Suchergebnisse

EUROPEAN ELECTIONS ARE CYCLIC ALLY ONE OF SEVERAL BAROMETERS OF HOW EUROPEANS REGARD THE DIMENSION OF THE EUROPEAN PROJECT IN THEIR LIVES. OTHER INDICATORS OF THE IMPORTANCE OF THE SOCIAL DYNAMICS OF THE EU ARE ECHOED AMONG EUROPEAN CITIZENS AND VOTERS. THESE INDICATORS ARE REFLECTED IN TERMS OF POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AND ARE CLOSELY RELATED TO EUROPEAN INSTITUTIONS SUCH AS THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT, EUROPEAN COMMISSION AND EUROPEAN CENTRAL BANK, AND THE WAY THEY ARE EXPERIENCED IN EVERY DAY DEMOCRATIC POLITICAL EXPRESSION, REFLECTING THE CIVIC DIMENSION OF POLITICAL CULTURE. THE PURPOSE AND CENTRAL CHALLENGE OF THIS ARTICLE IS TO CONTRIBUTE TO AN UNDERSTANDING OF POLITICAL CULTURE IN THE EUROPEAN UNION, IN TERMS OF ELECTORAL PARTICIPATION, ESPECIALLY IN THE AGGRAVATING CIRCUMSTANCE OF AN ECONOMIC CRISIS FROM 2008 ONWARDS. THIS CHALLENGE IS ALSO FACED MORE AND MORE MARKEDLY AT ALL TIMES BY THE MAIN POLITICAL ACTORS ON THE EUROPEAN STAGE, KEEPERS AND DEFENDERS OF A LONG TRADITION OF CONTEMPORARY EUROPEAN THOUGHT, EVOKING THE MEMORY OF JEAN MONNET, ROBERT SCHUMANN AND KONRAD ADENAUER, TO EXALT SOME OF ITS MOST PROMINENT FOUNDING FATHERS. THE MAIN AIM OF THIS ARTICLE IS TO CONTRIBUTE TO REFLECTION ON THE IMPORTANCE OF VOTER PARTICIPATION IN EUROPEAN POLITICAL CULTURE AND ACHIEVE NEW LEVELS OF DISCUSSION AND PRACTICAL IMPLEMENTATION OF CITIZENSHIP AND CIVIC INCLUSION. ON THE OTHER HAND, AT A TIME WHEN BALANCING THE EU AND KEEPING IT RUNNING ARE SERIOUS, WE ALSO DISCUSS THEIR IDENTITY BASES IN TERMS OF INCLUSION AND POLITICAL AND ELECTORAL CULTURE.

This paper addresses the limits of public intervention in the selection of candidates by political parties. The issue is analyzed from the comparative perspective, although some documents of soft law adopted by the Venice Commission, OSCE, and ODIHR have also been taken into account. The study concludes that the legislation on political parties has increased in the last decade. However, the main constraints imposed on political parties do not come from specific legislation on political parties but from electoral laws. In some cases, the electoral laws impose a method of decision making on the nomination process since these laws require political parties compliance with the basic rules of the democratic principle. In other cases, the laws do not impose a method but a result, as in the case of case of the laws which impose quotas in favor of women. In any case, such measures should meet certain conditions to be effective. Firstly, the limits must respect the freedom of association proclaimed by international treaties and ensured by the ECHR; secondly, the requirements must be compatible with the electoral system; finally, any exigency on candidate selection must be guaranteed by monitoring systems and by sanctions for non-compliance. ; El presente trabajo aborda la posible densidad de la intervención pública a la hora de imponer a los partidos políticos procedimientos para la selección de candidatos. La óptica con la que se analiza el problema es, fundamentalmente, el derecho comparado, si bien se han utilizado también textos de «soft law» elaborados por la Comisión de Venecia, OSCE y ODHIR. En el mismo se concluye que, aunque la legislación sobre partidos políticos se ha incrementado en los últimos años, las mayores limitaciones impuestas a los partidos políticos no provienen de esta normativa específica sino de las leyes electorales. Dichas exigencias tienen una doble vertiente. En algunas ocasiones, se regula el método para la elección de candidatos, imponiendo a los partidos los requisitos inherentes a la toma de decisiones democráticas. En otras, se impone a los partidos un resultado, esto es, la presencia de candidatos de distinto sexo en las listas electorales. Cualquiera de estas medidas, para ser legítimas, tienen que respetar la libertad que corresponde a los partidos en cuanto asociaciones. Además, han de adaptarse al resto del sistema electoral y, especialmente, prever sistemas para verificar el cumplimiento de los requisitos impuestos por la ley.This paper addresses the limits of public intervention in the selection of candidates by political parties. The issue is analyzed from the comparative perspective, although some documents of soft law adopted by the Venice Commission, OSCE, and ODIHR have also been taken into account. The study concludes that the legislation on political parties has increased in the last decade. However, the main constraints imposed on political parties do not come from specific legislation on political parties but from electoral laws. In some cases, the electoral laws impose a method of decision making on the nomination process since these laws require political parties compliance with the basic rules of the democratic principle. In other cases, the laws do not impose a method but a result, as in the case of case of the laws which impose quotas in favor of women. In any case, such measures should meet certain conditions to be effective. Firstly, the limits must respect the freedom of association proclaimed by international treaties and ensured by the ECHR; secondly, the requirements must be compatible with the electoral system; finally, any exigency on candidate selection must be guaranteed by monitoring systems and by sanctions for non-compliance.

В статье анализируется Положение о выборах в областные, краевые, окружные, городские, районные, сельские и поселковые Советы депутатов трудящихся РСФСР от 29 июля 1939 г. Автор отмечает, что этот избирательный закон, принятый на основе Конституции Союза ССР 1936 г. и Конституции РСФСР 1937 г., содержал немало демократических норм, в том числе в нем предусматривалась альтернативность выборов. Однако в реальности данный закон являлся декорацией, поскольку весь ход выборов, начиная от выдвижения кандидатов в депутаты, контролировался и направлялся партийными органами, что отражало наличие в СССР административно-командной системы управления. ; The article analyzes the situation on the election in areas in kind, territorial, county, city, district and village Soviets of the RSFSR of July 29, 1939. The author notes that the electoral law adopted on the basis of the Constitution of the USSR 1936 and the Constitution of the RSFSR in 1937, it contained a lot of democratic standards, including those for an alternative choice. But in reality, this law was a decoration because the entire election process, from the nomination of candidates, control and direct the party bodies, reflecting the presence of Soviet administrative-command system.

In this paper we explore the tensions in metropolitan-level governance between strategic planning and desires for political decentralisation. We do this through a three-part analysis. First, we focus on the 2008 election strategy of Boris Johnson to become Mayor of London, with its aim of gaining suburban votes and giving more autonomy to the local borough level. We then look at the impacts of this campaign on electoral results; and, finally, we look at the outcome of the Outer London Commission, which was set up by the Mayor after the election to deal with strategic issues concerning London's suburbs. We find that a strategic intent to benefit suburban residents and the decentralisation of power to the boroughs are contradictory and have led to a policy stalemate.

Introduction : post-communist transitional justice at 25 / Nadya Nedelsky and Lavinia Stan -- Transitional justice and political goods / Brian Grodsky -- Transitional justice as electoral politics / Robert Clegg Austin -- Explaining late lustration programs : lessons from the Polish case / Aleks Szczerbiak -- The adoption and impact of transitional justice / Moira Lynch and Bridget Marchesi -- Transitional justice effects in the Czech Republic / Roman David -- The timing of transitional justice measures / Cynthia M. Horne -- The challenge of competing pasts / Monica Ciobanu -- Beyond the national : pathways of diffusion / Helga A. Welsh -- The mythologizing of communist violence / Jelena Subotic -- Post-communist truth commissions : between transitional justice and the politics of history / Andrew H. Beattie -- Public memory, commemoration and transitional justice : reconfiguring the past in public space / Duncan Light and Craig Young -- Stories we tell : documentary theater, performance and justice in transition / Olivera Simic -- Vigilante justice and unofficial truth projects / Lavinia Stan -- Conclusion / Nadya Nedelsky.

Since democracy became the main attributes of a modern state, then the representative institutions is the main mechanism for the realization of the normative idea that government should be run by the will of the people. The authority of a government will depend on its ability to transform the will and aspirations of the people as the highest value over the will of the state. On the basis of the normative principle, in practice the democratic life of a country, the legislature has a central position which is reflected in the doctrine of the sovereignty of the people and the sovereignty of representative institutions.The essence of democracy is people's involvement (participation) both in governance, development and public services as well as in conducting control over what is being done and will be done the government, either directly or through their representatives in the Regional Representatives Council (DPRD) whose members are directly elected by local people through the Electoral (Election) legislators.The aim in this study was to mengetahuai how the Election Commission's role in determining the effectiveness of legislative candidates method used in this study is a research method with meng¬gunakan qualitative approach, in which the research is descriptive. Analysis techniques used in this research is qualitative descriptive analysis.Based on these results and in accordance with the answers given from the informant to researchers THAT Results description of the data showed that all indicators of the effectiveness of the role of the Election Commission in the determination of local legislative candidates, can be said to be "quite effective", although it has not achieved optimally. This of course there are some inhibiting factors. There are three factors inhibiting the effectiveness of the Election Commission's role in setting the legislative aggota candidate regions, namely: the relative lack of experience of members of the Election Commission, the factor of financing / financial limited and still relatively weak commitment Political Parties nominate candidates for election participant in the legislative area.Keywords: Effective Role of the Election Commission

Non-incumbents face an uphill battle in their quest to raise sufficient funds to compete effectively against seated House incumbents and, alternatively, in competitive open-seat House contests. Interest group endorsements are thought to contribute to their electoral success, but whether endorsements help non-incumbent House candidates raise contributions from individuals, as a component of this success, remains unknown. Their heavy reliance upon individual contributions to finance their campaigns as well as the prominence of the groups making a large number of endorsements justifies an explicit test of this relationship. Using contribution data from the U.S. Federal Election Commission (FEC) between 2006 and 2012 paired with endorsement tabulations in both a set of regression and matching analyses, I uncover evidence that endorsements increase individual contributions to the candidate over the course of the election cycle. The results underpin the value of endorsements to non-incumbent candidates as well as their utility for the endorsing groups wishing to influence House elections.

This thesis explores the influence of institutions in the development of policies dealing with adult intimate relationships in New Zealand, Australia, and the United States between 1990 and 2014. Over this period, the social importance and acceptance of non-"traditional" relationships has increased in New Zealand, Australia, and the United States. However, despite all three countries working from what Gauthier describes as a "non-interventionist" approach to family policy, relationships policies have developed in markedly different ways in each. I argue that divergent translations of similar social trends are the result of differences between the structures of decision-making and institutions of interest representation in each country, and of policy legacies that make particular policy avenues more readily accessible. Electoral systems, parliamentary procedures and party structures govern which interests are able to exercise power within legislatures, while other institutions such as courts, bureaucracies, and law commissions contribute to the policy-making process in different ways. Countries are less likely to move in a non-interventionist or pro-egalitarian relationships policy direction where candidate selection procedures allow religious conservatives to play a significant role in both major parties, but religious conservatives have had little success in reversing non-interventionist policy changes after the fact. Instead, pro-traditionalist policy changes are typically minor regulatory changes or expenditures that are vulnerable to budget pressures. Legal interests expressed through law commissions or justice bureaucracies have a key role in enabling transitions to non-interventionist policies, particularly in the treatment of non-marital relationships, although the treatment of these relationships in core government activities such as taxation and welfare may also contribute to decisions in this area.

Policy Implementation to Monitoring Parliament Election, supervised by the National General Election Commission KNPU (Comissão Nacional da Eleiçoês CNE), based the law No.5/2006 on Election Supervisory Agency. Monitoring general election of parliament, was held on July 7, 2012, with of goal choosing the leaders of 21 political parties and coalitions of parties, above preconditions parliament election with the use D'Hondt method application, that is; each of the political parties and coalitions parties, must the meet criteria of 3% or (12000) the voting results obtained, to seize the amount of 65 seats of the national parliament. Research was method used is descriptive research with a qualitative approach. Data collection techniques of observation, interviews and documentation. Data analysis of, using interactive model of, Miles, Huberman and field Saldana 2014. Findings are indicate that the field of policy implementation monitoring election of parliament, including implementation mechanisms, human resources, the electoral system, the nature of elections and democracy, the actors involved in implementation of the Parliament election. There are factors supporting and Policy Implementation to monitoring Parliament election. Supporting factor: The existence of a strong commitment the president KNPU / CNE. System Operating Procedure (SOP), which is structured. The existence of education and citizenship program. The existence Actualization System Data Base. Inhibiting factor: The increasing violation by political parties in campaign. Lack of limited human resource. Lack of understanding the symbols by political parties and the coalition parties.

В статье рассматриваются особенности эволюции правового регулирования электронного голосования в России. Описано возникновение электронного голосования, первые эксперименты по его внедрению в избирательную практику России. Автором проведен анализ правовых актов (в хронологическом порядке по мере их принятия), дана правовая оценка меняющимся подходам Центральной избирательной комиссии Российской Федерации к правовому регулированию электронного голосования в зависимости от успеха экспериментов по его внедрению в избирательную практику и избирательный процесс. Проанализировано понятие электронного голосования, в том числе в исторической ретроспективе, уточнены особенности понимания электронного голосования в России в сравнении с международными подходами к определению данного понятия. Особый акцент сделан на том, что в России под электронным голосованием понимается электронное голосование на избирательных участках, причем именно с использованием комплексов электронного голосования (КЭГ). Не является электронным голосованием голосование с использованием комплекса обработки избирательных бюллетеней (КОИБ). Автором описано развитие государственной автоматизированной системы «Выборы» (ГАС «Выборы»), в том числе в исторической ретроспективе, рассмотрены основные части этой системы, не только исходя из их функционального и технического предназначения, но и во взаимосвязи с системой электронного голосования. В статье исследованы эксперименты по внедрению дистанционного электронного голосования с использованием различных устройств (компакт-дисков, электронных ключей) в рамках практики применения электронных опросов. В числе наиболее интересных результатов экспериментов по внедрению дистанционного электронного голосования отмечается рост доверия избирателей в отношении электронного голосования по мере повышения их правовой и информационной культуры в данной области. Особое внимание в статье уделено перспективам развития электронного голосования в России в части возможности внедрения электронного голосования на референдумах, а также интернет-голосования. В заключение сформулированы основные закономерности, тенденции и перспективы совершенствования нормативно-правовой базы электронного голосования, в том числе в связи с технологическими новациями в избирательном процессе. Внимание уделено также рассмотрению перспектив модернизации существующей технологической инфраструктуры под новые перспективные задачи. ; This article discusses the features of the evolution of legal regulation of e-voting in Russia. The article deals with the emergence of e-voting, the first experiments on its implementation in the Russian electoral practices. The author analyzed of legal acts in chronological order as they are adopted, given the legal assessment of the changing approaches of the Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation to the legal regulation of electronic voting depending on the success of experiments on its implementation in the electoral practices and the electoral process. Analyzed the concept of e-voting, including the historical perspective, especially refined understanding of e-voting in Russia in comparison with the international approach to the definition of the concept. Particular emphasis is placed on the fact that in Russia under the electronic voting refers to electronic voting at polling stations, and it is using electronic voting systems (KEG). Not an electronic voting ballot using complex processing of ballots (KOIB). Author was comprehensive studying of the state automated system "Elections" (GAS "Elections"), including the historical perspective, the basic part of the SAS "Elections", not only in terms of their functional and technical purposes, but also in relation to the e-voting system. In the article was described the experiments on the introduction of remote electronic voting using different devices (CDs, electronic keys) within the practice of electronic surveys. Among the most interesting results of experiments on the introduction of remote e-voting has been an increase voter confidence in relation to electronic voting as to enhance their legal and information culture in this area. Particular attention is paid to the development prospects of e-voting in Russia in terms of the possibility of introducing e-voting in referendums, as well as the introduction of Internet voting. In conclusion was considered main mechanisms, trends and prospects for improving the regulatory framework of electronic voting, including in connection with technological innovations in the electoral process. Attention is paid to the prospects of upgrading the existing technological infrastructure for new long-term objectives.

Sengketa administrasi merupakan salah satu masalah yang senantiasa muncul dalam penyelenggaraan pemilihan umum di Indonesia, terlebih lagi pemilihan umum kepala daerah dan wakil kepala daerah. Mekanisme penyelesaian terhadap permasalahan ini, terkadang terjadi tumpang tindih di antara lembaga peradilan, khususnya antara Mahkamah Konstitusi dan Pengadilan Tata Usaha Negara. Sehingga masalah ini penting untuk dibahas karena beberapa alasan. Dalam Pasal 157 ayat (3) Undang-undang Nomor 1 Tahun 2015 juncto Undang-undang 8 Tahun 2015 menyebutkan bahwa "perkara perselisihan penetapan perolehan suara hasil pemilihan diperiksa dan diadili oleh Mahakamah Konstitusi sampai dibentuknya badan peradilan khusus". Kembali menyerahkan sengketa pilkada kepada Mahkamah Konstitusi, jelas berlawanan dengan Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 97/PUU-XI/2013, tanggal 16 Januari 2014. Dalam putusannya, Mahkamah Konstitusi menyatakan tidak lagi mempunyai kewenangan untuk menyelesaikan perselisihan hasil pilkada. Untuk mengetahui Mekanisme lembaga peradilan, khususnya antara Mahkamah Konstitusi dan Pengadilan Tata Usaha Negara dalam menangani sengketa pilkada memerlukan payung hukum sebagai landasan hukum yang kuat, berdasarkan hal tersebut lahirnya Pasal 157 ayat (3) Undang-undang 1 Tahun 2015 juncto Undang-undang 8 Tahun 2015 menyebutkan bahwa "perkara perselisihan penetapan perolehan suara hasil pemilihan diperiksa dan diadili oleh Mahkamah Konstitusi sampai dibentuknya badan peradilan khusus dalam Undang-undang Peradilan Tata Usaha Negara (PTUN)". Penelitian ini menggunakan jenis penilitian normatif, pendekatan yang digunakan adalah pendekatan perundang-undangan. Hasil penelitian ini dapat disimpulkan bahwa Penetapan calon kepala daerah dan wakil kepala daerah yang menentukan layak atau tidaknya calon kepala daerah dan wakil kepala daerah ialah dapat diserahkan sepenuhnya kepada Komisi pemilihan umum (KPU). Upaya sistematis dan konseptual untuk menentukan aturan tenggang waktu yang sama antara proses gugatan dan tahapan pemilihan kepala daerah dapat diserahkan kepada Panitia pengawas pemilu (PANWASLU) dan Badan Pengawas Pemilihan Umum (BANWASLU) agar kelak di kemudian hari tidak terjadi lagi tumpang tindih di antara lembaga peradilan, khususnya dalam sengketa pemilihan kepala daerah sengketa, baik sengketa calon, sengketa hasil, maupun sengketa tata usaha negara. Kata Kunci : Sengketa, Demokratis, Pilkada Abstract Administrative dispute is one of the problems that always arise in the administration of elections in Indonesian. especially elections of regional head and deputy head of the region . Resolution mechanisms on the issue, sometimes there is an overlap between the judiciary, in particular between the Constitutional Court and the Administrative Court. So it is important to discuss this issue for several reasons. In Article 157 paragraph (3) of Law Number 1 Year 2015 in conjunction with Law Number 8 Year 2015 states that " the determination of the dispute case of votes on election examined and tried by the Constitutional Court until the establishment of the special judicial body". Re- submit the dispute election to the Constitutional Court, clearly contrary to Constitutional Court Decision Number 97 /PUU–XI /2013, dated 16 January 2014. In its decision, the Constitutional Court declared no longer have the authority to resolve the dispute the results. To determine the mechanism of the judiciary, in particular between the Constitutional Court and the Administrative Court in handling election disputes require legal protection as a strong legal foundation, based on the birth of Article 157 paragraph (3) of Law Number 1 Year 2015 in conjunction with Law Number 8 Year 2015 states that " case of dispute the determination of votes on election examined and tried by the Constitutional Court until the establishment of a special judicial body in the Law courts administrative (administrative Court)". This research uses normative, the approach used is the approach of legislation . Results of this study we can conclude that the stipulation of candidates for regional head and deputy head of the region that determines whether or not candidates for regional head and deputy head of the region is to be left entirely to the electoral commission (GEC). Systematic effort and conceptual to determine the rules of the time limit equally between the lawsuit and the stages of local elections can be submitted to the Committee Panwas (Election Oversight) and the watchdog elections (Election Monitory Board) In order later in life do not happen again overlap between the judiciary, particularly in disputed local elections disputes, disputes both candidates, disputed the results, as well as state administrative disputes. Keywords : Dispute , Democratically , Election

ABSTRACTThis thesis discuss the effectiveness of dispute resolution 2014 legislative election results in the Constitutional Court. From the results of research using normative law research method can be concluded, that: There has been an increase in the number of cases from 655 cases PHPU (Pilleg 2009) to 902 cases (Pilleg 2014). In the case judging by the number pesertapemilunya, Pilleg 2009 far more than 2014 Pilleg 2009 diikutioleh 11 219 candidates DPR and DPD candidates 1116, whereas in 2014 only Pilleg 6607 followed by the House of Representatives candidates and 945 candidates DPD. Increase in cases is due to the procedural law of the Court has broadened the legal standing of the applicant which is not only political parties and individual candidates for the DPD, also individual candidates DPR and DPRD both provincial and district / city. As a result in 2014 Pilleg add some 118 cases of individual petition. Dissatisfaction with the process, namely the emergence of many alleged violations. Dissatisfaction of this process does not necessarily indicate poor quality of recall of 902 cases filed, only 22 cases were granted the 2,4persen. During the filing of the petition, the Constitutional Court issued a different release related to the number of cases received. The case number was changed from every stage of acceptance of the case. The difference is due to differences in the number of policies in force between the constitution and the general secretary of the Constitutional Court judges who then gave Ruan gbagi pemoho nuntuk apply for passing of the deadline 3x24 hours. As a result, some of the petition must be declared not accepted due to the overdue filing. Should the Court can refuse the request during the registration process is closed, so do not give up hope palsu.Pengaturan Dispute Settlement Legislative Election Results In the Constitutional Court More Effective Into his future is together Election Commission (KPU), Election Supervisory Body (Bawaslu ) to establish a dispute resolution mechanisms and electoral complaints within the electoral system in Indonesia.Such mechanisms necessary to protect the rights of citizens and help determine whether the election is really a true reflection of the will of its citizens. so that the elections can be credible, it is important for voters and election contestants to have access to the electoral resolution mechanism that is independent, fair, accessible and effective. However, in order to strengthen the dispute resolution structures and make it more user-friendly (easy to use) and effective, Indonesia needs to take some important steps before the national elections going forward with ratification of the Electoral Law timely by the House of Representatives (DPR), Bawaslu and Supervisory Committee's mandate is to mediate in order to ease the burden sengekat Commission and allow more cases to be processed by shorter.Keywords: Effectiveness of Dispute Settlement Election ResultsiiiABSTRAKTesis ini membahas masalah efektivitas penyelesaian perselisihan hasil pemilihan umum legislatif 2014 Di Mahkamah Konstitusi. Dari hasil penelitian menggunakan metode penelitian hukum normative diperoleh kesimpulan, bahwa : Telah terjadi peningkatan jumlah kasus PHPU dari 655 kasus (Pilleg 2009) hingga 902 kasus (Pilleg 2014). Pada hal dilihat dari jumlah pesertapemilunya, Pilleg 2009 jauh lebih banyak dibanding 2014. Pilleg 2009 diikutioleh 11.219 caleg DPR dan 1.116 caleg DPD, sedangkan Pilleg 2014 hanya diikuti oleh 6.607 caleg DPR dan 945 caleg DPD. Peningkatan kasus ini disebabkan oleh Hukum acara MK telah memperluas legal standing pemohon yakni tidak hanya partai politik dan perseorangan calon DPD, juga perseorangan Caleg DPR dan DPRD baik propinsi maupun kabupaten/kota. Akibatnya dalam Pilleg 2014 menambah permohonan perseorangan sejumlah 118 kasus. Ketidakpuasan terhadap proses, yakni munculnya banyak dugaan pelanggaran. Ketidak puasan terhadap proses ini tidak serta merta menunjukkan buruknya kualitas penyelenggaraan mengingat dari 902 kasus yang diajukan, hanya 22 kasus yang dikabulkan yakni 2,4persen. Selama pengajuan permohonan, Mahkamah Konstitusi mengeluarkan rilis yang berbeda terkait jumlah perkara yang diterima. Jumlah perkara tersebut mengalami perubahan dari setiap tahapan penerimaan perkara. Perbedaan jumlah ini disebabkan perbedaan kebijakan yang diberlakukan antara hakim konstitusi dan sekjen MK yang kemudian memberikan ruan gbagi pemoho nuntuk mengajukan permohonan lewat dari batas waktu 3x24 jam. Akibatnya beberapa permohonan harus dinyatakan tidak diterima akibat melewati batas waktu pengajuan permohonan. Mestinya MK bisa menolak permohonan tersebut pada saat proses pendaftaran ditutup, sehingga tidak memberikan harapan palsu.Pengaturan Penyelesaian Perselisihan Hasil Pemilihan Umum Legislatif Di Mahkamah Konstitusi Yang Lebih Efektif Ke Masa Depannya adalah bersama-sama Komisi Pemilihan Umum (KPU), Badan Pengawas Pemilu (Bawaslu) untuk membentuk mekanisme-mekanisme penyelesaian sengketa dan pengaduan pemilu di dalam sistem pemilu di Indonesia. Mekanisme semacam itu penting untuk melindungi hak warga negara dan membantu menentukan apakah pemilu benar-benar merupakan cerminan yang sesungguhnya dari kehendak warganya. agar pemilu dapat dianggap kredibel, penting bagi para pemilih dan kontestan pemilu untuk memiliki akses ke mekanisme penyelesaian pemilu yang independen, adil, dapat diakses dan efektif. Namun, untuk memperkuat struktur-struktur penyelesaian sengketa dan membuatnya lebih user-friendly (mudah digunakan) dan efektif, Indonesia perlu mengambil beberapa langkah penting sebelum pemilu nasional tahun kedepannya dengan pengesahan Undang-Undang Pemilu yang tepat waktu oleh Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat (DPR), Bawaslu dan Panwaslu memiliki mandat untuk memediasi sengekat agar meringankan beban KPU dan memungkinkan lebih banyak kasus untuk dapat diproses dengan lebih singkat.Kata Kunci: Efektivitas Penyelesaian Perselisihan Hasil Pemilihan Umum

Purpose: - The up-rise of social unrest in the state of Jammu & Kashmir (the federal constituent of the Union of India) towards the end of the 20th century with the demand to secede from the union of India has somewhere earned the Jammu & Kashmir as a conflict zone in the South Asia. The present study has been conceived to examine the public participation of the Jammu & Kashmir state in the democratic process of the country, by participating in the general elections of India (A referendum or plebiscite of its own kind, whereby people of the state, time and again have reaffirmed their faith in the democratic process of the country) since its accession with the union of India. Some of the aspects evaluated in the present study include, electoral participation, participation of national and local level political parties, participation and performance of national level political parties, representation given to women candidates, etc.Scope: - The study is confined to the state of Jammu & Kashmir, India and the findings have direct bearing with the state, which has altogether a different geopolitical setup, where public interests stand safeguarded by the constitution of India under article 370. There is every need to observe caution, while generalizing the findings of the study.Methodology/Approach: - The study is empirical in nature, undertaken on the secondary data, retrieved from the official website of the Election Commission of India on August 02, 2014.Findings: - The state of Jammu and Kashmir has so far undergone through 12 general elections in the country. The average voter turnout during these elections from the state remained about 46,76%. At gender level the average voter turnout percentage among males remained 60% & for females 39,90%, which compared to voter turnout at national level during the same period at gender level remained 62,39% and 55,45% respectively. The voter turnout percentage from the state remained far better than various other states of the country for the same period. The threat perception to not to participate in the electoral process of the country that prevailed over state populace post 1989 got reflected in the subsequent 7 general elections held in the state, especially among female folk, resulting decline in their turnout percentage, when compared to their male counterparts.Social Implications: - The study is an eye opener to the public at large and to those, who are abetting the Jammu & Kashmir's secession movement by crying that the state is devoid of democracy. The secession movement which is being backed by the money & the munitions questions its own credibility & justification.

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