Suchergebnisse

For our weekly editorial by UACES, the University Association for Contemporary European Studies, we have the pleasure to welcome Adrian Favero, from the University of Groningen, in the Netherlands.
The post Swiss Elections appeared first on Ideas on Europe.

At least 5 sub-Saharan African nations are due to hold presidential or general elections in 2018. Check out our expert briefings and reading material on our interactive elections resource map.
The post 2018: Elections in Africa first appeared on Africa Research Institute.
The post 2018: Elections in Africa appeared first on Africa Research Institute.

Senegal is set to hold elections on March 24, 2024. Here's what you need to know.
The post Election Watch: Senegal appeared first on International Republican Institute.

In his (paywalled) newsletter this morning Richard Harman compares the current fiscal situation, with yesterday’s last minute fiscal announcements, to the 1972 Budget and election campaign, when Robert Muldoon, then Minister of Finance, was reputed to have said that he’d spent it all and there wasn’t anything much left for the Opposition. Surpluses and deficits … Continue reading Fiscals and elections

Guatemala's elections demonstrate that democratic backsliding is on the march. While there is great energy for a new presidential candidate with plans to strengthen government and democratic accountability, establishment parties and candidates are unlikely to accommodate these demands.

Ahead of the November 2024 presidential election, the Republican Party has a busy calendar involving candidate debates, off year elections, the primary contests themselves, and a nomination convention. Peter Finn maps out the upcoming calendar. 'This article is part of 'The 2024 Elections' series curated by Peter Finn (Kingston University). Ahead of the 2024 election, … Continued

Post developed by Anne Pitcher, Rod Alence, Melanie Roberts, and Katherine Pearson Secure elections are essential to democracy. ObSERV, a new study by researchers at the Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa (EISA) and the University of Michigan, with support from the University of Witwatersrand (Wits), presents a data collection methodology that improves the […]
The post ObSERV Study improves methods for observing elections and election-related violence first appeared on Center for Political Studies (CPS) Blog.

4 things you need to know about the election On April 24 and May 8 citizens of North Macedonia will head to the polls for the first, and for the second round of presidential elections which will be held along with the parliamentary elections. In the presidential elections, incumbent Stevo Pendarovski supported by the coalition […]
The post Election Watch: North Macedonia appeared first on International Republican Institute.

Michael Morley (Florida State University - College of Law) has posted Election Emergencies (Oxford Handbook on American Election Law (Eugene Mazo, ed. Forthcoming)) on SSRN. Here is the abstract: Natural disasters, pandemics, and other crises that occur shortly before, or...

We recently welcomed Simon Usherwood to eu!radio! He is a professor at the Open University in Britain, and Chair of UACES. He shared his thoughts on the forthcoming European Parliament elections.
The post European elections: voting matters! appeared first on Ideas on Europe.

The latest Taiwanese elections constitute a fine example of democratic success that must be celebrated at a time when liberal democracies are threatened more than ever from within by populist movements and from without by authoritarian regimes. The vigor of …

Venezuela once again is approaching an opportunity for change as presidential elections are scheduled for 2024 and legislative, regional and local elections for 2025. The U.S. has suggested it could ease sanctions if the government of President Nicolas Maduro makes democratic advances — for instance by improving its electoral system — and for months there have been rumors of a deal. However, no major announcements have been made, though Maduro has continued to ratchet down his authoritarian hold on Venezuelan politics. Thus, the potential for these elections to change the status quo is uncertain.The opposition primary and risk of judicial interventionIn response to calls for the need to renew its leadership, the opposition decided to hold a primary election on October 22 to determine its candidate for 2024. This is no small task in a country immersed in a deep humanitarian emergency and in which, to use the words of the United Nations Independent Fact Finding Mission, official policy is to "silence, discourage and quash opposition to the Government of President Maduro."The National Primary Commission, an independent body in charge of organizing the opposition primary election, has fought an uphill battle. In Venezuela, there is an electoral branch of government headed by the National Electoral Council. The Primary Commission sent several communications to the Electoral Council before June 5 of this year, asking for meetings to evaluate the possibility of the Electoral Council providing technical assistance, including access to the official voting centers, providing security and guaranteeing public order. However, there was no answer and on June 15, almost all the members of the Electoral Council resigned under strong pressure from the government, and an irregular process of appointment of new members took place. As a result, the Primary Commission decided it would forge ahead, independently organizing the primary. More than three months later, and exactly a month before the primary was to take place, the new Electoral Council publicly addressed the requirements of the Primary Commission. The Electoral Council recommended moving the date to November 19 and using Venezuela's automated voting system.The Electoral Council said nothing, however, about the participation of María Corina Machado, Henrique Capriles, or Freddy Superlano. These candidates were disqualified to run for public office via unconstitutional administrative proceedings by the Venezuelan Comptroller. Insiders suggest that the Electoral Council would not prohibit their participation in the primary, but that they could not control the actions of the Supreme Court of Justice. The judiciary plays a significant role in the repression of the government's opponents. It was precisely the Supreme Court that ordered the suspension and repeat of the governor's election in Barinas state when it was lost by Argenis Chávez, the brother of late President Hugo Chávez, in November 2021, saying Freddy Superlano, the winning candidate, was actually disqualified.The Primary Commission issued a public statement explaining that, with the primary elections just days away, it was not possible to change course and move the date. The Electoral Council replied with its own public statement saying that it holds exclusive competence to carry out electoral proceedings.This latest response from the Electoral Council underscores a possibility that has always been present: a judicial intervention in the opposition primary. The Supreme Court has consistently acted as an arm of the executive under Maduro and Hugo Chávez before him. If such an intervention takes place, opposition candidates will need to find another strategy to participate in the 2024 elections.Opposition coordinationOver the past 20-plus years, the opposition has struggled to coordinate behind a single strategy. There is a long history of elite divisions over who controls Venezuela's petro-state apparatus. And opposition divisions are characteristic of countries ruled by authoritarian governments — from communist Poland, to South African apartheid, to Chile under Pinochet. There have been a number of cases in Venezuela where the opposition has been able to coordinate, such as the 2015 legislative elections which it won in a landslide. The Maduro government fully understands this difficulty and does whatever it can to divide the opposition. This last-minute offer by the CNE to organize the primary election fits clearly within this strategy.There are two additional challenges. First, the lifting of the above mentioned political disqualifications had been one of the main demands by the United States in negotiations surrounding possible sanctions relief. If a deal is reached before the elections, Machado or Capriles might be able to run. If not, and one of them wins, it will likely create a period of conflict within the opposition over a plan for succession and quite possibly a move to boycott by affected candidates. Second, it is likely that candidates who are not running in the primary will nevertheless run in the presidential election, for example, comedian Benjamin Rausseo or Zulia governor Manuel Rosales. If and when they do, it could divide the opposition vote, thus allowing Maduro to win reelection with minority support.Whether these challenges are constructively met or not, it is important to take a step back to appreciate this moment. It is remarkable that, within a year of a contentious decision to put an end to Juan Guaidó's interim government, the Venezuelan opposition has unified around an electoral strategy. This has not happened since 2015. Indeed, Machado, the person who has been most opposed to an electoral solution over the years, is now the leading candidate. The primary itself has done what primaries should do – it has brought candidates in closer contact with the people and generated popular enthusiasm and engagement. Furthermore, the Primary Commission has been courageous and judicious in organizing the event. Although much still needs to be done to thicken coordination among opposition leaders and parties, and their connection to the population, these achievements are important and should be acknowledged.International engagementVenezuela's conflict and the potential for an electoral solution should be on the agenda of international stakeholders. The humanitarian emergency has forced almost eight million Venezuelans to flee, many to the United States. More than half of the population lives in poverty and faces food insecurity. Meanwhile, the oil industry and productive apparatus have suffered deeply due to corruption and mismanagement, as well as U.S. financial and oil sanctions. Also, illegal mining has proliferated, leading to increased destruction of Venezuela's pristine wilderness and the growth of armed and criminal groups. The cost of doing nothing is high. More engagement from other countries in the region such as Colombia, Brazil and even Chile, has the potential to bring the Maduro government back to the negotiation table. Working for better electoral conditions, including international observation, could in turn result in a reasonable agreement between the U.S. and Venezuela on sanctions relief.The U.S. and other countries should engage with the Venezuelan authorities, as well as with the opposition and civil society, in the search for a peaceful and democratic solution. There have been closed-door meetings between U.S. and Venezuelan officials over the past six months and repeated rumors of an imminent deal. However, major announcements have not been forthcoming and time is running out for a deal that could take advantage of the electoral context.

The killings of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, Rayshard Brooks, and many other black people at the hands of police have driven nationwide protests. To be true to our mission, we want to look at this complex moment through the lens of research.

No paper is getting more attention than Princeton Asst. Professor Omar Wasow's "Agenda Seeding: How 1960s Black Protests Moved Elites, Public Opinion and Voting". On this episode, we discuss the substance of the paper, and the controversies that have surrounde

The Fulton County district attorney launched an investigation following Trump's January 2021 phone call with state election officials. Trump's directives to state officials involved a quest to "find" enough ballots to put him in the winning column.

One would expect the newly elected governing parties to do well, and recently defeated right-wing opposition to struggle, in local elections held in the aftermath of last October's parliamentary election. But with the first serious conflicts emerging within the ruling coalition, the respective vote shares secured by the eclectic agrarian-liberal centrist 'Third Way' and the […]