Suchergebnisse

The paper clarifies the concept of local elections and identifies their types and features. The legal basis of elections to local self-government bodies is analyzed. The financial and organizational and legal support of local elections is described. The conditions and procedure for registration of candidates for deputies of local councils and for the position of village, settlement, city mayor have been studied. Campaigning is described as one of the stages of local elections. The peculiarities of voting and establishing the results of local elections have been clarified. Proposals for improving the legislation on local elections have been developed. ; У роботі уточнено поняття місцевих виборів та виявлено їх види і ознаки. Проаналізовано правову основу виборів до органів місцевого самоврядування. Охарактеризовано фінансове та організаційно-правове забезпечення місцевих виборів. Досліджено умови і порядок реєстрації кандидатів у депутати місцевих рад та на посаду сільського, селищного, міського голови. Охарактеризовано передвиборну агітацію як один з етапів місцевих виборів. З'ясовано особливості голосування та встановлення результатів місцевих виборів. Розроблено пропозиції щодо удосконалення законодавства про місцеві вибори.

The study is devoted to the analysis of the main normative legal acts, regulating the holding of elections within the European Union, linked to the evolution of Ukrainian Constitutionalism and the integration of Ukrainian law into the European legal space. It has been proved, that the correct choice of an electoral system creates a suitable environment for the citizens to exercise one of the fundamental democratic rights, namely to elect their authorized representative who in their turn represent their interests. The article states that despite the growing role of the European Parliament, the election procedure has been only partially coordinated due to the lack of the universal election procedure for all EU members. At present some fundamental principles, regulating this procedure, are stipulated by the 1976 Election Law, however a lot of aspects are regulated by the national legal systems. The lack of universal election law for all EU members potentially deprives European elections of a real European dimension. The recent years have witnessed several attempts to reform the EU election system. However not all of them have led to the adoption of relative Directives. In particular, there are disputes regarding the transnational constituency. The supporters believe it to be the step in the right direction, while the opponents express fears that it will increase the distance between the public and its elected representatives. The author points out that the outcomes of the spring 2019 European Parliamentary elections have common features with the outcomes of Parliamentary and local elections in Ukraine. Problems, related to the European Parliament elections in 2019 and existing in Ukraine, have been identified, such as restrictions for the exercise of voting rights by persons with disabilities due to various reasons, the use of digital technologies and related cybersecurity issues in the election process, protection of personal data and so on

Описані результати кластерного аналізу результатів парламентських виборів 2002-2014 року за близькістю електоральних траєкторій районів показують різноманіття електоральних вподобань та впливу локальних географічних місць на політичний вибір. Якщо в окремих випадках підтримку проросійських партій можна прив'язувати до етнічної композиції населення (наприклад, за переписом 2001 року 51.6% населення Путивльського району були росіянами та 26.7% Великописарівського), то в інших ситуаціях етнічний фактор не є вагомою змінною для аналізу (наприклад, високий рівень підтримки проросійських сил у Середино-Будському, Ямпільському та Шосткинському районах). ; The results of the cluster analysis of the results of the parliamentary elections of 2002-2014, described by the proximity of the electoral districts of the districts, show the variety of electoral preferences and the influence of local geographic locations on a political choice. If, in some cases, support for pro-Russian parties can be tied to the ethnic composition of the population (for example, according to the 2001 census, 51.6% of the population of the Putivl region were Russians and 26.7% of the Veluka Pysarivka), then in other situations, the ethnic factor is not a significant variable for analysis (for example, a high level of support for the pro-Russian forces in the Seredyna-Buda, Yampil' and Shostka districts).

The article is devoted to a topic that is always relevant to democracies: manipulations in election campaigns. Since media literacy as an educational discipline is not widely implemented in Ukrainian society, it causes the public to be manipulated, distorting reality with vivid illusions. It is the use of different techniques, «dirty» technologies, tactics, strategies that impedes the existence of democracy. This article on the basis of media research (use of electronic sources, social networks and video hosting) reveals what manipulation strategies (according to N. Khomsky's typology) were used by the candidates in the 2019 presidential election campaign, as well as the influence of techniques and technologies used in within the framework of manipulative strategies. It has been investigated how verbally and non-verbally was carried influence on electorate, namely: linguistically, psychologically, neurolinguistically, facial expressions, candidate gestures; as a message to the emotionally subconscious constituent of society can be decisive in the election race, how «distraction from the important» can help the candidate not lose their image and «ignorance and mediocrity», which helps candidates gain additional support for the electorate. Also in the article are considered archetypes that were used in the election campaign, their essence and meaning for society, «hanging labels»; the gradualness of the decisions that made the candidate popular with the public; trends that were created by candidate image makers to increase rankings and support. How you can use «guilt» to your advantage; manipulations with sociological surveys; conversation with the people as with a child and a play in a«simpleton». How the hyperbolizing of facts without comparison can cause great public outrage and disrupt an opponent's image, or how candidates have tarnished their image or changed it in general. A thorough mass impact analysis was conducted using manipulative technologies and strategies. The research object was the election ...

The article considers the concepts of elections, electronic elections and electronic voting technologies, analyzes the main shortcomings of the existing electronic voting system, identifies the advantages and disadvantages of electronic elections, analyzes the current state of elections in COVID-19. The article pays attention to topical issues of the need for research at the legislative level of electronic voting as the implementation of democratic principles of the state. Prospects for the development and implementation of e-systems in Ukraine are formulated. Prospects for the introduction of electronic voting in Ukraine and the possibility of adopting the experience of other European countries are considered. The issues of the procedure of introduction of electronic elections in Ukraine and work with the population on its expediency are considered.

The proposed article analyzes the motives for voter behaviour before and during the election. It is stated that understanding the patterns of their actions greatly mitigates the surprise of the election results. Recently, political scientists, sociologists, and analysts have learned a great deal about how voters actually make decisions that have a final impact on their choices, how important their views are for understanding democratic responsibility and social well-being. However, these studies have provoked more open-ended questions than answers. In the fall of 2014, the United States held by-elections to Congress. Scientists have another chance to test their versions of the American election results, to monitor the electoral behaviour patterns, to predict the results. Of particular interest, in terms of results, there is the behaviour of a voter known as swing voter. The article analyzes the social status of voters in this group, indicates the possible reasons for changing their electoral positions. Our study is based on a descriptive method and a method of systematic analysis of a number of procedures for collecting, primary analysis, and presentation of data and their characteristics. Administratively, we have focused our attention on the North-Eastern states, the findings of the study should be used responsibly to the situation in other regions of the country. The basic methodology is the most popular in the United States theory of retrospective voting. Its essence is that the political results should correspond to the indicators of competence and efficiency of the elected officials.

In the article, the author established the nature and types of terms for resolving electoral disputes. It is concluded that it is advisable to establish the essence of the term as a legal category; it is used in the consideration and resolution of administrative disputes, including election disputes. It is substantiated that the term must be understood as a certain time period, determined by the calendar date or event, with the onset of which the person arises or terminates the right to act in a certain way. The terms in consideration and resolution of electoral cases are classified according to a number of criteria - the method of protecting violated suffrage; time of application of the right to appeal a management decision; stages of the election process; time criterion for their calculation; conditions of their occurrence; their substantive nature; opportunities for their recovery. Given the nature of the time limit for applying to the court as a variety of terms in the consideration and resolution of electoral disputes, it was concluded that it would be appropriate to classify them as defined by the substantive rules of administrative law. Attention is drawn to the fact that maintaining the norm on defining the terms of appeal to the administrative court as a guarantee of the protection of electoral rights in the structure of the Code of Administrative Procedure of Ukraine is a compulsory measure of legal regulation, they should be eliminated as part of law-making activities to develop and adopt the Electoral Code of Ukraine. It is emphasized that classifying the term of appeal to the administrative court as a guarantee of ensuring the implementation of suffrage to the category of material terms allows us to conclude that it should be understood as a limitation period. It is noted that it becomes especially relevant to solve the problem of legislatively determining the length of time for appeal to an administrative court as a category of material terms, and accordingly to solve the question of whether it is ...

Запроваджено та розкрито суть індексу демократичних виборів як показника, що дозволяє з'ясувати рівень демократичності конкретних виборчих перегонів. Показано особливості та методику обчислення індексу демократичних виборів у країнах з «перехідним» політичним режимом. ; Purpose of publication - to work out methodology ofdetermination of level of democratism of electoral process in«transitional» societies and especially in Ukraine. For realizationof the mentioned purpose an author enters a concept «Index ofdemocratic elections» as index, that allows to find out the level ofdemocratism of every electoral campaign.An idea underlying the index says that elections canbe considered as democratic only at certain conditions –comprehensive observance of all approved by long-term worldand home electoral practice democratic principles of elections.The author distinguishes three groups of democraticprinciples of elections – basic, additional and processional,each of that includes its own concrete principles. Taking intoaccount that different principles have different «weight» (theydifferently influence the level of democratism of elections),Buchyn M. A. assigns each of principles with certain amount ofpoints from 50 to 200. In addition, each of democratic principlesof elections consists of indicators. The level of their inhibitionis examined separately in electoral legislation and in concreteelectoral practice.In accordance with aforesaid Index of democratic elections iscalculated as a relation of sum of the points gained for the level oftheir inhibition during an electoral campaign, to the maximallypossible sum of points. An index can acquire numerical valuefrom 0 (elections are fully undemocratic) to 1 (elections are fullydemocratic). ; Введена и раскрыта сущность индекса демократическихвыборов как показателя, что позволяет выяснить уровеньдемократичности конкретных избирательных гонок.Показаны особенности и методика вычисления индексадемократических выборов в странах с «переходным»политическим режимом.

It has been found that in the 21st century, political parties play an important role in the political processes of society, forming political power in a representative democracy. Qualitative development of political parties is possible with proper legal support, which allows ruling and opposition political parties to participate in electoral processes on a democratic basis. It is determined that crucial for a proper understanding of the basic principles of political party participation in electoral processes is that they should in no way be seen as a means of imposing excessive restrictions on political parties respecting the right of citizens to hold political office, personally or as political party representatives. It is substantiated that political parties perform an important representative function during their activity. The main task of political parties is to participate in the formation of the political will of the people through the electoral process and the implementation of a certain political course. It is proposed to consider political parties as organizations that have united certain individuals, one of whose goals is to participate in the management of public affairs through the nomination of candidates in free and democratic elections. It was found that in countries where national law does not require the registration of political parties, a political party is still subject to certain requirements for their participation in the electoral process. There is a tendency towards a more liberal approach to the requirements of the functioning of political parties of power to developed classical European democracies. At the same time, the democracies of Central and Eastern Europe are characterized by greater bureaucratization and formalized requirements for state registration and participation of political parties in the electoral process.

In the article the main aspects of Ukrainian election law on political advertising is considered. The media disseminate information about candidates during election battles. It helps to shape a public opinion and directs voters to a particular choice. Usually, this information is presented as a political campaign or political advertising. In the article, author singles out the main sections of the election law, which are relating to political campaigning and political advertising. Key words: political advertising, political campaigning, voters, electoral legislation, media. ; У статті розглянуто основні аспекти українського виборчого законодавства щодо політичної реклами. Мас-медіа, під час передвиборчих баталій, поширюють інформацію про кандидатів. Саме це допомагає формувати громадську думку, орієнтує електорат на конкретний вибір. Зазвичай така інформація подається як політична агітація або політична реклама. У статті автор також виокремлює основні новели Законів про вибори, які стосуються політичної агітації та політичної реклами. Ключові слова: політична реклама, політична агітація, електорат, виборче законодавство, мас-медіа.

Стаття присвячена президентським виборчим кампаніям у період Незалежності. Окреслено технологічні риси виборів Президента України (1991–2019). Виокремлено специфіку ефективних стратегій кандидатів, які в першому турі виборів здобули перемогу. Розкрито особливості політтехнологічного протистояння кандидатів у другому турі президентських виборів. ; The article provides insight into the political technology features of the election of the Ukrainian President (1991, 1994, 1999, 2004, 2010, 2014, 2019). In particular, the specifics of the efficient strategies of the candidates have been determined, who won the first round of elections. In other words, they gained 50% + 1 vote of voters taking into account the rules of the majority system of absolute majority. In the course of the Independence Day, there were two presidential election campaigns in Ukraine, when the candidate won the first round in 1991 (L. Kravchuk) and 2014 (P. Poroshenko). The basic political strategy of that election lied in the idea of one candidate with no alternative ones.The peculiarities of political opposition strategy of candidates in the second round of presidential elections have been discovered. During the presidential election campaign in Ukraine, the candidates' struggle was often implemented through the political technology of ideological, cultural and territorial division of citizens, when the west and the east of the state became the axis of partitioning the electoral sympathies, especially in 1994 and 2004.Since 1991, two snap presidential elections were held in Ukraine. They were notable for political and economic tension in society, short terms of agitation, rapid mobilization of the electorate, unpredictability of the election results. These campaigns took place in 1994 and 2014, whereas L. Kuchma and P. Poroshenko won the victories, respectively.Today L. Kuchma remains the only ex-head of the state, who received presidential mandate twice. His political campaign in 1999 was characterized by extensive use of the administrative resources, as well as the presidential campaign of Viktor Yanukovych in 2010, which he won.A special precedent in the electoral history of Ukraine was the calling of the repeat presidential election in 2004 following mass protests by citizens, which were named "The Orange Revolution".The 2019 election campaign in the political strategy aspect is focused on the countering between the two main rivals: P. Poroshenko and Y. Tymoshenko and is characterized by lack of sharp opposition to the foreign policy of the pro-European course of Ukraine.

Стаття присвячена президентським виборчим кампаніям у період Незалежності. Окреслено технологічні риси виборів Президента України (1991–2019). Виокремлено специфіку ефективних стратегій кандидатів, які в першому турі виборів здобули перемогу. Розкрито особливості політтехнологічного протистояння кандидатів у другому турі президентських виборів. ; The article provides insight into the political technology features of the election of the Ukrainian President (1991, 1994, 1999, 2004, 2010, 2014, 2019). In particular, the specifics of the efficient strategies of the candidates have been determined, who won the first round of elections. In other words, they gained 50% + 1 vote of voters taking into account the rules of the majority system of absolute majority. In the course of the Independence Day, there were two presidential election campaigns in Ukraine, when the candidate won the first round in 1991 (L. Kravchuk) and 2014 (P. Poroshenko). The basic political strategy of that election lied in the idea of one candidate with no alternative ones.The peculiarities of political opposition strategy of candidates in the second round of presidential elections have been discovered. During the presidential election campaign in Ukraine, the candidates' struggle was often implemented through the political technology of ideological, cultural and territorial division of citizens, when the west and the east of the state became the axis of partitioning the electoral sympathies, especially in 1994 and 2004.Since 1991, two snap presidential elections were held in Ukraine. They were notable for political and economic tension in society, short terms of agitation, rapid mobilization of the electorate, unpredictability of the election results. These campaigns took place in 1994 and 2014, whereas L. Kuchma and P. Poroshenko won the victories, respectively.Today L. Kuchma remains the only ex-head of the state, who received presidential mandate twice. His political campaign in 1999 was characterized by extensive use of the administrative resources, as well as the presidential campaign of Viktor Yanukovych in 2010, which he won.A special precedent in the electoral history of Ukraine was the calling of the repeat presidential election in 2004 following mass protests by citizens, which were named "The Orange Revolution".The 2019 election campaign in the political strategy aspect is focused on the countering between the two main rivals: P. Poroshenko and Y. Tymoshenko and is characterized by lack of sharp opposition to the foreign policy of the pro-European course of Ukraine.

The purpose of the research is to study modern means of communication during protests, as well as to analyze their effects on the example of Belarus. The research methodology consists in the application of such general scientific methods as synthesis, analysis, generalization, comparison, which allowed to explore the features, problems, and possibilities of using traditional and modern means of communication during political protests. The scientific novelty of the work is that the article summarizes the knowledge about the specifics of the use of traditional and modern protest communication tools in modern conditions. The author carried out the analysis of communication tools efficiency on the example of Belarus. It is concluded that the latest online tools in modern protest communications play a key role because even traditional means, such as protests, are coordinated through messengers and social networks. At the same time, traditional means do not lose their relevance, as the protest effectiveness without their use would be low. Therefore, a successful combination of traditional and modern means, offline and online communications, provides the best results of the protest. Regarding the effectiveness and efficiency of communication means used by the protesters in Belarus, it is worth noting their effectiveness, although the main goal – a change of government – has not been achieved. This is explained by several circumstances, in particular, the epidemiological situation, the rapid reaction of O. Lukashenko's team, and the work of the entire state apparatus, law enforcement agencies to curb the protest wave. The self-proclaimed president also takes symmetrical measures against the opposition, organizes pro-government rallies, mobilizes his supporters, and relies on the power bloc. Consequently, it can be stated that the struggle between the authorities and the protesters will continue, and the final victory will depend on the ability to respond quickly to domestic and external events, to use available ...