Suchergebnisse

Filipino barrios are mostly rural villages. They are, in legal parlance, the smallest political subdivisions in the Philippine system of local governments. Before the fifties barrio government was virtually non-existent. Although there were barrio lieutenants appointed by municipal mayors, it was not until the mid-fifties that councils began to give the barrios a semblance of government — mostly in form rather than in substance —similar to the commission plan of American local government. Under the unitary system of Filipino government, all local governments, except those in the chartered cities, are governed by the Revised Administrative Code. To give the barrio a government of its own and to grant its citizens the right to vote for their own officials would require an amendment to this Code by the Philippine Congress. Thus, the establishment of the first elective barrio councils in 1956 was the result of an amendment to an appropriate section of that Code. Later in 1959 the Philippine Congress became more generous by granting the barrios a general charter which defined in more definitive terms the scope and nature of barrio councils and the manner in which members of these councils were chosen. The purpose of this article is to identify the major issues on the barrio electoral process which confronted the Philippine Congress and to provide some insight into the manner in which these issues were resolved.

The gradual but remorseless undermining of the British National Health Service by British governments of the past few years has culminated in the present widely proclaimed crisis of the health care system in the UK. Our present government has declared some interest in the US health care system as a possible alternative model because there health care is largely a privately produced and marketed commodity. (1) This paper is a forthright antidote to the advocacy of private or even semi-private health care systems, exposing the manifold inadequacies of the US system. At the same time it ad vocates a public health care system for the US which in many respects per haps represents a progressive improvement on the present NHS structure. The paper is the National Rainbow Coalition Health Commission's Position Paper No 1. The National Rainbow Coalition is the largest pro gressive group in the US. It works within and outside the Democratic Par ty and it works in both electoral and non-electoral politics. It includes labour unions, farmers' associations, black, latino and other minority movements as well as peace, feminist and ecological movements. (2) The President of the Rainbow is Jesse Jackson, who is also the Presidential Democratic candidate proposed by the Rainbow. The National Health Commission is responsible for advising the Rainbow Coalition on matters of policy. This paper was approved by the major policy body of the Na tional Rainbow Coalition at the National Congress which took place in Raleigh, North Carolina in the autumn of 1987. The report is now the Rainbow's main policy paper on health. Other papers prepared by the Commission and approved by the Congress are on AIDS, occupational and environmental health, and other issues. The paper was prepared by Vicente Navarro, the Coordinator of the Health Commission with the assistance of David Himmelstein and Steffi Wool- handler, and the twenty other members of the Commission in October 1987.

SUMARIO: I. Introducción al Debate institucional italiano.—1. Planteamiento del tema.—2. Objetivos perseguidos y limitaciones implícitas al Proyecto de Reforma.—3. Los frentes de acción del Proyecto.—II. El poder legislativo como expresión material de la representación: Reforma del Parlamento.—1. Crisis y superación del Bicameralismo perfecto.—2. Composición de las Cámaras.—3. Los gastos electorales.—4. Funciones del Parlamento: la función legislativa; atribución esencial y proyecto de Reforma.—5. Dos problemas relativos a las Fuentes Normativas: el curso preferencial de los «Decretos de urgencia». Las «Leyes de Comisión».—6. Las funciones de las Cámaras en materia de control.—7. La función de orientación (el «indirizzo» político) y la disciplina interior.—III. El poder ejecutivo: El Presidente, el Consejo y las relaciones orgánicas con el legislativo.—1. Reorganización interna del Consejo de Ministros. 2. El Gobierno ante las Cámaras.—IV. El sistema electoral en la Commissione Bozzi. 1. Planteamiento del tema.—2. Los grupos de la Comisión y sus respectivas propuestas.—3. Partidos, partitocracia y sistema electoral.— V. Conclusiones: Las dos trayectorias centrales del Proyecto de reforma.—VI. Una reflexión final sobre la cuestión moral.— Nota bibliográfica.

International law in general — Relation to municipal law — Necessity for incorporation into municipal law — Whether publication in Legal Supplement to Gazette constitutes incorporation — British Crown's jurisdiction over protectorate — Validity after independence of appointment of Electoral Boundary Commissioner during protectorate — The law of Uganda

A calculation similar in manner to that employed by the Advisory Committee on Election Expenses, and by the author for earlier elections, reveals that a conservative estimate of over-all spending by political parties and candidates in the 1972 federal general election campaign would have amounted to well over $31 million. To complete the picture of the cash outlay on the federal electoral process one should add the $20,435,277.54 spent by the chief electoral officer on the 1972 federal general election, as well as the value of free broadcasting time supplied to parties and candidates by the publicly owned Canadian Broadcasting Corporation and the private stations. (In addition, the unknown costs of obtaining a party's nomination by constituency candidates and the pro-rated costs of the representation commissioner and electoral boundary commissioners calculated by Professor Norman Ward at $200,000 per election must be computed in order to arrive at the full cost of the electoral process.)

The Trilateral Commission is a private organization founded in 1973 to jointly solve the common problems faced by the countries of the post-industrial world. It is made up of high personalities from the three developed areas of the world: Canada and the United States for North America, Western Europe and Japan. A thematic change of the Trilateral Commission in the 1980s was accompanied by a transformation in the mentality of the American people. Certain structural and cultural elements were the cause of this electoral inclination towards more conservative candidates. Like North American politics, the Trilateral Commission underwent the same substantial changes in its ideology and political praxis. We maintain that the Trilateral has been evolving with the times, thereby maintaining its ability to continue to be a potentially influential pressure group in North American and world politics. ; La Comisión Trilateral es una organización privada fundada en 1973 para resolver en forma conjunta los problemas comunes que deben enfrentar los países del mundo post-industrial. Está formada por altas personalidades de las tres áreas desarrolladas del mundo: Canadá y Estados Unidos por la América del Norte, Europa Occidental y Japón. Un cambio temático de la Comisión Trilateral en los años 80 fue acompañado de una transformación en la mentalidad del pueblo norteamericano. Ciertos elementos estructurales y culturales fueron la causa de esta inclinación electoral hacia candidatos más conservadores. Ahora bien, al igual que la política norteamericana, la Comisión Trilateral sufrió los mismos cambios sustanciales en su ideología y praxis política. Sostenemos que la Trilateral ha ido evolucionando al ritmo de los tiempos, con lo cual mantiene su posibilidad de seguir siendo un grupo de presión potencialmente influyente en la política norteamericana y mundial.

On March 9, 1964, the Hon. J. W. Pickersgill moved in the House of Commons the second reading of the Electoral Boundaries Readjustment Bill, a step of major constitutional importance which not only made provision for the first redistribution of Canadian federal constituencies since 1952, but provided that, for the first time, this task of redistribution would be taken out of the hands of parliamentary committees and entrusted to independent representation commissions. All this was long overdue and there was broad, if not unanimous, agreement that the creation of impartial representation commissions was a desirable reform. As Mr. Pickersgill said in the House next day:The first and by far the most important of these [principles] was that we should not follow the pattern that had been followed in the first ninety years since Confederation, of having the readjustment of representation in this place done in this place by its members directly, but that it should be done by some body which would be as impartial as we in our collective ingenuity could provide and who would be as competent as we could find means to provide through legislation and subsequent appointment.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- List of Tables and Figures -- Foreword -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- About the authors -- Map of the European Community with number of MEPs per country -- Seating plan of Political Groups in the Strasbourg Parliament -- I: THE FRAMEWORK -- Chapter 1. The Parliament in context -- The institutional context -- - The Commission -- - The Council -- - Other Community bodies -- - The European Parliament and national parliaments -- The historical context -- Chapter 2. How it is elected -- 1. The run-up to direct elections -- 2. The variety of national systems and the main differences between them -- 3. Main issues in drawing up a uniform electoral system -- (i) The nature of the electoral system -- (ii) The choice of candidates -- (iii) The right to vote -- (iv) Finance -- (v) The number of seats per country -- 4. The attempts that have been made so far in drawing up a uniform electoral system -- The European elections so far -- Chapter 3. Where, when and in quale lingua -- The seat issue: where the Parliament meets -- When: Parliament's cycle of activities -- In quale lingua: languages within the European Parliament -- II: THE ACTORS AND WORKING STRUCTURES -- Chapter 4. The individual members -- 1. Rights and obligations of individual members within the European Parliamentary system -- - Incompatibilities and verification of credentials -- - Facilities -- - Immunities -- - Declaration of financial interests -- - The members' assistants -- 2. Background of the individual members elected in 1989 -- - Length of service -- - Balance between men and women -- - National parliamentary and ministerial experience -- - Other political experience -- 3. The role of individual members within the Parliamentary system -- 4. The work of an individual MEP: choice of priorities.

AbstractAre there factors of continuity that help in predicting economic development policy in Third World countries? What groups will influence policy as regime types change? In Latin America today several military regimes are shifting to civilian leadership. Technocrats could provide continuity as new decision makers face difficult economic choices. The Brazilian case provides a dramatic example, given the prominent role played by technocrats during the military regimes since 1964 and the increased electoral activity begun in 1982. This study evaluates the role and potential future impact of Brazilian technocrats. It uses the example of Brazilians trained or otherwise influenced by the U.N. Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA). Given that ECLA has been a major force in promoting development policy involving planning and import substitution, the Brazilians in question could affect major policy change during the current economic crisis.

When Justin Dart, Chairman of Dart Industries, said in 1978, "talking with politicians is a fine thing, but with a little money they hear you better," his colleagues apparently concurred. As Figure 1 indicates, subsequent to several congressional. Federal Election Commission and Supreme Court decisions which clarified some ambiguity concerning their legality, the surge in corporate PAC growth was extremely impressive. The advent of the growth in corporate PACs represented a fundamental shift in the way business money is funneled into electoral politics. Prior to the 1970s, business executives contributed to politicians in an unsystematic, ad hoc manner. Traditionally, corporate executives got together and bankrolled candidates of their choice with little pressure or need to disclose the recipients of their largess.Gone are those days when the so-called "corporate bag-men" would pass out envelopes filled with cash on the 17th green of some exclusive country club. Today, computerized records of congressmen's roll-call votes and lists of potential PAC contributors have replaced the nine iron as an effective corporate political tool.

When Justin Dart, Chairman of Dart Industries, said in 1978, "talking with politicians is a fine thing, but with a little money they hear you better," his colleagues apparently concurred. As Figure 1 indicates, subsequent to several congressional. Federal Election Commission and Supreme Court decisions which clarified some ambiguity concerning their legality, the surge in corporate PAC growth was extremely impressive. The advent of the growth in corporate PACs represented a fundamental shift in the way business money is funneled into electoral politics. Prior to the 1970s, business executives contributed to politicians in an unsystematic, ad hoc manner. Traditionally, corporate executives got together and bankrolled candidates of their choice with little pressure or need to disclose the recipients of their largess.Gone are those days when the so-called "corporate bag-men" would pass out envelopes filled with cash on the 17th green of some exclusive country club. Today, computerized records of congressmen's roll-call votes and lists of potential PAC contributors have replaced the nine iron as an effective corporate political tool.

Books reviewed in this article.Albanese, Paul J.: Psychological Foundations of Economic Behavior.Australian Bureau OF Agricultural AND Resource EConom‐ics: Japanese Agricultural Policies. A Time of ChangeBryant, Ralph C: International Financial IntermediationCencini, Alvaro: Money, Income and Time: A Quantum‐Theoretical ApproachChenery, Hollis and Srinivasan, T. N. (eds.): Handbook of Development EconomicsEizenga W., Limburg, E. and Polak, J. (eds.): The Quest for National and Global Economic StabilityHildreth, C: The Cowles Commission in Chicago 1939‐1955Foster, John: Evolutionary macroeconomicsHibbs, Douglas A. JR.: The political Economy of Industrial DemocraciesHibbs, Douglas A. JR.: <<The American Political Economy: Macroeconomics and Electoral Politics in the United States>>Hodgson, Geoffrey M.: Economics and Institutions. A Manifesto for a Modern Institutional EconomicsLandau, Saul: The Dangerous Doctrine: National Security and U. S. Foreign PolicyGuth, W. (ed.): Economic Policy CoordinationGuth, W. (ed.): Economic Policy CoordinationReheis, Fritz: Konkurrenz und Gleichgewicht als Fundamente von Gesellschaft.RÜsch, G.: Die regionale Aufbringungs‐/Zuteilungsrechnung.Schmidt, Klaus‐Dieter und Gundlach, Erich: Investitionen, Produktivität und Beschäftigung.Teichert, Volker (Hrsg.): Alternativen zur Erwerbsarbeit?Telser, Lester G.: A Theory of Efficient Cooperation and CompetitionWeiss, Frank D. et al.: Trade Policy in West Germany

Book reviewed in this article: BUREAUMETRICS Christopher Hood and Andrew Dunsire GOVERNMENT DEPARTMENTS: AN ORGANIZATIONAL PERSPECTIVE D. C. Pitt and B. C. Smith Open University Course D336: People, Policies and Administration THE ADMINISTRATIVE CONTEXT (Block 1): L. Lewis, C. Pollitt and K. Rowen. MAKING POLICY (Block 2); J. Mitchell, J. Patten, C. Pollitt and M. Shackleton IMPLEMENTATION, EVALUATION AND CHANGE (Block 3): A. Blowers, J. Brown, A. Dunsire and C. Pollitt. PARTICIPATION (Block 4): M. Macartney, J. Mesher and D. Murray. BIG GOVERNMENT IN HARD TIMES Christopher Hood and Maurice Wright (eds.) CONTROL AND POWER IN CENTRAL‐LOCAL GOVERNMENT RELATIONS R.A.W. Rhodes POLICY AND GOVERNMENT IN NORTHERN IRELAND: LESSONS OF DEVEOLUTION Derek Birrell and Alan Murie THE GEOGRAPHY OF PUBLIC FINANCE: WELFARE UNDER FISCAL FEDERALISM AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT FINANCE R. J. Bennett URBAN POLITICAL ECONOMY Kenneth Newton (ed.) THE LOCAL FISCAL CRISIS IN WESTERN EUROPE: MYTHS AND REALITIES L. J. Sharpe (ed.) INSPECTORATES IN BRITISH GOVERNMENT: LAW ENFORCEMENT AND STANDARDS OF EFFICIENCY Gerald Rhodes POLICY‐MAKING IN THE NATIONAL HEALTH SERVICE Christopher Ham THE WORKLESS STATE: STUDIES IN UNEMPLOYMENT Brian Showler and Adrian Sinfield (eds.) WHAT UNEMPLOYMENT MEANS Adrian Sinfield RURAL HOUSING: COMPETITION AND CHOICE M. Dunn, M. Rawson, A. Rogers THE ELECTORAL SYSTEM S.E. Finer and Anthony King LOCAL GOVERNMENT Dilys M. Hill and Peter Richards THE CIVIL SERVICE COMMISSION 1855–1975 K.M. Reader

Der Verfasser untersucht die Gültigkeit ausgewählter Interpretationen zur Erklärung der Bundestagswahlergebnisse des Jahres 1953. Er konfrontiert die einzelnen Interpretationen mit Datenmaterial aus Meinungsumfragen des amerikanischen Hohen Kommissars für Deutschland zu Aspekten der bundesdeutschen Nachkriegspolitik. Der Autor kommt zu den Ergebnissen, daß der Wahlausgang und die Akzeptanz der bundesdeutschen Bevölkerung gegenüber demokratischen Institutionen und dem demokratischen System nach Auswertung des Datenmaterials nicht überrascht. Während die Identifikation mit den politischen Parteien eine untergeordnete Rolle gespielt habe, seien die von Adenauer vertretenen Standpunkte sowie dessen Persönlichkeit ausschlaggebend für den Wahlausgang gewesen. Haben sich Religionszugehörigkeit und soziale Herkunft als bedeutende Determinanten des Wahlverhaltens erwiesen, so läßt nach Ansicht des Autors eine fehlende theoretische Fundierung hingegen Rückschlüsse über ihren Stellenwert verglichen mit anderen Determinanten nicht zu. ; The 1953 Bundestag election is frequently interpreted as a critical milestone in postwar West Germany's political history. Some saw its outcome, which gave Chancellor Adenauer's CDU/CSU 45.2% for the vote (31.0% in 1949) and his coalition 63.8% (and a constitution-changing 68.4% of Bundestag seats), as a major surprise, as proof that west Germans had firmly accepted democacy, or as simply another election, to be explained by the appeal of political issues, party identification, the candidates personalities, special political circumstances (e.g. U.S. intervention), or the sociological characteristics of the voters themselves. The paper looks into the validity of a particular set of public opinion surveys on the 1953 Bundestag election, commissioned by the Evaluation Staff of the Office of Public Affairs, U.S. High Commission for Germany (HICOG). The data from the 1953 election study show that neither the electoral outcome nor the degree of West Germans' acceptance of democratic institutions and practices should have come as a surprise. Specific issues seemed to play little role, but differences in general mood, related to several such issues, were important. Party identification as such was important for only a few. Voters subsequently saw Adenauer's personality and the general mood he represented as the most important element in the outcome; the special circumstances mentioned by several writers were insignificant in the voters' consciousness. The data suggest that social class and religion were important variables determining voters' predispositions, but the lack of theoretic orientation in the study makes impossible any definite conclusion about their weight vis-a-vis other variables such as issues.