Suchergebnisse

Part 1/2. - 1967. - VI,128 S. : 10 Tab.; Part 3. - 1968. - 86 S. : 10 Tab

The report of the Kennedy Commission on Registration & Voter Participation, the 1964 Current Pop Survey of the Census Bur, & other data indicate a number of facts about US voter participation. People tend to 'overstate' their participation to elections. AIen vote more than women, the middle-aged more than the young & the elderly, whites more than Negroes. The curve of voter turnout parallels those of edue & income. Turnout is generally greater in elections for higher gov levels & greater in general than in primary elections. One group of nonvoters is deterred by such major legal- administration obstacles as citizenship, registration, & absentee voting requirements, racial & religious disabilities, & admin'ive regulations for voting times & locations. A 2nd group of nonvoters are those who meet legaladmin'ive requirements but exhibit 'lack of involvement.' Age, sex, & SES affect lack of involvement. So do importance & closeness of elections & competitiveness of the pol'al atmosphere. Total voter participation in elections is a dubious goal. Perhaps the goal should rather be to increase access to the polls by eliminating or altering legal & admin'ive barriers to voluntary voting. IIA.

The report of the Kennedy Commission on Registration and Voter Participation, the 1964 Current Population Survey of the Census Bureau, and other data indicate a number of facts about United States voter par ticipation. People tend to "overstate" their participation in elections. Men vote more than women, the middle-aged more than the young and the elderly, whites more than Negroes. The curve of voter turnout parallels those of education and income. Turnout is lower in the South than in other areas and also varies by urban, suburban, and rural areas. Turn out is generally greater in elections for higher government levels and greater in general than in primary elections. One group of nonvoters is deterred by such major legal-administra tive obstacles as citizenship, registration, and absentee voting requirements, racial and religious disabilities, and administra tive regulations for voting times and locations. A second group of nonvoters are those who meet legal-administrative requirements but exhibit "lack of involvement." Age, sex, and social-economic status affect lack of involvement. So do importance and closeness of elections and competitiveness of the political atmosphere. Total voter participation in elec tions is a dubious goal. Perhaps the goal should rather be to increase access to the polls by eliminating or altering legal and administrative barriers to voluntary voting.—Ed.

Filipino barrios are mostly rural villages. They are, in legal parlance, the smallest political subdivisions in the Philippine system of local governments. Before the fifties barrio government was virtually non-existent. Although there were barrio lieutenants appointed by municipal mayors, it was not until the mid-fifties that councils began to give the barrios a semblance of government — mostly in form rather than in substance —similar to the commission plan of American local government. Under the unitary system of Filipino government, all local governments, except those in the chartered cities, are governed by the Revised Administrative Code. To give the barrio a government of its own and to grant its citizens the right to vote for their own officials would require an amendment to this Code by the Philippine Congress. Thus, the establishment of the first elective barrio councils in 1956 was the result of an amendment to an appropriate section of that Code. Later in 1959 the Philippine Congress became more generous by granting the barrios a general charter which defined in more definitive terms the scope and nature of barrio councils and the manner in which members of these councils were chosen. The purpose of this article is to identify the major issues on the barrio electoral process which confronted the Philippine Congress and to provide some insight into the manner in which these issues were resolved.

On March 9, 1964, the Hon. J. W. Pickersgill moved in the House of Commons the second reading of the Electoral Boundaries Readjustment Bill, a step of major constitutional importance which not only made provision for the first redistribution of Canadian federal constituencies since 1952, but provided that, for the first time, this task of redistribution would be taken out of the hands of parliamentary committees and entrusted to independent representation commissions. All this was long overdue and there was broad, if not unanimous, agreement that the creation of impartial representation commissions was a desirable reform. As Mr. Pickersgill said in the House next day:The first and by far the most important of these [principles] was that we should not follow the pattern that had been followed in the first ninety years since Confederation, of having the readjustment of representation in this place done in this place by its members directly, but that it should be done by some body which would be as impartial as we in our collective ingenuity could provide and who would be as competent as we could find means to provide through legislation and subsequent appointment.

Book reviewed in this article:A NEW BRITANNIA: An argument concerning the social origins of Australian radicalism and nationalism. By Humphrey McQueen.THE AUSTRALIAN NEW LEFT: Critical Essays and Strategy. Edited by Richard Gordon.THE SPLIT: Australian Labor in the fifties. By Robert Murray.EVATT: Politics and Justice. By Kylie Tennant.AUSTRALIA AND THE GREAT DEPRESSION: A Study of Economic Development and Policy in the 1920's and 1930's. By C. B. Schedvin.AUSTRALIA WET OR DRY?: The Physical and Economic Limits to the Expansion of Irrigation. By B. R. Davidson.THE DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION OF AUSTRALIA. By Erwin H. J. Feeken, Gerda E. E. Feeken and O. H. K. Spate.THE UNIVERSITY EXPERIENCE: An Australian Study. By Graham Little.AUSTRALIA, NEW ZEALAND AND THE UNITED STATES: A Survey of International Relations 1941–1968. By Trevor R. Reese.THE ECONOMICS OF SOCIALISM: Principles Governing the Operation of the Centrally Planned Economies in the U.S.S.R. and Eastern Europe under the New System. By J. Wilczyinski.THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION: The origins, phases and meaning of the Bolshevik victory. By Marcel Liebman. Translated by Arnold J. PomeransTHE POLITICS OF NEW STATES: A general analysis with case studies from Eastern Asia. Edited by Roger Scott.THE THIRD WORLD. By Peter Worsley.TOWARDS UHURU IN TANZANIA: The Politics of Participation. By G. Andrew Maguire.CITY POLITICS: A Study of Léopoldville, 1962–63. By J. S. La Fontaine.THE POLITICS OF FOREIGN AID IN INDIA. By P. J. Eldridge.STUDIES IN INDIAN FOREIGN POLICY. Edited by K. P. Misra.INDIA AND THE COMMONWEALTH. By S. C. Gangal. Agra, S. Lal Agarwala and Co.PARTY LEADERSHIP AND REVOLUTIONARY POWER IN CHINA. Edited by J. W. Lewis.IMPERIAL CONSTANTINOPLE. By Dean A. Miller.POLITICS AND BUREAUCRACY IN THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY: A Portrait of the Commission of the E.E.C. By David Coombes.COMMONWEALTH OR EUROPE. By G. St. J. Barclay.BRITISH TRADE UNIONS AND THE PROBLEM OF CHANGE. By Will Paynter.MONARCHY AND COMMUNITY: Political Ideas in the Later Conciliar Controversy 1430–1450. By A. J. Black.INTERNATIONAL GUIDE TO ELECTORAL STATISTICS: Volume 1, National Elections in Western Europe. Edited by Stein Rokkan and Jean Meyriat.THE LAW OF TREASON IN ENGLAND IN THE LATER MIDDLE AGES. By J. G. Bellany.