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The 'Scientific Development Concept', promulgated by Hu Jintao in 2007 articulated the increased eminence of social development in official ideology. The shift from political and economic objectives towards social factors can be explained by growing concerns over the current negative externalities of China's economic growth, the long and midterm sustainability of its economic development model and the implications thereof for social stability and political legitimacy. An immediate priority has been to formulate and implement a response to mitigate the disruptive effects of the transition to a market economy. Such a response must cover a wide array of social issues, ranging from provision of health, education and infrastructure, pension to unemployment insurance and poverty alleviation. The welfare issue is characterized by high degrees of complexity and interdependency between endogenous factors and exogenous political and economic variables. Improvements are further confounded by the high decentralization of administration, regional disparities and the sheer size of operations. Although progress has been made on most fronts, it remains to be seen whether recent initiatives will prove sufficient to meet China's social challenges. In this paper, I provide a summary of the academic literature on post-reform development of the welfare system. I will give an overview of its most salient problems, initiatives and their preliminary outcomes. Finally, I will present some concluding remarks and provide suggestions for future research.

The following conversation took place in Lisbon, April 2012, and gathered many students and researchers from both Portugal and Spain. The conversation was first directed by our own questions and we then opened the floor for discussion, taking some questions from the audience. The subjects discussed ranged from Scott's participation in the Perestroika Movement in Political Science to his critique of the State and the concept of high-modernism (see Seeing like a State – How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed, Scott's 1998 book). The conversation also included his perspectives on resistance and their relation to contributions made by authors such as E.P. Thompson, Michel Foucault, and Pierre Clastres, among others. Finally, we also discussed the possibility of an "anarchist turn" in social sciences and came to know Scott's law of anarchist calisthenics, and some hints about his new book, Two Cheers for Anarchism: Six Easy Pieces on Autonomy, Dignity, and Meaningful Work and Play (2012).1

The left-wing Pink Tide movement that swept across Latin America seems now to be overturned, as a new wave of free-market thinkers emerge across the continent. This book analyses the emergence of corporate power within Latin America and the response of egalitarian movements across the continent trying to break open the constraints of the state. Through an ethnographically grounded and localized anthropological perspective, this book argues that at a time when the regular structures of political participation have been ruptured, the Latin American context reveals multiple expressions of egalitarian movements that strive (and sometimes momentarily manage) to break through the state's apparatus.

In the social policy debate, fundamentally different ideas prevail about the interlinkages between such key variables as employment, low pay, social transfers and poverty. This paper presents basic empirical evidence on the validity of these ideas and the policy prescriptions that follow from them, mainly drawing on cross-country comparative analysis. We show that clear and striking cross-country correlations prevail, but not, as is often so readily suggested, between low pay (wage compression) and employment performance, or between employment performance and poverty. Instead we find a strong and positive cross-country correlation between the incidence of low pay and the incidence of relative poverty, and we also find a strong but negative cross-country correlation between the level of social spending and the incidence of poverty. In addition, the incidence of low wage employment and social expenditure are also strongly and (negatively) related. We examine these correlations in more depth, particularly the link between the level of social spending and poverty. Since there is such a clear and strong negative link between the level of social expenditure and the level of poverty, it is tempting to think that more social spending offers an easy route to less poverty. However, a simple simulation exercise using Luxemburg Income Study data from the mid 90's suggests that putting more money in social transfer systems as they currently exist in the EU would not have positive outcomes on poverty rates in all countries. The final section of the papers sets out an agenda for further research.

This paper critiques Jared Angira's poetry, and the ideology it manifests with a view to interrogating the "Marxist" label scholars attach to him. Although justifications abound for the prevailing perspectives on Angira's ideology as "Marxist", they are limited in their subconscious reinforcement of the traditional white-supremacist image-branding of Africa in terms of deficiency and inferiority. In further contributing to the decolonisation of knowledge generation and consumption in the Global South, the paper interprets these views as theoretically misleading and ideologically incorrect. It adopts the contrary position that Angira is an African Revolutionary Egalitarian, thus paving way for the appreciation of his uniquely African contribution to endogenous knowledge production and the intellectual armoury of African political ideas. Though African Revolutionary Egalitarianism, a term we coin to try and apprehend the ideology we read in Angira's poetry, has Marxist inclinations, in contexture, it is not Marxism. Angira's poems are the primary data. Besides critical evaluations on the primary texts, knowledge situated around the general context of contemporary African ideological paradigms and knowledge systems constitutes secondary data. Knowledge on the broad range of historical factors, experiences and contours which shape Angira's worldview, personality and writing also constitute an essential category of secondary data.

Why are architects facing a lasting crisis of legitimacy in democratic countries, whereas in most of them the use of architects is laid down by law? It can be seen that the organisation of design and project management work today takes on the features of a competitive partnership with an egalitaristic trend. This is the result of the crisis in the profession of architect, which is mainly due to the erosion of the architect's powers vis-à-vis other actors. This fact does not fail to mention a tocquevillien paradigm: the passion of equality in democratic societies tends to eliminate differences in status. The relevance of the paradigm is assessed by comparing the perverse effects described by the building actors with the consequences of egalitarism predicted by Tocqueville. Finally, the article wonders why the equalitarian phenomenon affected architects only from the second half of the 20th century. ; International audience Why are architects faced with a long-standing crisis of legitimacy in democratic countries, even though going to an architect is required by law in most of these countries? Design work and project management have now turned into a competitive partnership within an egalitarian trend. The crisis of the architectural profession results from the undermining of architects' powers relative to other actors. This fact clearly evokes a Tocquevillian paradigm: in democratic societies, the passion for equality tends to abolish all status differences. The present article analyzes the relevance of this paradigm, comparing the unexpected consequences professionals complain about to the features of egalitarism described by Tocqueville. Finally, the author raises the question as to why this egalitarian phenomenon affected architects only from the second half of the XXth century on. ; Why are architects facing a lasting crisis of legitimacy in democratic countries, whereas in most of them the use of architects is laid down by law? It can be seen that the organisation of design and project management work today ...

One difficulty that egalitarianism faces at evaluating a fair wage regime is to avoid preference utilitarianism used by economics to model free markets. What is philosophically problematic then is that a political theory identifies personal preference modelled by markets with the value that a democratic society should attribute to economic freedom. In this article, I critically discuss this identification and argue for an egalitarian criterion of economic opportunity, inspired by J. Rawls's democratic egalitarianism and by R. Sugden's impersonal money-metric of opportunities. To do so, I discuss the libertarian thesis of the just wage defended by Felipe Schwember and I show how his position cannot avoid preference utilitarianism and, therefore, that the libertarian thesis's justification of economic freedom implies a conception of the social good incompatible with the value of democratic society's equal freedom ; Una dificultad de los criterios distributivos igualitaristas para evaluar un régimen salarial justo consiste en dar una mejor alternativa al utilitarismo de la preferencia que la economía utiliza para modelar los mercados de libre competencia. El problema filosófico comienza cuando una teoría política identifica el modelamiento económico de las preferencias personales con el valor que una sociedad democrática debe atribuir a la libertad económica. En este artículo, discuto críticamente esta identificación proponiendo un criterio igualitarista de oportunidad económica, que se inspira en el igualitarismo democrático de J. Rawls y en la medición monetaria impersonal de bien primario de Robert Sugden. Con este criterio igualitarista discuto la tesis libertaria del salario justo delineada por Felipe Schwember y muestro como su posición implica un utilitarismo de la preferencia que justifica la libertad económica y una concepción del bien social que es incompatible con el valor de las iguales libertades de una sociedad democrática

Inhalt 1\. Einleitung 1. 1.1. Implikationen des globalen Egalitarismus 1. 1.1.1. Begriff der Verteilungsgerechtigkeit 2. 1.1.2. Begriff des distributiven Egalitarismus 4. 1.1.3. Begriff des globalen Egalitarismus 6. 1.2. Drei Hauptpositionen in der Debatte des globalen Egalitarismus 9. 1.2.1. Etatismus 10. 1.2.2. Konzeption der globalen Kooperation 13. 1.2.3. Menschlichkeitskonzentrierter Egalitarismus 15. 1.3. Hauptthese der Arbeit 17. 1.3.1. Regulierung der globalen Ungleichheit als Anforderung der Gerechtigkeit 18. 1.3.2. Ausgangpunkt der Begründung und Konstruktion des Prinzips 21. 1.3.3. Betrachtung des Bürgerschaftsbesitzes als Folge des Blindglücks 22. 1.3.4. Das Konzept des globalen Prinzips der Entwicklung 25. 1.4. Anordnung der Kapitel 26. Teil 1. Erörterung der Debatte 2\. Prüfung verschiedener Begründungen des Etatismus: Warum gilt egalitäre Gerechtigkeit nur zwischen Bürgern? 30. 2.1. Die Zwangssicht 30. 2.1.1. Staatszwang und Kompensation 31. 2.1.2. Staatszwang im Namen der allgemeinen Wille 34. 2.1.3. Schwierigkeiten der Zwangssicht 37. 2.2. Die Reziprozitätssicht 39. 2.2.1. Staatliche Fähigkeiten und faire Gegenleistungen 40. 2.2.2. Das Konzept des Egalitarismus 43. 2.2.3. Schwierigkeiten der Reziprozitätssicht 44. 2.3. Die Institutionssicht 46. 2.3.1. Verteilungsinstitutionen und Verteilungsgerechtigkeit 47. 2.3.2. Globale wirtschaftliche Gerechtigkeit statt Verteilungsgerechtigkeit 49. 2.3.3. Schwierigkeiten der Institutionssicht 51. 2.4. Die Kultursicht 53. 2.4.1. Das metrische Problem 53. 2.4.2. Identifikation der Güter statt der Verteilungsansprüche 56. 2.4.3. Schwierigkeiten der Kultursicht 58. 3\. Prüfung der Konzeption globaler Kooperation: Wirtschaftsinterdependenz der Globalisierung 60. 3.1. Globale Kooperation und das globale Differenzprinzip 61. 3.1.1. Globale Kooperation 61. 3.1.2. Das globale Differenzprinzip 65. 3.2. Analyse der Eigenschaften globaler Kooperation 68. 3.2.1. Globale Kooperation ohne reziproke Eigenschaften 68. 3.2.2. Auswirkungen wirtschaftlicher Interdependenz 71. ...

The strongest and polemic interpretation of the thesis of the institutional character instead of moral of the concept of distributive justice, which has received the denomination of conception practice dependent, considers that the political institutions play a decisive face role not only to the implementation of the requirements of this one or to the determination of the distributive criteria for every share-out, but also to the formulation of the first principles. This conception of the justice offers one of the most powerful reasons to discredit the one that, at least for the first generation of modern cosmopolitans, constituted the most habitual foundation for such duties: the luck egalitarism. This work examines the keys from the one that a local distributive justice might construct itself from the correction or moderation of the conception dependent on the practice at a double level. First of all, pointing at the need to combine appropriately independent elements (rational, moral or ideal) and dependents in order to avoid to empty to the theory of the justice of its critical component and, especially and secondly, extending, with the help of the notion of background justice and of the systemic conception of the coercion, the type of practices that generate moral demands of the peculiarity and demand typical of the distributive justice. ; La interpretación más fuerte y polémica de la tesis del carácter institucional en lugar de moral del concepto de justicia distributiva, que ha recibido la denominación de concepción dependiente de la práctica, considera que las instituciones políticas juegan un papel decisivo no sólo de cara a la implementación de las exigencias de ésta, o a la determinación de los criterios distributivos para cada reparto, sino también a la formulación de los primeros principios. Esta concepción de la justicia ofrece una de las razones más poderosas para desacreditar la que, al menos para la primera generación de cosmopolitas modernos, constituyó el fundamento más habitual para tales ...

La interpretación más fuerte y polémica de la tesis del carácter institucional en lugar de moral del concepto de justicia distributiva, que ha recibido la denominación de concepción dependiente de la práctica, considera que las instituciones políticas juegan un papel decisivo no sólo de cara a la implementación de las exigencias de ésta, o a la determinación de los criterios distributivos para cada reparto, sino también a la formulación de los primeros principios. Esta concepción de la justicia ofrece una de las razones más poderosas para desacreditar la que, al menos para la primera generación de cosmopolitas modernos, constituyó el fundamento más habitual para tales deberes: el igualitarismo de la suerte. Este trabajo examina las claves desde las que podría construirse una justicia distributiva global a partir de la corrección o moderación a un doble nivel de la concepción dependiente de la práctica. En primer lugar, apuntando a la necesidad de combinar adecuadamente elementos independientes (racionales, morales o ideales) y dependientes de cara a evitar vaciar a la teoría de la justicia de su componente crítico y, sobre todo y, en segundo lugar, ampliando, con el auxilio de la noción de justicia de trasfondo y de la concepción sistémica de la coacción, el tipo de prácticas que generan demandas morales de la particularidad y exigencia característica de la justicia distributiva. ; The strongest and polemic interpretation of the thesis of the institutional character instead of moral of the concept of distributive justice, which has received the denomination of conception practice dependent, considers that the political institutions play a decisive face role not only to the implementation of the requirements of this one or to the determination of the distributive criteria for every share-out, but also to the formulation of the first principles. This conception of the justice offers one of the most powerful reasons to discredit the one that, at least for the first generation of modern cosmopolitans, constituted the most habitual foundation for such duties: the luck egalitarism. This work examines the keys from the one that a local distributive justice might construct itself from the correction or moderation of the conception dependent on the practice at a double level. First of all, pointing at the need to combine appropriately independent elements (rational, moral or ideal) and dependents in order to avoid to empty to the theory of the justice of its critical component and, especially and secondly, extending, with the help of the notion of background justice and of the systemic conception of the coercion, the type of practices that generate moral demands of the peculiarity and demand typical of the distributive justice. ; Este trabajo se enmarca en el proyecto de investigación de excelencia SEJ-6849, «Inmigración y Justicia Global» financiado por la Consejería de Economía, Innovación y Ciencia de la Junta de Andalucía.

In this article, I reflect on the social uprising that occurred in Chile in 2019, according to the normative vision of relational egalitarianism of Elizabeth Anderson. I argue that, if the protests constituted a revolt against relationships and realities of abuse, inequality and indignity, then relational egalitarianism offers a substantial theoretical toolkit with which to articulate and respond to such complaints. In this article, I argue that the ideal of democratic equality constitutes a promising means of responding to the normative demands implicit in the October uprising, which transcend traditional Chilean ideological disputes concerning the respective roles of the State and the market. ; En este ensayo se propone una reflexión sobre el estallido social chileno de 2019 a partir de la visión normativa de igualitarismo relacional de Elizabeth Anderson. Si la base de la protesta social fue una rebelión frente a situaciones y relaciones de abuso, desigualdad e indignidad, el igualitarismo relacional sería una perspectiva teórica que permitiría articular y responder a esas demandas. En este trabajo se argumenta que el ideal de igualdad democrática, entendido como el opuesto a una sociedad basada en relaciones jerárquicas, sugiere una hoja de ruta promisoria para el estallido y que trasciende las usuales disputas ideológicas chilenas en torno al rol del Estado y el mercado.

This paper aims to offer a plausible and renewed defence of the axioms of the already well-known account of political philosophy 'luck egalitarianism'. By finding certain support not only in the Kantian moral programme but also in widely accepted intuitions of our time, it is contended that luck egalitarianism possesses sufficient justification to become an ethical guide at the global level, revealing plausibly the existence of a compelling positive moral duty to terminate global poverty and denouncing its toleration as nothing but a matter of injustice. The arguments provided to embrace such a proposal are built upon the widely accepted claim in moral philosophy that 'all persons are equal in fundamental moral worth'. From this standpoint, I argue that the luck egalitarian doctrine can not only satisfy such a claim to its ultimate consequences, but it also reasonably overcome its most severe challenges that have diminished its merits in recent times when it aspires to become a tenable theory of justice. ; Este artículo pretende ofrecer una defensa plausible y renovada de los principios morales de la ya familiar corriente de filosofía política 'igualitarismo de la suerte', la cual, amparándose no solo en el programa moral kantiano sino también en una serie de intuiciones notablemente arraigadas en nuestros días, goza de una justificación suficientemente sólida como para constituirse en referente ético global, a partir del cual la erradicación de la pobreza sea considerada como un deber moral positivo y, en contraposición, su tolerancia como una clara injusticia. Las tesis presentadas parten de la idea ampliamente aceptada en filosofía moral de que "todas las personas somos iguales en valor moral fundamental", argumentándose que los principios que rigen la doctrina del igualitarismo de la suerte satisfacen dicha máxima hasta sus últimas consecuencias y conforman una teoría sostenible de justicia que es capaz de superar de forma razonable las críticas más importantes que han mermado su mérito en tiempos recientes.

El presente artículo examina las principales líneas de ataque lanzadas por el libertarismo de derecha -expresado fundamentalmente en la obra de Robert Nozick-, contra el igualitarismo liberal de John Rawls y el materialismo histórico. En particular, analiza el rechazo nozickeano a la justicia distributiva, a la deseabilidad (y posibilidad) de la cooperación social, y a los esquemas distributivos contrarios al principio de autopropiedad. Asimismo, explora el impacto de este principio libertarista sobre algunos postulados fundamentales del marxismo. Desde una perspectiva que se nutre de los principales debates de la filosofía política contemporánea, y con una opción teórica por el igualitarismo, este texto presenta y procura debilitar las más audaces tesis nozickeanas, las cuales siguen ejerciendo gran influencia en círculos académicos, en algunas instancias de formulación de políticas públicas y, sobre todo, en el sentido común forjado en tiempos de hegemonía neoliberal. ; This article examines the main assault lines adopted by right wing libertarianism, as developed in Robert Nozick's works, against John Rawls's liberal egalitarianism and historical materialism. More precisely, it looks into Nozick's rejection to distributive justice, to the desirability (and possibility) of social cooperation, and to distributive schemes opposed to the principle of self-ownership. Moreover, it explores the impact of this libertarian principle on some of the fundamental tenets of Marxism. From a perspective drawing on the major debates in contemporary Political Philosophy, and taking sides with egalitarian theories, this paper presents and attempts to weaken Nozick's most daring thesis, which are still quite influential on the academy, on places where public policies are designed and, above all, on the common sense built in times of neoliberal hegemony. ; Fil: Lizárraga, Fernando. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas

Istnienie państwa dobrobytu może być uzasadniane za pomocą argumentacji zarówno ekonomicznej, politycznej, jak i filozoficznej. W artykule scharakteryzowano sprawiedliwość dystrybutywną z perspektywy liberalnego egalitaryzmu, co stanowi jednocześnie analizę filozoficznej argumentacji na rzecz państwa dobrobytu. Odwołano się przy tym do dwóch najbardziej wpływowych koncepcji: teorii sprawiedliwości jako bezstronności autorstwa Rawlsa oraz idei równości zasobów zaproponowanej przez Dworkina. Celem artykułu była ocena modeli państwa dobrobytu w świetle wymagań stawianych w obu koncepcjach sprawiedliwie urządzonemu społeczeństwu. Autor dowodzi, że mając na względzie realne możliwości jednostek do formułowania, rozumnego realizowania oraz korekty swych własnych planów życiowych, jedynie socjaldemokratyczny (nordycki) model państwa dobrobytu można uznać za akceptowalny z perspektywy egalitarystycznej. ; The existence of the welfare state can be justified by economic and political arguments as well as philosophical ones. The paper analyses the liberal-egalitarian view on distributive justice and hence on the philosophical justification of the welfare state, based on two most influential egalitarian concepts: Rawls's theory of justice as fairness and Dworkin's equality of resources theory. The aim of this article was to evaluate the welfare state regimes in the light of requirements of both theories that just society must satisfy. It is argued that with respect to the individual capacity to formulate, rationally pursue, and revise one's life plans, the social-democratic (Nordic model) may be deemed as the only regime capable of being accepted from the egalitarian perspective.

Lo propio de la noción nietzscheana de voluntad de poder es su definición como actividad de contraposición continua de fuerzas por las que lo viviente se organiza en relaciones de dominio y obediencia tratando, no sólo de conservarse sino, sobre todo, de autosuperarse. Esta es la política misma de la vida que rige los procesos de individuación, la conquista de la libertad y la creatividad cultural que nos hace avanzar y elevarnos hasta formas superiores de existencia. En este artículo se trata de esclarecer en qué sentido la originalidad de la Grosse Politik radica en el intento de desarrollar la manera en la que la psicofisiología pulsional permite reformular la transvaloración y elevación del tipo humano y la cultura. Se analiza la inspiración en Platón de este proyecto, el contrapunto que representan para él los planteamientos ético-políticos de Kant y Hegel, y las aporías de su implantación práctica frente a los sistemas democráticos con las que Nietzsche se debate ; The peculiarity of the Nietschean notion of the will to power is his definition as an activity of continuous opposition of forces by which the living organizes itself in relations of dominance and obedience, trying not only to preserve itself but, above all, to overcome itself. This is the very politics of life that governs the processes of individuation, the conquest of freedom and cultural creativity that makes us advance and rise to higher forms of existence. This article tries to clarify in what sense the originality of the Nietzschean Grosse Politik lies in the attempt to develop the way in which impulse psychophysiology allows to reformulate the transvaluation and elevation of the human type and culture. The inspiration in Plato of this project is analyzed, the counterpoint that the ethicalpolitical approaches of Kant and Hegel represent for him, and the aporias of its practical implantation against the modern democratic systems with which Nietzsche debate