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South America has been benign with immense natural resources and it is no doubt that a peace territory has never experienced any war, which seems scarcely, however, few regions of the world can say this. Even though we have these benditions, we look like the rebel children of a millennial businessman, who has access to the university you want, orders, holidays, money, etc., but who prefer to be involved in drugs and live as if there were no tomorrow, causing a deep disappointment to the father who gave him everything and does not understand because his son is like it is. It is difficult to understand why we are as we are, but only a few social radiographs are enough to understand it, social inequality, political corruption, the sovereign nature of the political class, the lack of renewal of political parties, ideological fanaticism and an immense group of people who are not recognised as citizens and are excluded in villas and neighbourhoods, in darkness and silence. they are remembered and convened only when the elections are approaching to act as an electoral tool and place a new group of politicians in power, which will soon become a suspected group of corruption and excesses, although in their speech they say 'to govern for the people'. Institute for International Relations ; Sudamérica ha sido bendecida con inmensos recursos naturales y es sin duda, un territorio de paz jamás ha experimentado ninguna guerra, lo cual parece poca cosa, sin embargo, pocas regiones del mundo pueden decir esto. Aun cuando tenemos estas bendiciones, parecemos los hijos rebeldes de un empresario millonario, que tiene acceso a la universidad que quiera, autos, vacaciones, dinero, etc., pero que prefiere estar involucrado en drogas y vivir como si no hubiera mañana, causando una profunda decepción al padre que le ha dado todo y no entiende porque su hijo es como es. Es complicado entender ¿por qué somos como somos?, aunque solo basta hacer algunas radiografías sociales para entenderlo, la desigualdad social, la corrupción política, ...

Summary. The article analyses the descriptive and symbolic political representation of women in positions in municipalities with Indigenous Regulatory Systems (SNI) in the State of Oaxaca, Mexico. He said that although there had been a historic increase in the number of appointments (descriptive representation), most of them related to care and family service, which was analysed from an indigenous community perspective, as well as their possible involvement in the reproduction of power relationships characterised by gender inequality (symbolic representation). On the basis of the legal and social context of DASDFAFAF, which has developed the process of gender parity, the results obtained in the 2016 and 2019 elections are analysed, comparing, between these years, the number of municipal presidents and syndicates appointed in the 417 municipalities with recognition of their free determination to choose their lobbyists, as well as the type of governing bodies mostly occupied by women. These data can be seen from the arguments put forward by some actors to explain the roles women have in the political life of oaxaquean indigenous communities. ; Resumen El artículo analiza la representación política descriptiva y simbólica de las mujeres que ocupan cargos en los cabildos de municipios con Sistemas Normativos Indígenas (SNI), en el estado de Oaxaca, México. Plantea que si bien se ha registrado un incremento histórico en el número de nombramientos (representación descriptiva), la mayor parte corresponden a cargos relacionados con el cuidado y el servicio familiar, lo cual es analizado desde la perspectiva comunitaria indígena, así como de su posible implicación en la reproducción de las relaciones de poder caracterizadas por la desigualdad de género (representación simbólica). A partir del contexto jurídico y social en DASDFAFAF que se ha desarrollado el proceso de paridad de género, se analizan los resultados obtenidos en las elecciones de 2016 y 2019, y se compara, entre estos años, el número de presidentas ...

International audience This paper presents a novel approach to measure the human development, progress and growth of any country. The authors have developed an alternative index to the conventional 'HDI', named as 'Composite Development Index (CDI)' and have also presented an original approach to evaluate it quantitatively. The CDI integrates all the three (social, economic and environmental) aspects of sustainable development, along with peace and happiness. As proposed, the CDI is based on four parameters, i.e. Inequality adjusted HDI (IHDI), Scaled Green Index, Scaled Peace Index and Scaled Happiness Index, evaluated from globally accepted standard databases. Hence, the CDI is much more comprehensive and rational than the conventional HDI or GDP. The CDI values have been evaluated quantitatively for 126 countries of the world. Further, comparative assessment of the CDI has been done with the HDI for all the 126 nations. The results obtained have been startling as no country was even able to have a CDI score of 0.8 on a scale of 0.1 to 1. Switzerland had the highest CDI of 0.767. A country like Norway with the highest HDI of 0.953 had a CDI of only 0.742. On the other hand, countries like Costa Rica, Romania and Uruguay are in the top 20 nations in the CDI Ranking, much ahead of the countries like United Kingdom, France, and USA. The CDI can act as a single point of reference for policy-makers, governments and other development agencies, as it presents a consolidated picture of a country's development. Future course of action on the basis of the concept of CDI are also proposed. It can be concluded that efforts to have a high CDI (in comparison to a high GDP or HDI only) will pave the way forward for sustainable development and holistic progress for all the countries of the world. JEL Classifications: 011, 015 Additional disciplines (besides field of economics reflected in JEL classifications): sociology; ecology and environment.

Economic Theory, Applications and Issues (Working Paper N° 20) Income inequality has increased sharply in higher income countries. Theories attributing this to bifurcation of labor markets are examined. Some theorists attribute this bifurcation primarily to technical change with influence from globalization. Others take an opposite viewpoint. A contrasting view presented here is that globalization is strongly linked with technological change more significantly even if globalization increases economic efficiency and growth in high-income countries, it can raise income inequality and reduce social welfare. International fiscal competitiveness may, it is argued, contribute to income inequality and make all nations worse off. Trends in public social expenditure and in taxation receipts in higher income countries, including Singapore, are examined to determine the empirical support for the theory.

Front Matter -- Introduction: Show me the Arguments / Michael Bruce, Steven Barbone -- Philosophy of Religion. Aquinas' Five Ways / Timothy J Pawl -- The Contingency Cosmological Argument / Mark T Nelson -- The Kalam Argument for the Existence of God / Harry Lesser -- The Ontological Argument / Sara L Uckelman -- Pascal's Wager / Leslie Burkholder -- James' will to believe Argument / A T Fyfe -- The Problem of Evil / Michael Bruce, Steven Barbone -- The free will Defense to the Problem of Evil / Grant Sterling -- St. Anselm on Free Choice and the Power to Sin / Julia Hermann -- Hume's Argument against Miracles / Tommaso Piazza -- The Euthyphro Dilemma / David Baggett -- Nietzsche's Death of God / Tom Grimwood -- Ockham's Razor / Grant Sterling -- Metaphysics. Parmenides' Refutation of Change / Adrian Bardon -- McTaggart's Argument against the Reality of Time / M Joshua Mozersky -- Berkeley's Master Argument for Idealism / John M DePoe -- Kant's Refutation of Idealism / Adrian Bardon -- The Master Argument of Diodorus Cronus / Ludger Jansen -- Lewis' Argument for Possible Worlds / David Vander Laan -- A Reductionist Account of Personal Identity / Fauve Lybaert -- Split-Case Arguments about Personal Identity / Ludger Jansen -- The Ship of Theseus / Ludger Jansen -- The Problem of Temporary Intrinsics / Montserrat Bordes -- A Modern Modal Argument for the Soul / Rafal Urbaniak, Agnieszka Rostalska -- Two Arguments for the Harmlessness of Death / Steven Luper, Nicolas Bommarito -- The Existence of Forms: Plato's Argument from the Possibility of Knowledge / Jurgis (George) Brakas -- Plato, Aristotle, and the Third Man Argument / Jurgis (George) Brakas -- Logical Monism / Luis Estrada-Gonz̀lez -- The Maximality Paradox / Nicola Ciprotti -- An Argument for Free Will / Gerald Harrison -- Frankfurt's Refutation of the Principle of Alternative Possibilities / Gerald Harrison -- Van Inwagen's Consequence Argument against Compatibilism / Grant Sterling -- Fatalism / Fernando Migura, Agustin Arrieta -- Sartre's Argument for Freedom / Jeffrey Gordon -- Epistemology. The Cogito Arguments of Descartes and Augustine / Joyce Lazier, Brett Gaul -- The Cartesian Dreaming Argument for External-World Skepticism / Stephen Hetherington -- The Transparency of Experience Argument / Carlos M Mųoz-Sùrez -- The Regress Argument for Skepticism / Scott Aikin -- Moore's Anti-Skeptical Arguments / Matthew Frise -- The Bias Paradox / Deborah Heikes -- Gettier's Argument against the Traditional Account of Knowledge / John M DePoe -- Putnam's Argument against Cultural Imperialism / Maria Caamąo -- Davidson on the Very Idea of a Conceptual Scheme / George Wrisley -- Quine's Two Dogmas of Empiricism / Robert Sinclair -- Hume and the Problem of Induction / James E Taylor, Stefanie Rocknak -- Argument by Analogy in Thales and Anaximenes / Giannis Stamatellos -- Quine's Epistemology Naturalized / Robert Sinclair -- Sellars and the Myth of the given / Willem A deVries -- Sellars' ₃Rylean Myth₄ / Willem A deVries -- Aristotle and the Argument to End all Arguments / Toni Vogel Carey -- Ethics. Justice Brings Happiness in Plato's / Joshua I Weinstein -- Aristotle's Function Argument / Sean McAleer -- Aristotle's Argument that Goods are Irreducible / Jurgis (George) Brakas -- Aristotle's Argument for Perfectionism / Eric J Silverman -- Categorical Imperative as the Source for Morality / Joyce Lazier -- Kant on why Autonomy Deserves Respect / Mark Piper -- Mill's Proof of Utilitarianism / A T Fyfe -- The Experience Machine Objection to Hedonism / Dan Weijers -- The Error Theory Argument / Robert L Muhlnickel -- Moore's Open Question Argument / Bruno Verbeek -- Wolff's Argument for the Rejection of State Authority / Ben Saunders -- Nozick's Taxation is Forced Labor Argument / Jason Waller -- Charity is Obligatory / Joakim Sandberg -- The Repugnant Conclusion / Joakim Sandberg -- Taurek on Numbers don't Count / Ben Saunders -- Parfit's Leveling down Argument against Egalitarianism / Ben Saunders -- Nozick's Wilt Chamberlain Argument / Fabian Wendt -- Liberal Feminism / Julinna C Oxley -- Moral Status of Animals from Marginal Cases / Julia Tanner -- The Ethical Vegetarianism Argument / Robert L Muhlnickel -- Thomson and the Famous Violinist / Leslie Burkholder -- Marquis and the Immorality of Abortion / Leslie Burkholder -- Tooley on Abortion and Infanticide / Ben Saunders -- Rachels on Euthanasia / Leslie Burkholder -- Philosophy of Mind. Leibniz' Argument for Innate Ideas / Byron Kaldis -- Descartes' Arguments for the Mind₆Body Distinction / Dale Jacquette -- Princess Elisabeth and the Mind₆Body Problem / Jen McWeeny -- Kripke's Argument for Mind₆Body Property Dualism / Dale Jacquette -- The Argument from Mental Causation for Physicalism / Amir Horowitz -- Davidson's Argument for Anomalous Monism / Amir Horowitz -- Putnam's Multiple Realization Argument against Type-Physicalism / Amir Horowitz -- The Supervenience Argument against Non-Reductive Physicalism / Andrew Russo -- Ryle's Argument against Cartesian Internalism / Agustin Arrieta, Fernando Migura -- Jackson's Knowledge Argument / Amir Horowitz -- Nagel's ₃What is it like to be a Bat₄ Argument against Physicalism / Amy Kind -- Chalmer's Zombie Argument / Amy Kind -- The Argument from Revelation / Carlos M Mųoz-Sùrez -- Searle and the Chinese Room Argument / Leslie Burkholder -- Science and Language. Sir Karl Popper's Demarcation Argument / Liz Stillwaggon Swan -- Kuhn's Incommensurability Arguments / Liz Stillwaggon Swan, Michael Bruce -- Putnam's no Miracles Argument / Liz Stillwaggon Swan -- Galileo's Falling Bodies / Liz Stillwaggon Swan -- Eliminative Materialism / Charlotte Blease -- Wittgenstein's Private Language Argument / George Wrisley -- Fodor's Argument for Linguistic Nativism / Majid Amini -- Fodor and the Impossibility of Learning / Majid Amini -- Quine on the Indeterminacy of Translation / Robert Sinclair -- Davidson's Argument for the Principle of Charity / Maria Caamąo -- Frege's Argument for Platonism / Ivan Kasa -- Mathematical Platonism / Nicolas Pain -- Appendix A: Learning the Logical Lingo -- Appendix B: Rules of Inference and Replacement -- Notes on Contributors -- Index

in a democracy, separation and possession of the same rights cannot maintain national unity without a process of identification between governors and governors, which alone can ensure the long-term sustainability of the representative system. This process calls, on the one hand, for the transition from the real power of the legislature (which is becoming increasingly difficult to embody social diversity and is still characterised by chronic inefficiency) to the executive and, on the other hand, for greater personalisation of the executive. It is not, for this renowned historian, a monopolisation of power, but a means of making lasocian present while maintaining a gap between the former (always temporary) and the latter (Gauchet, 2010). In support of his theoretical principles, Marcel Gauchet cited the example of President Roosevelt in 1933, which gave us the idea of verifying this thesis in the United States in the 1960s. Through his Great Society project to eradicate poverty and racial inequality in America, is President Johnson part of what Gauchet defines as "leadership for democracy" (Ibid.)? The purpose of that text is to answer that question. ; International audience ; in a democracy, separation and possession of the same rights cannot maintain national unity without a process of identification between governors and governors, which alone can ensure the long-term sustainability of the representative system. This process calls, on the one hand, for the transition from the real power of the legislature (which is becoming increasingly difficult to embody social diversity and is still characterised by chronic inefficiency) to the executive and, on the other hand, for greater personalisation of the executive. It is not, for this renowned historian, a monopolisation of power, but a means of making lasocian present while maintaining a gap between the former (always temporary) and the latter (Gauchet, 2010). In support of his theoretical principles, Marcel Gauchet cited the example of President Roosevelt in 1933, ...

We combine household surveys and national accounts, as well as recently released tax data in a systematic way to track the dynamics of Indian income inequality from 1922 to 2015. According to our benchmark estimates, the share of national income accruing to the top 1% is at its highest since the creation of the Indian Income tax act in 1922. The top 1% of earners captured less than 21% of total income in the late 1930s, before dropping to 6% in the early 1980s and rising to 22% in the recent period. Over the 1951-1980 period, the bottom 50% group captured 28% of total growth and incomes of this group grew faster than the average, while the top 0.1% incomes decreased. Over the 1980-2015 period, the situation was reversed; the top 0.1% of earners captured a higher share of total growth than the bottom 50% (12% vs. 11%), while the top 1% received a higher share of total growth than the middle 40% (29% vs. 23%). These findings suggest that much can be done to promote more inclusive growth in India. Our results also appear to be robust to a range of alternative assumptions seeking to address numerous data limitations. Most importantly, we stress the need for more democratic transparency on income and wealth statistics to avoid another "black decade" similar to the 2000s, during which India entered the digital age but stopped publishing tax statistics. Such data sources are key to track the long run evolution of inequality and to allow an informed democratic debate on inequality.

Are we witnessing the decline of liberal democracy and the emergence of alternative forms of democracy? Today, democracy is first and foremost a language of political legitimacy. And more often than not, it serves as a language of self-justification, even self-praise. Almost all existing states—regardless of where they may be located in or beyond the matrix of polyarchy—purport to be democratic in nature. Faced with this situation of democratic inflation, it becomes important to explain and explore (by way of comparison) some of the defining features that distinguish one form from another.In recent years, it has become increasingly commonplace to criticize democracy of the liberal kind that historically emerged in modern Western Europe but eventually spread to the rest of the world by the end of the 20th century. Moreover, emerging countries like China, Russia, Indonesia, Nigeria, and even the Arab Emirates, while considerably less democratic by liberal standards, have become more and more vocal in stressing their own versions of democracy, thus posing some challenges to the liberal view. (Notable exceptions are Brazil, India and South Africa, though the equality component of democracy seems weak in these countries). In response to these challenges as well as to doubts about the meaning, the outreach and even the universality of democracy, there are attempts to explore various ways to improve representation, redistribution, policy-making, and legitimacy, both at state and inter-state levels. Some opt for the deepening of democracy within existing liberal regimes – this is at the roots of lively debates about the "quality of democracy" (vs. "malfunctioning democracy"), "democratic responsiveness", "accountability" and "transparency", as well as "participatory" or "deliberative" democracy. There is even a new quest for "cosmopolitan" democracy. Others seek to combine the demand for enhancing democracy with post-colonialist outlook, thereby claiming that the forms of regimes should match the diversity of political ...

This paper challenges two previous articles published in EJHET concerning Hegel's outlook upon the economic sphere in his Philosophy of Right. These contributions interpret Hegel as the promoter of a fragile mix of economic liberalism and "political communitarianism" (Greer 1999) or alternatively as a theorist of economic nationalism (Nakano 2004). In this paper, it is argued that Hegel's economic thought has rather to be interpreted as promoting an ethical economy. It is shown that by reinterpreting dialectically the teachings of classical economics, Hegel considers the self-regulatory mechanisms that are at work in the market economy to be offering a mere potentiality that must be actualised. This actualisation implies at first institutional devices of market regulation and social protection, aiming to limit the uncertainty that is part and parcel of the play of market forces. But these standard elements of welfare state are themselves included by Hegel in a larger and less familiar device of ethical regulation, driven by the state and in charge of making conscious and then real the unity of particular and common interests. The Hegelian conception is, however, burdened with ambiguities and consequently appears more stimulating through the questions it asks rather than the answers it gives.

This dissertation addresses teamwork with the tools of economics in three specialized settings--I examine (1) how teams form under discrimination, (2) what shareholders can accomplish for themselves and society when operating as group that they cannot as individuals, and (3) ethnicity's role in the performance of pairings between venture capitalists and entrepreneurs. Adverse Selection in Team Formation under Discrimination The decision to be an entrepreneur or an employee is among the most consequential any individual will ever face. Does race or gender influence that choice? Could discrimination affect occupational performance? Several empirical studies on occupational segregation suggest (1) minorities are more likely to choose (or be chosen for) occupations in which teamwork plays a minimal role and (2) that minorities excel in these individualistic positions. Teamwork and discrimination are fundamentally linked because while teamwork can be synergistic, it obscures team members' individual contributions: managers can try to infer unobservable individual contribution from observable characteristics like race or sex. Thus, a talented minority worker should choose entrepreneurship or other occupation where his individual accomplishments cannot easily be attributed to others, if doing so will make him better off. Could this self-selection sustain discrimination even if managers paid workers proportional to their expected ability; that is, according to their merit? This paper shows that it can. Furthermore, among those choosing to work as entrepreneurs or in other individualistic occupations, discrimination victims outperform beneficiaries. Since beliefs about discrimination influence which teams forms, discriminatory equilibria may be more productive than egalitarianism--the implications are discussed. The model presented here distinguishes itself in a rich literature on statistical discrimination, by explaining empirically observed behavior that has not yet been addressed, elucidating why the prescriptions derived from extant model have had limited success, and by enabling the analysis of additional forms of discrimination. Social Responsibility of Firms beyond Profits Corporate social responsibility (CSR) expenditures are often seen as a perquisite of the manager at shareholder expense or an indirect form of profit maximization. The former explanation creates an agency puzzle and ethical dilemma--who should/do managers work for? Empirical support for the latter explanation is mixed, at best. I highlight another possibility consistent with recent findings that absentee managed plants in the US emit more toxins, on average, than other plants (Grant, Jones and Trautner 2010). I develop a model in which a manager who maximizes shareholder welfare will optimally engage in CSR that leaves shareholders with less money. Furthermore, no behavioral motives, such as "warm glow" are required--instead, the familiar public economics framework of pure altruism is used; i.e. shareholders care only about their own private material consumption and their own private benefit from public goods, like clean air. In this framework, (1) a manager will provision more public goods, say by supporting environmental causes, from the profits of the firm than if the manager distributed all profits to shareholders as dividends and left shareholders to contribute in a decentralized manner on their own. (2) If the firm generates negative externalities, like pollution, the firm always produces less than the profit maximizing output. (3) If shareholders would have their manager contribute anything at all to the public good at the socially optimal level of production, the firm will, in fact, produce the socially optimal quantity and provision the public good, without intervention by a social planner. Thus, when this condition holds, government regulation to control the quantity produced by firms can do no better for society than a manager who works only on behalf of her shareholders. Reasons why this condition may be expected to hold in many real world settings are discussed. (4) Finally, when this condition holds, decreasing marginal production costs increase public goods as much as decreasing marginal externalities. This neutrality result implies that government subsidization of technology, which improves the cost-effectiveness of production, may yield cleaner air than subsidization of less polluting technology, if the former is cheaper to develop. The model also yields a number of distinct empirically testable hypotheses, including that, all else being equal, more widely held firms will engage in greater CSR than more closely held firms. At a broader level, the model reveals not only a novel explanation for costly CSR but that making managers more accountable to shareholders confers a social benefit. Can Birds of a Feather Fly Together?--Evidence for the Economic Payoffs of Ethnic Homophily How do ethnic networks influence venture capitalists' choice of companies to invest in, and the performance of the investments? We investigate this question by using data on the ethnic origins of over 22,000 U.S.-based V.C. partners and the 98,000 top-level executives of the startup companies they invested in during the years 1991-2010. We construct measures of "ethnic distance" for each potential VC-company pair and find that after controlling for the sorting of ethnic groups into certain industries and geographic areas, a 1% decrease in ethnic distance for the pair increases the probability of investment by up to 0.05%. Evidence for the influence of ethnicity is particularly strong during early-rounds of investment when information costs of the relationship are high, and for ethnic populations associated with "collectivist" cultures such as Japanese, Korean and Chinese. Conditional on investment, a 1% increase in ethnic closeness increases the probability that the portfolio company advances to successive rounds (the effect being strongest for the early rounds), and the probability of successful exits through IPO by 0.6-1.2%. This translates to a striking estimated ex ante increase in IRR between 7% and 15% for the average VC. We conclude that co-ethnic networks have a profound economic influence on venture investments.

We study the impact of communication on behavior in a two-stage coordination game with asymmetric payoffs. We test experimentally whether individuals can avoid a head-to-head confrontation by means of coordinated strategies. In particular we analyze whether and how quickly a conflict-avoidance take-turn strategy can emerge. First, our results show that players learn to solve the conflict by choosing opposite options at both stages of the game. Second, many adopt a take-turn strategy to sustain coordination over time and alleviate the inequality induced by the asymmetry of payoffs. Third, communication increases the likelihood of conflict resolution even when a single pair member has the right to communicate.

In this paper, I relate the degree of progressivity of the income tax scheme to the prevailing income inequality in the society. I find that, consistent with the data, more unequal societies implement more progressive income tax systems. I build a model of political coalition formation, where different income groups have to agree on a tax scheme to finance the public good. I show that, the greater income inequality is, i.e. the further away the rich are from the rest of the population, the less able they are to credibly commit to participating in a coalition. Therefore, as income inequality rises, the rich are increasingly excluded from the design of the income tax scheme. Consequently, the rich bear a larger fraction of the public good, and the tax system becomes more progressive.

This work addresses the study of the changes in the role of women in Spanish society and combines an analytical perspective and an empirical and descriptive study of the most relevant facts and issues. This is why we first analyse the gender approach, a theoretical basis for much of the current studies on the role of women in society and the most recent strategy of gender equality policy in the European Union known as gender mainstreaming. Secondly, the situation of women in Spain during the Francoism and the Spanish feminist movement of late Franco Franco and the democratic transition are historical. Subsequently, the equal opportunities policies of the democratic period are studied with the creation of a new national and regional institutional framework, especially with the Institute of Women. To conclude, the results of these policies are assessed and the problems not yet resolved are referred to. ; Ce travail étudie les transformations du rôle de la femme dans la société espagnole. Dans la première partie, sont analysées la politique de genre et la stratégie du mainstreaming de genre. Dans un deuxième temps l'étude fait un parcours historique par la politique franquiste concernant le rôle attribué à la femme pour ensuite passer à l'histoire du mouvement féministe espagnol. La partie suivante est consacrée à la période constitutionnelle et démocratique qui offre un nouveau cadre institutionnel nationale et régionale pour la politique d'égalité de chances, notamment avec la création des Instituts de la Femme. En fin la dernière partie est consacrée à l'évaluation des résultats de ces politiques et aux problèmes que celles-ci n'ont pas encore résolu. ; This work addresses the study of the changes in the role of women in Spanish society and combines an analytical perspective and an empirical and descriptive study of the most relevant facts and issues. This is why we first analyse the gender approach, a theoretical basis for much of the current studies on the role of women in society and the most recent strategy ...

Using the most recent available data on a sample of 40 developing countries, this paper addresses the effects of oil rent on inequality. Mobilizing a dynamic panel data specification over the period 1996–2008, the econometric results yield two important findings. First, there is a non-linear (U-shaped) relationship between oil rent and inequality. Specifically, oil rent lowers inequality in the short run. This effect then diminishes over time as the oil revenues increase. Our complementary finding is that the fall in income inequality as a result of the increase in the oil rent is fully absorbed by the increase in corruption. Further, the paper examines the channels of causality underlying this relationship. The graphical analysis shows the consistency of the data with the hypothesis according to which corruption, military expenditure, and inflation mediate the effect of oil rent on income inequality. ; Etudes & documents

International audience n this paper we study the problem of long-term capacity adequacy in electricity markets. We implement a dynamic model in which firms compete for investment and electricity production under imperfect Cournot competition. The main aim of this work is to compare three investment incentive mechanisms: reliability options, forward capacity market and capacity payments. Apart from the oligopoly case, we also analyze collusion and monopoly cases. Dynamic programming is used to deal with the stochastic environment of the market and mixed complementarity problem and variational inequality formulations are employed to find a solution to the game. The main finding of this study is that market-based mechanisms would be the most cost-efficient mechanism for assuring long-term system capacity adequacy. Moreover, generators would exert market power when introducing capacity payments. Finally, compared with a Cournot oligopoly, collusion and monopolistic situations lead to more installed capacities with marketbased mechanisms and increase consumers' payments.