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The paper presents the election results of the Democratic Party in the midterm elections 2010. The consequences of these elections encompassed the loss of seats in both houses of Congress as well as the much more painful outcome of the Republican Party winning a majority in the House of Representatives. President Obama assumed complete responsibility for this defeat, and the next two years for him will mean cooperation with the GOP, which will be difficult given the financial crisis. Midterm elections traditionally undermine the party of the President in office – power drains from those who wield it. There always are people who are disappointed with the current policy of the administration, however, in 2010 we can talk about a political earthquake. Apart from the 'midterm elections effect', the success of the Republican Party partly resulted from the difficult economic situation and the reform of the health care system. A significant feature of this campaign involved the Tea Party movement, which won a considerable support owing to its critical attitude to President Obama's domestic policy. ; The paper presents the election results of the Democratic Party in the midterm elections 2010. The consequences of these elections encompassed the loss of seats in both houses of Congress as well as the much more painful outcome of the Republican Party winning a majority in the House of Representatives. President Obama assumed complete responsibility for this defeat, and the next two years for him will mean cooperation with the GOP, which will be difficult given the financial crisis. Midterm elections traditionally undermine the party of the President in office – power drains from those who wield it. There always are people who are disappointed with the current policy of the administration, however, in 2010 we can talk about a political earthquake. Apart from the 'midterm elections effect', the success of the Republican Party partly resulted from the difficult economic situation and the reform of the health care system. A significant feature of this campaign involved the Tea Party movement, which won a considerable support owing to its critical attitude to President Obama's domestic policy.

The paper presents the election results of the Democratic Party in the midterm elections 2010. The consequences of these elections encompassed the loss of seats in both houses of Congress as well as the much more painful outcome of the Republican Party winning a majority in the House of Representatives. President Obama assumed complete responsibility for this defeat, and the next two years for him will mean cooperation with the GOP, which will be difficult given the financial crisis. Midterm elections traditionally undermine the party of the President in office – power drains from those who wield it. There always are people who are disappointed with the current policy of the administration, however, in 2010 we can talk about a political earthquake. Apart from the 'midterm elections effect', the success of the Republican Party partly resulted from the difficult economic situation and the reform of the health care system. A significant feature of this campaign involved the Tea Party movement, which won a considerable support owing to its critical attitude to President Obama's domestic policy.

An election campaign is an inseparable element of every election process. It is time preceding all democratic elections which in its being is exceptional and unique. This article is aimed at presenting to the comprehensive systematization of election campaigns. Ten criteria allowing to understand the complexity of the discussed political phenomenon were adopted. They are these criteria: the object, the time, the spatial reach, the legitimacy, the sequence of voting, the way of competition, the aim, the way of reaching the electorate, technological trends, methods of proceedings. For example the authoress assigned to the first criterion such electoral campaigns as: european, presidential, parliamentary, self-government. The systematization of election campaigns described in the article seems as of today to use up the complexity of the description of that political phenomenon. Maybe in the future implementing new criteria of the typology will be necessary. It will happen probably as a result of the rapid development of an contemporary election campaigns, and new criteria will concern rather strategic and tactical matters, than they will result from prescriptive regulations.

The paper clarifies the concept of local elections and identifies their types and features. The legal basis of elections to local self-government bodies is analyzed. The financial and organizational and legal support of local elections is described. The conditions and procedure for registration of candidates for deputies of local councils and for the position of village, settlement, city mayor have been studied. Campaigning is described as one of the stages of local elections. The peculiarities of voting and establishing the results of local elections have been clarified. Proposals for improving the legislation on local elections have been developed. ; У роботі уточнено поняття місцевих виборів та виявлено їх види і ознаки. Проаналізовано правову основу виборів до органів місцевого самоврядування. Охарактеризовано фінансове та організаційно-правове забезпечення місцевих виборів. Досліджено умови і порядок реєстрації кандидатів у депутати місцевих рад та на посаду сільського, селищного, міського голови. Охарактеризовано передвиборну агітацію як один з етапів місцевих виборів. З'ясовано особливості голосування та встановлення результатів місцевих виборів. Розроблено пропозиції щодо удосконалення законодавства про місцеві вибори.

The study is devoted to the analysis of the main normative legal acts, regulating the holding of elections within the European Union, linked to the evolution of Ukrainian Constitutionalism and the integration of Ukrainian law into the European legal space. It has been proved, that the correct choice of an electoral system creates a suitable environment for the citizens to exercise one of the fundamental democratic rights, namely to elect their authorized representative who in their turn represent their interests. The article states that despite the growing role of the European Parliament, the election procedure has been only partially coordinated due to the lack of the universal election procedure for all EU members. At present some fundamental principles, regulating this procedure, are stipulated by the 1976 Election Law, however a lot of aspects are regulated by the national legal systems. The lack of universal election law for all EU members potentially deprives European elections of a real European dimension. The recent years have witnessed several attempts to reform the EU election system. However not all of them have led to the adoption of relative Directives. In particular, there are disputes regarding the transnational constituency. The supporters believe it to be the step in the right direction, while the opponents express fears that it will increase the distance between the public and its elected representatives. The author points out that the outcomes of the spring 2019 European Parliamentary elections have common features with the outcomes of Parliamentary and local elections in Ukraine. Problems, related to the European Parliament elections in 2019 and existing in Ukraine, have been identified, such as restrictions for the exercise of voting rights by persons with disabilities due to various reasons, the use of digital technologies and related cybersecurity issues in the election process, protection of personal data and so on

Описані результати кластерного аналізу результатів парламентських виборів 2002-2014 року за близькістю електоральних траєкторій районів показують різноманіття електоральних вподобань та впливу локальних географічних місць на політичний вибір. Якщо в окремих випадках підтримку проросійських партій можна прив'язувати до етнічної композиції населення (наприклад, за переписом 2001 року 51.6% населення Путивльського району були росіянами та 26.7% Великописарівського), то в інших ситуаціях етнічний фактор не є вагомою змінною для аналізу (наприклад, високий рівень підтримки проросійських сил у Середино-Будському, Ямпільському та Шосткинському районах). ; The results of the cluster analysis of the results of the parliamentary elections of 2002-2014, described by the proximity of the electoral districts of the districts, show the variety of electoral preferences and the influence of local geographic locations on a political choice. If, in some cases, support for pro-Russian parties can be tied to the ethnic composition of the population (for example, according to the 2001 census, 51.6% of the population of the Putivl region were Russians and 26.7% of the Veluka Pysarivka), then in other situations, the ethnic factor is not a significant variable for analysis (for example, a high level of support for the pro-Russian forces in the Seredyna-Buda, Yampil' and Shostka districts).

The article is devoted to a topic that is always relevant to democracies: manipulations in election campaigns. Since media literacy as an educational discipline is not widely implemented in Ukrainian society, it causes the public to be manipulated, distorting reality with vivid illusions. It is the use of different techniques, «dirty» technologies, tactics, strategies that impedes the existence of democracy. This article on the basis of media research (use of electronic sources, social networks and video hosting) reveals what manipulation strategies (according to N. Khomsky's typology) were used by the candidates in the 2019 presidential election campaign, as well as the influence of techniques and technologies used in within the framework of manipulative strategies. It has been investigated how verbally and non-verbally was carried influence on electorate, namely: linguistically, psychologically, neurolinguistically, facial expressions, candidate gestures; as a message to the emotionally subconscious constituent of society can be decisive in the election race, how «distraction from the important» can help the candidate not lose their image and «ignorance and mediocrity», which helps candidates gain additional support for the electorate. Also in the article are considered archetypes that were used in the election campaign, their essence and meaning for society, «hanging labels»; the gradualness of the decisions that made the candidate popular with the public; trends that were created by candidate image makers to increase rankings and support. How you can use «guilt» to your advantage; manipulations with sociological surveys; conversation with the people as with a child and a play in a«simpleton». How the hyperbolizing of facts without comparison can cause great public outrage and disrupt an opponent's image, or how candidates have tarnished their image or changed it in general. A thorough mass impact analysis was conducted using manipulative technologies and strategies. The research object was the election ...

The article considers the concepts of elections, electronic elections and electronic voting technologies, analyzes the main shortcomings of the existing electronic voting system, identifies the advantages and disadvantages of electronic elections, analyzes the current state of elections in COVID-19. The article pays attention to topical issues of the need for research at the legislative level of electronic voting as the implementation of democratic principles of the state. Prospects for the development and implementation of e-systems in Ukraine are formulated. Prospects for the introduction of electronic voting in Ukraine and the possibility of adopting the experience of other European countries are considered. The issues of the procedure of introduction of electronic elections in Ukraine and work with the population on its expediency are considered.

The proposed article analyzes the motives for voter behaviour before and during the election. It is stated that understanding the patterns of their actions greatly mitigates the surprise of the election results. Recently, political scientists, sociologists, and analysts have learned a great deal about how voters actually make decisions that have a final impact on their choices, how important their views are for understanding democratic responsibility and social well-being. However, these studies have provoked more open-ended questions than answers. In the fall of 2014, the United States held by-elections to Congress. Scientists have another chance to test their versions of the American election results, to monitor the electoral behaviour patterns, to predict the results. Of particular interest, in terms of results, there is the behaviour of a voter known as swing voter. The article analyzes the social status of voters in this group, indicates the possible reasons for changing their electoral positions. Our study is based on a descriptive method and a method of systematic analysis of a number of procedures for collecting, primary analysis, and presentation of data and their characteristics. Administratively, we have focused our attention on the North-Eastern states, the findings of the study should be used responsibly to the situation in other regions of the country. The basic methodology is the most popular in the United States theory of retrospective voting. Its essence is that the political results should correspond to the indicators of competence and efficiency of the elected officials.

In the article, the author established the nature and types of terms for resolving electoral disputes. It is concluded that it is advisable to establish the essence of the term as a legal category; it is used in the consideration and resolution of administrative disputes, including election disputes. It is substantiated that the term must be understood as a certain time period, determined by the calendar date or event, with the onset of which the person arises or terminates the right to act in a certain way. The terms in consideration and resolution of electoral cases are classified according to a number of criteria - the method of protecting violated suffrage; time of application of the right to appeal a management decision; stages of the election process; time criterion for their calculation; conditions of their occurrence; their substantive nature; opportunities for their recovery. Given the nature of the time limit for applying to the court as a variety of terms in the consideration and resolution of electoral disputes, it was concluded that it would be appropriate to classify them as defined by the substantive rules of administrative law. Attention is drawn to the fact that maintaining the norm on defining the terms of appeal to the administrative court as a guarantee of the protection of electoral rights in the structure of the Code of Administrative Procedure of Ukraine is a compulsory measure of legal regulation, they should be eliminated as part of law-making activities to develop and adopt the Electoral Code of Ukraine. It is emphasized that classifying the term of appeal to the administrative court as a guarantee of ensuring the implementation of suffrage to the category of material terms allows us to conclude that it should be understood as a limitation period. It is noted that it becomes especially relevant to solve the problem of legislatively determining the length of time for appeal to an administrative court as a category of material terms, and accordingly to solve the question of whether it is ...

Artykuł ten przedstawia dorobek intensywnie rozwijającej się od początku XXI wieku, w badaniach nad wyborami regionalnymi, perspektywy rządzenia wielopoziomowego. Perspektywa ta, odwołuje się do koncepcji wyborów regionalnych jako wyborów drugorzędnych, jednak modyfikuje ją, wskazując na przeobrażenia zachodzące we współczesnej polityce regionalnej w Europie (wzmocnienie władz regionalnych [regional government], zwiększenie liczby stanowisk politycznych, które obsadzane są w drodze wyborów, większe kompetencje wyborców, wzrost liczby partii regionalnych i decentralizacja struktur partyjnych). Prace badawcze prowadzone w ramach tej perspektywy zmierzają do udokumentowania i wyjaśnienia przypadków niepotwierdzających modelu drugorzędności oraz wyodrębnienia krajów, w których jest ona nadal obserwowalna i ustalenia czynników wzmacniających ją lub osłabiających. W warstwie teoretycznej, przy opisie wyborów regionalnych, koncepcja wyborów drugorzędnych wzbogacana i uzupełniana jest o dwie inne koncepcje, odwołujące się do zakresu sprawstwa władz regionalnych i podziałów terytorialnych. Artykuł zakończy zaprezentowanie badań nad wyborami w Europie Środkowowschodniej. ; The article discusses the findings of the multilevel government school (MLG) which has been advancing since the beginning of the 21st century, studying regional elections. The concept defining regional elections as second-order elections has been recognized as critical, although it is reformulated by the MLG school to respond to changes in modern regional politics in Europe. Important recent political developments include the entrenchment of regional governments, the increase in the number of electoral appointments, expanded competencies of voters, the rise of non-state-wide parties and the empowerment of sub-national organizational levels of parties. Current MLG research focuses on identifying and explaining the cases where second-order election predictions do not appear to hold for regional elections, identifying states where it is still the case and, finally, identifying factors that increase or decrease this effect. An interesting theoretical development regarding regional elections as second-order elections is that this concept is supplemented and enriched by the theories of regional authority and territorial cleavages. The final part of the article reviews studies on regional elections and the applicability of the second-order concept to Central and Eastern European countries.

Запроваджено та розкрито суть індексу демократичних виборів як показника, що дозволяє з'ясувати рівень демократичності конкретних виборчих перегонів. Показано особливості та методику обчислення індексу демократичних виборів у країнах з «перехідним» політичним режимом. ; Purpose of publication - to work out methodology ofdetermination of level of democratism of electoral process in«transitional» societies and especially in Ukraine. For realizationof the mentioned purpose an author enters a concept «Index ofdemocratic elections» as index, that allows to find out the level ofdemocratism of every electoral campaign.An idea underlying the index says that elections canbe considered as democratic only at certain conditions –comprehensive observance of all approved by long-term worldand home electoral practice democratic principles of elections.The author distinguishes three groups of democraticprinciples of elections – basic, additional and processional,each of that includes its own concrete principles. Taking intoaccount that different principles have different «weight» (theydifferently influence the level of democratism of elections),Buchyn M. A. assigns each of principles with certain amount ofpoints from 50 to 200. In addition, each of democratic principlesof elections consists of indicators. The level of their inhibitionis examined separately in electoral legislation and in concreteelectoral practice.In accordance with aforesaid Index of democratic elections iscalculated as a relation of sum of the points gained for the level oftheir inhibition during an electoral campaign, to the maximallypossible sum of points. An index can acquire numerical valuefrom 0 (elections are fully undemocratic) to 1 (elections are fullydemocratic). ; Введена и раскрыта сущность индекса демократическихвыборов как показателя, что позволяет выяснить уровеньдемократичности конкретных избирательных гонок.Показаны особенности и методика вычисления индексадемократических выборов в странах с «переходным»политическим режимом.

Można postawić tezę, że wybory z 4 czerwca 1989 r. miały dla przyszłości Polski znaczenie zasadnicze. Porozumienie zawarte przy Okrągłym Stole umożliwiało opozycji demokratycznej jedynie obecność w parlamencie i tym samym kontrolę aparatu władzy. Miało też przerzucić na opozycję część odpowiedzialności za państwo. Wynik wyborów spowodował, że obóz komunistyczny musiał władzę oddać w ręce dotychczasowej opozycji. W artykule przedstawiono wysiłki przedstawicieli Komitetu Obywatelskiego w Państwowej Komisji Wyborczej zmierzające do zabezpieczenia rzetelności wyborów. Jest to jednocześnie obraz powstawania w Polsce prawa wyborczego charakteryzującego demokratyczne państwo oraz tworzenia się kultury prawnej społeczeństwa. ; It might be argued that the election of 4 June 1989 was of essential importance for the future of Poland. The agreement reached at the 'Round Table' merely provided for the presence of democratic opposition in Parliament, allowing it to exercise some control of the apparatus of power. The intention of that concession was to pass onto the opposition a share of responsibility for the state. However, as a result of the election that followed, the ruling communists had to actually hand down power to their opponents. This paper describes the efforts that the Citizens' Committee in the State Election Commission made to protect the integrity of the election. It also describes the process of electoral law formation in Poland, as well as the development of the legal culture of society.

The principle of equal electoral opportunities is implemented, inter alia, by allocating free airtime to political entities. In Poland, like in many other countries, the authorized committees have the right to use the public media's airtime free of charge during election campaigns. The present article's objective is to show the Polish solutions in this domain compared with the regulations in other countries and to present the research results and their analysis concerning Poles' attitude to free election broadcasts – including their assessment of the broadcasts as a source of knowledge about candidates and parties taking part in the election campaign. The studies were carried out based on the survey questionnaire, which was compiled using the five-level Likert scale. The sample was selected by the stratifiedquota method (N = 971). The conclusions resulting from the survey suggest the need to retain the regulation that enables political entities in Poland to use free election broadcasts during election campaigns. At the same time, they point out that it is necessary to seek more advantageous forms and content to put airtime to appropriate use during the campaign period.