slabosti Listine, ki bi utegnile vplivati na upravni postopek. V nadaljevanju se posveti kritični obravnavi vpliva, ki ga imata na nacionalni upravni postopek dve najbolj procesno naravnani pravici iz Listine, in sicer pravica do dobrega upravljanja (41. člen Listine) in pravica do učinkovitega pravnega sredstva in nepristranskega sodišča (47. člen Listine). Nato na primerih iz sodne prakse Sodišča Evropske unije in nacionalnih sodišč prikaže, kako Listina vpliva na ugotovitveni postopek, obveznosti upravnih organov pred izdajo odločbe, možnost sodne kontrole nad upravnimi akti ter na pravnomočno zaključene zadeve. ; The thesis examines the impact of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union on the administrative procedure in Member States. In the introductory chapters, the developments in the protection of fundamental rights within the European Communities are outlined and the main features of the Charter are presented in greater detail. The key findings on the application of the Charter in the Member States are drawn from the annual fundamental rights reports that are prepared by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights. Throughout the entire thesis, strengths and weaknesses of the Charter that would have a significant impact on the administrative procedure are referenced where relevant. Further on, the Author critically examines the impact of the right to good administration (article 41 EU Charter) and the right to an effective remedy and to a fair trial (article 47 EU Charter), both of procedural character, on the national administrative procedure. Finally, referring to examples acquired from the recent case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union and national case law, the Author demonstrates how the Charter impacts the fact assessment procedure, the obligations of administrative bodies throughout the proceeding, the possibility of judicial review of administrative action and the impact on final administrative decisions.
This study concentrates on the analysis of social structure of medieval society and accordingly on the acquisition of knowledge (1) about their orderliness, (2) inner processes (3) and least partially their influence on the process of formation of West civilization. In the next sequence article deals with development medieval structure in the context Elias civilization's theory as well as and closely knots on the inquiry of distinguished contemporary medievalists, mainly G. Duby, J. le Goff, A. Gurevič, F. Cardini, M. Bloch, etc. In addition, submitted study focuses on deeply understanding specific structure of medieval society through application binary and dichotomous approaches, theory of three orders, also theory of feudalization. In the end the research is attending on the phenomena of knighthood and the process of formation of the courtly society.
Mediacija je postopek alternativnega reševanja sporov, ki je primerna za skoraj vse vrste sporov, v katerih si stranke želijo obdržati nadzor nad procesom ter izidom njihovega spora. Mediator namreč ne sprejme končne odločitve v postopku, temveč strankam le pomaga, da najdejo skupni jezik, se zbližajo v stališčih in rešitev najdejo same. Pri tem pa mediatorju pomagajo mediacijske tehnike. Mediacijske tehnike so osnova in bistvo mediatorjevega dela, brez njihove uporabe pa je situacija ista, kot če bi se pogovarjali stranki sami brez mediatorja, saj je mediatorjev prispevek zanemarljiv. Osnovni mediacijski tehniki sta aktivno poslušanje ter povzemanje, zanemarljiva pa niso niti ločena srečanja, ki so hkrati ena izmed največjih prednosti mediacijskega postopka v primerjavi s pravdnim. Čeprav se na papirju zdi enostavna, je uporaba mediacijskih tehnik v praksi vse prej kot preprosta, vendar pa lahko z njihovo pravilno, natančno ter vztrajno uporabo dober mediator doseže, da so stranke pripravljene na prilagajanje in popuščanje. Uporaba tehnik je nujna tako v pravdnih kot gospodarskih mediacijah, kot tudi v drugih vrstah spora, pri tem pa je nujno slediti strankam ter ne »prehitevati«. Tudi sicer je mediacija postopek, ki je namenjen bolj strankam kot njihovim pravnim pooblaščencem, v kolikor pa so ti vseeno prisotni, je zaželeno, da sodelujejo z mediatorjem in ne otežujejo njegovega dela. Sodelovanje je mišljeno v smislu naklonjenosti dogovarjanju in poravnavanju ter spodbujanju strank k iskanju mirnih, stroškovno ugodnih ter predvsem bolj trdnih rešitev. Dogovor, sprejet v mediaciji, je namreč praviloma bolj trden in spoštovan, kot če je vsiljen s strani tretje osebe. ; Mediation is a process of alternative dispute resolution that is suitable for almost all types of disputes where parties want to have control over the process of resolution and the eventual outcome. The role of a mediator is not to arbitrate, but to facilitate discourse and mutual understanding between parties, and to assist them in negotiating a settlement. The essence of a mediator's work are mediation techniques. Without them, the process of mediation is reduced to parties attempting to resolve a conflict on their own, making a mediator's contribution negligible. Besides listening and summarizing, one of the most important techniques are separate meetings, which is also one of the biggest advantages of mediation over litigation. These mediation techniques seem simple in theory, but are difficult to apply in practice. By using them correctly, thoroughly, and persistently, a skilled mediator can steer parties towards being more agreeable and willing to compromise. The use of mediation techniques is necessary in both civil and commercial proceedings, as well as in other types of disputes. In using them, a mediator should always follow each party's lead and not rush the process. Mediation is designed for the benefit of parties themselves and not for their attorneys. If attorneys are present, they should cooperate with the mediator by being open to agreements and settlements, and by encouraging parties to reach peaceful, affordable, and firm solutions. Solutions reached with mediation namely tend to be firmer and are more likely to be respected than the ones imposed by a judge or someone else.
