El objetivo del presente artículo de investigación es abordar los debates actuales en torno a la extensión de los derechos políticos de las personas migrantes en la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires. Desde 2017, como parte del largo proceso de autonomización de la ciudad iniciado con la reforma de la Constitución Nacional en 1994, se está debatiendo un nuevo Código Electoral en la Comisión de Asuntos Constitucionales de la Legislatura Porteña. Sin duda, se trata de una oportunidad única para promover cambios vitales en las leyes que regulan y limitan fuertemente el voto migrante en este distrito y avanzar así en el reconocimiento efectivo de los derechos políticos del 13.5% de la población que reside en la ciudad y ha sido sistemáticamente silenciado y sub-representado. ; The objective of this article is to examine the current debates regarding the extension of political rights of migrant people in the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires. As part of a long process for the city to become autonomous that began with the 1994 national constitutional reform, a new Electoral Code is under debate since 2017 within the City Legislature's Commission on Constitutional Matters. Without doubt, it is a unique opportunity to promote vital changes in the laws that firmly regulate and limit the migrant vote within the district, and in that way advance the effective recognition of the political rights of 13.5% of the population that resides in the city and has been systematically silenced and under-represented.
La hipótesis de este artículo es que las propuestas de reforma constitucional e institucional que están actualmente preparándose en Marruecos no van a conducir a una democratización del sistema político. Tres evidencias fundamentan esta conjetura. La primera es que no se ha formado una asamblea constituyente sino una comisión nombrada por el Rey para elaborar el proyecto de reforma. La segunda es que los partidos políticos no han reivindicado un cambio dela actual regulación del papel religioso y las competencias ejecutivas del Rey. Por tanto, lo más probable es que en el nuevo proyecto constitucional las prerrogativas reales se mantengan. El último argumento es que las experiencias de reformas anteriores, como la electoral de finales de2008, indican que reformas emprendidas mediante fórmulas no democráticas en un contexto no democrático generan unos resultados no democráticos.Palabras Clave: Marruecos, reforma constitucional, elecciones comunales.Abstract: This article hypothesizes that the forthcoming Moroccan constitutional reform will not have a democratizing effect on the Moroccan political system. Three facts reason this appraisal. The first one is the content of the constitutional reform has been defined by a special commission appointed by the king, instead of by a constitutional assembly. The second is political parties are not contesting current constitutional prevision about the king's religious role and executive competences. Hence, it is expected that King's prerogatives kept untouched in the new constitutional project. The last reason is that previous reforming experiences held in the country –as the electoral reform 2009– suggest that reforming by non democratic means in a non democratic culture ends in non democratic results.Keywords: Morocco, constitutional reform, local election.
Letter from Mr. Bibiano Ibarra of Morelia, Michoacán, to Gen. Alvaro Obregón informing that he is sending him a thousand pictures of him for the campaign. Letter from Mr. Bibiano Ibarra to Gen. Obregón with suggestions for sending the election ballots. Telegrams from Mr. Bibiano Ibarra to Gen. Obregón informing him of his victory in Michoacán's elections. Official letter in which the Executive Election Committee of the Michoacón Liberal Party and the Benito Juárez Party commission Antonio Campuzano, B.A., to go to Mexico and handle campaign matters as much as is necessary for the benefit of their candidates. Telegrams related to the victory of the Michoacán Liberal Party in local elections. Possibility of a coup d'etat in Michoacán. Election victory and request for guarantees for citizens of Maravatio. Files I-2 and I-01 / Carta del Sr. Bibiano Ibarra de Morelia, Mich. al Gral. Alvaro Obregón, informando estar enviándole mil retratos suyos para la campaña. Carta del Sr. Bibiano Ibarra al Gral. Obregón con sugerencias para mandar hacer las boletas de elecciones. Telegramas del Sr. Bibiano Ibarra al Gral. Obregón, informando de su triunfo en las elecciones de Michoacán. Oficio en el que el Comité Ejecutivo Electoral de los Partidos Liberal Michoacano y Benito Juárez comisionan al Lic. Antonio Campuzano para ir a México a gestionar cuanto sea necesario en beneficio de sus candidatos. Telegramas relativos al triunfo del Partido Liberal Michoacano en las elecciones locales. Posibilidad de golpe de estado en Michoacán. Triunfo electoral y solicitud de garantías para ciudadanos de Maravatío. Exps. I-2 e I-01
En este ensayo se analizan críticamente, una serie de problemas que giran en torno a la metamorfosis de la educación superior del siglo XXI, en un ambiente global que permea la situación de las universidades en América Latina.La situación de transformación por la que transita la educación del siglo XXI, entendido como un fenómeno que comparten los países latinoamericanos con otras esferas globales, genera una serie de problemas que, por más diversos que sean, adquieren sentido actualmente, si se estudian a la luz del interés mundial por globalizar la educación. En términos de creencia, con solo dar cuenta de algunos ejemplos aislados, por lo menos en lo que toca, puede ser suficiente para generalizar la situación por la que pasan, o han de pasar, las universidades de todo el mundo, máxime de que hoy en día la voluntad de poder de la globalización, se expande como una sombra sigilosa que, mientras más se mueve, adquiere cada vez más fuerza para arrastrar o someter a cualquier voluntad, en pro de su ideal de homogeneizar al planeta, en este caso, a través de la globalización de la educación universitaria. This essay examines, critically, a series of problems related with the metamorphosis of higher education in the twenty-first century, in a global environment that permeates the situation of universities in Latin America. The situation of transformation that affects the XXI century education --understood as a phenomenon that is shared by Latin American countries with other global spheres --creates a series of diverse problems, that make sense now, if you study these problems taking into the account the light of the global interest in globalizing education. In terms of belief, with only check some isolated examples --at least in what concerns --is enough to generalize the situation by passing, or have passed, in the universities around the world; especially now that day, when the power of globalization moves or expands, like a stealthy shadow that get more power day by day to drag or submit any willingness in favor of his ideal of homogenizing the planet; in this case, through the globalization of higher education. This article pretend analysis the regulation on the Cubans constitutionals texts of 1901, 1940 and Constitutionals Statutes of Batista's Government of 1952, as well as in its complementary laws, of the inscription in electoral register. Seeing that, we analyses the different systems employed for the elector ́s inscription, whereas we see how is developing the register institution, owing to strengthen of the all legal and institutional environment like about the same is to take shaping, gradually, during this period. Besides, we can value how in certain moment this institution was corrupted in its political-social task, turned in an instrument of the political-administrative corruption prevailing in the country, for the commission of electoral fraud. This article pretend to give a panoramic about the content of the confiability principle in registral subject. We approach the implications that this principle have for the information operated for the electoral registers, as well measures then make to take place whit the objective to get more confiability high levels. In this sense, we expose experiences that base fundamentally in the use of biometry and strengthen of the civil register, how support, this last, of an efficient electoral register having in account the natural relationship between both. Besides, we offer a detailed analysis of the breaking off points Cuban electoral register whit the pointed principle. Finally, we explain some general ideas that may contribute whit improve of the Cuban electoral register.
Report sent by Lorenzo M. Delgado to the President of the Chamber of Representatives. He presents complaints about the strikes and the attitude of militaries in Orizaba. Telegram from the Secretaries of the Chamber of Representatives to Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles informing of his electoral triumph. Telegrams from the members of the Chamber of Representatives congratulating him for his return from Europe. Budget of salaries and expenses of the Chamber of Representatives. January – April 1926. Report sent from several representatives to Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles informing of the political situation in Zacatecas. Letter from B.A. Wilfrido C. Cruz, President of the National Revolutionary "Bloque" of the Chamber of Representatives to Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles to inform him of the appointment of the Board of Directors. Correspondence among members of the Chamber of Representatives and Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles regarding the permit that the latter requested to accept and use the decoration of the "Banda de la Orden" given to him by the Spanish government. Memorandum from Pedro Cerisola regarding the treasury of the Chamber of Representatives. Report sent to the Permanent Commission of the Congress by the Accounts Department of the Secretariat of Finances. Memorandum about the work done by the Permanent Commission during the break of the Congress. / Informe que envía Lorenzo M. Delgado al Presidente de la H. Cámara de Diputados. Presenta algunas quejas sobre el huelguismo y actitudes de los militares en Orizaba. Telegrama de los Secretarios de la Cámara de Diputados al Gral. PEC notificándole su triunfo electoral. Telegramas de los miembros de la Cámara de Diputados al Gral. PEC felicitándolo por su regreso de Europa. Presupuesto comparado de sueldos y gastos de la Cámara de Diputados. Enero-abril, 1926. Informe enviado por varios Diputados al Gral. PEC exponiendo la situación política en el estado de Zacatecas. Carta del Lic. Wilfrido C. Cruz, Presidente del Bloque Nacional Revolucionario de la Cámara de Diputados, al Gral. PEC para hacer de su conocimiento la designación de la mesa directiva. Correspondencia entre miembros de la Cámara de Diputados y el Gral. PEC relativa al permiso que este último solicitó para aceptar y usar la condecoración de la Banda de la Orden de la República otorgada por el gobierno de España. Memorándum de Pedro Cerisola, relativo al funcionamiento de la Tesorería de la Cámara de Diputados. Informe rendido a la Comisión Permanente del Congreso por la Contaduría Mayor de Hacienda, referente a las labores que desarrolló en la glosa de la cuenta de la Hacienda Pública Federal. Memorándum sobre las labores desarrolladas por la Comisión Permanente durante el receso del Congreso.
En 1955 se produjo un nuevo quiebre institucional en Argentina, que provocó el final del llamado "peronismo histórico" (1946-1955). A partir de entonces, la autodenominada Revolución Libertadora (1955-1958) quedó asociada indisolublemente a la exclusión política mediante la proscripción electoral del partido justicialista, sus ex funcionarios y el líder mismo. En la Patagonia la Dictadura Militar puso entre paréntesis la creación de nuevas provincias dispuesta por el peronismo. Al igual que en el resto de las provincias, el gobierno de facto ordenó la adopción de medidas tendientes a perseguir, investigar y juzgar las actividades del partido peronista y de sus principales funcionarios en el marco del proceso de desperonización impulsado desde el gobierno de facto. En ese sentido la acción de las comisiones y sub comisiones Investigadoras provinciales se materializó en una multiplicidad de denuncias, detenciones y cesantías que demuestran la trama del poder anudada en los ex territorios nacionales del sur, con una sociedad movilizada que colaboró activamente con la intervención federal como parte del aval al pacto proscriptivo, evidenciando la escasa valencia del concepto democracia como rasgo dominante. ; In 1955 there was a new institutional breakdown in Argentina that caused the end of the "historical Peronism" (1946-1955). Since then, the self-appointed Liberating Revolution (1955-1958) remained indissolubly associated to the political exclusion by the electoral proscription of the Peronist party, its former officials and the leader himself. In Patagonia the Military Dictatorship bracketed the creation of new provinces disposed by Peronism. Just like in the other provinces the illegally government ordered the adoption of measures to pursue, investigate and prosecute the activities of the Peronist party and its principal officials under the "desperonización" process promoted by the illegal government. In this sense the action of committees and sub provincial commissions of inquiry materialized in a multitude ...
El artículo se propone estudiar la representación de las mujeres en las legislaturas provinciales de Argentina entre 1989-2011. Siguiendo las hipótesis institucionalistas formuladas por la literatura de género, se estudia primero la evolución del acceso de mujeres a las legislaturas subnacionales en función de las reglas electorales y la sanción de las leyes de cupos femeninos. Luego, se investiga el impacto de los cambios en la proporción de legisladoras sobre la organización y composición de las Comisiones Legislativas en seis provincias. Los resultados muestran que si bien mejoraron los niveles de representación femenina en las provincias argentinas, la participación parlamentaria de legisladoras y legisladores continúa sesgada según el género. ; The article aims to study the legislative representation of women in Argentina's provinces from 1989 to 2011. First, there is an analysis of the evolution of women's access to the subnational legislatures in terms of electoral rules and gender quota laws, following the main institutionalist hypotheses developed in gender studies. Then, follows a study in six provinces of the impact that the change in the proportion of women legislators has on the organization and composition of Legislative Committees. The results show that while the level of women's representation in the Argentina provinces improved, the parliamentary participation of legislators continues skewed by gender. ; L'article propose d'étudier la représentation des femmes dans les législatures provinciales d'Argentine entre 1989 et 2011. Selon les hypothèses institutionnelles formulées par la littérature de genre, on étudie d'abord l'évolution de l'accès des femmes aux législatures sur l'organisation et la composition des commissions législatives dans six provinces. Les résultats montrent que même si les niveaux de représentation féminine dans les provinces argentines se sont améliorés, la participation parlementaire des législatrices et législateurs continue à être tendancieuse selon le genre.
Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales. Maestría en Derecho ; The main objective of the present investigation is to determine that in the Mexican legal system, at the federal level, there is no means of constitutional control that allows the one affected by a legislative omission, to challenge it. Therefore, in this work I will highlight the need for a constitutional control method to examine the constitutionality or unconstitutionality of a legislative omission. To achieve my purpose, I will expose a conception of what is to be understood by legislative omission; Which in general terms is understood as the partial or total abstention of the development of legislation by the Legislative Branch, which by constitutional mandate is obliged to issue, which causes that the supreme law in force can not be applied at the time it happens The violation of a certain subject, which produces its ineffectiveness and the vulnerability of the constitutional order. The description of constitutional articles 103, 104, 105 and 107 indicates various means of constitutional control for the protection of citizens and institutions against injustice, negligence or abuse of power by state officials, such means are classified In: The amparo trial; The constitutional controversy; The unconstitutionality action; The electoral constitutional review judgment; The trial for the protection of the political-electoral rights of the citizen; The investigative faculty of the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation; Impeachment; And the recommendations of the Human Rights Protective Commissions (Ombudsman). ; El objeto fundamental de la presente investigación es determinar que en el ordenamiento jurídico mexicano, a nivel federal, no existe un medio de control constitucional que permita al afectado por una omisión legislativa, impugnarla. Por lo que, en este trabajo pondré de manifiesto la necesidad de que a través de un medio de control constitucional se examine la constitucionalidad o inconstitucionalidad de una omisión legislativa. Para lograr ...
All, absolutely all the conflict and current debate on the resolutions of a political nature of the Constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Court of Justice and the coups from the State against its magistrates, as well as the debate surrounding the creation of a special commission against organized crime attached to the Presidency of the Republic and parallel to the Office of the Prosecutor, to the election of the new president and board of directors of the Court of Accounts of the Republic and to the election of the new magistrates of the Supreme Electoral Tribunal, are manifestations and expressions , of something deeper: the exhaustion of the post-war political-institutional model and the first effort to begin to reform it, returning to the path of reconstructing, refunding and promoting constitutional democracy in El Salvador. This path is led by the four magistrates of the Constitutional Chamber and the largest movement of organized civil society since the implementation of the Peace Accords. ; Todo, absolutamente todo el conflicto y debate actual sobre las resoluciones de naturaleza política de la Sala de lo Constitucional de la Corte Suprema de Justicia y los golpes desde el Estado contra sus magistrados, así como el debate en torno a la creación de una comisión especial contra el crimen organizado adscrita a la Presidencia de la República y paralela a la Fiscalía, a la elección del nuevo presidente y junta directiva de la Corte de Cuentas de la República y a la elección de los nuevos magistrados del Tribunal Supremo Electoral, son manifestaciones y expresiones, de algo más profundo: del agotamiento del modelo político-institucional de la postguerra y del primer esfuerzo de comenzar a reformarlo, retomando el camino de reconstruir, refundar e impulsar la democracia constitucional en El Salvador. Este camino es liderado por los cuatro magistrados de la Sala de lo Constitucional y el más amplio movimiento de la sociedad civil organizada desde que concluyó la implantación de los Acuerdos de Paz.
"The difference between selling a vote and selling access is a matter of degree, not kind. And selling access is not qualitatively different from giving special preference to those who spent money on one's behalf."Supreme Court Justice John-Paul Stevens, author of dissenting opinion on Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission."By definition, an independent expenditure is political speech presented to the electorate that is not coordinated with a candidate."Supreme Justice Anthony M. Kennedy, writing for the majority, Citizens v Federal Election CommissionThe 2010 midterm elections cost a total of $4 billion dollars, including federal campaign spending by candidates and political parties raised in the two-year cycle 2008-2010, and funding by independent groups. Although the Democratic Party committees raised more money than the Republican Party, Conservative-leaning independent groups outspent Democratic-leaning group two to one. The US Chamber of Commerce, American Action Network, American Crossroads and Crossroads GPS, four "shadow GOP" groups, top the chart of independent donor groups, with two Democratic-leaning federal employee unions coming in a distant fifth and sixth, according to data reported by Opensecrets.org. The Supreme Court decision Citizens v. Federal Electoral Commission of January 2010 changed the law to allow corporations and unions to spend unlimited amounts of money on behalf of or against political candidates. If they choose to do so directly, they must report their expenditures and reveal their donors. Unions regularly report their donations to the Department of Labor and the FEC. However, corporations are loath to reveal their donors, so they take an easier and more enticing alternative made possible by the same ruling, which lifted an earlier ban that prohibited them to give money to nonprofit organizations. Referred to as501c organizations, these are groups that finance advocacy advertisements (also known as "issue ads" or "electioneering communications") and are not required by law to reveal their donors. Needless to say, an array of these new non-profits suddenly exploded into the political landscape and propped up the campaigns of the Tea Party newcomers and other Republican candidates who, oh so ironically, want to "change Washington from the inside." They were very successful in winning House races, but much less so in the Senate.In American politics, there are three main sources of campaign financing: money spent by the candidates themselves (form their own fund-raising or personal wealth), money spent by the party campaign committees on behalf of the party candidates, and money invested by outside groups who in general fund "issue ads" attacking or defending a candidate's record on issues but not explicitly soliciting the vote. In deciding by a 5-4 vote that corporations have the right to spend unlimited amounts of money for and against candidates, the Supreme Court transformed the electoral landscape in a way potentially more profound than it can be fathomed today. As many predicted, the Citizens United ruling unleashed the greatest wave of corporate spending in history, though it is probably safe to say that their spending in 2012 will make this year's outlay look modest. Although Democratic candidates raised more money and had a 60% spending advantage at the outset of the campaign, the new "GOP shadow" groups created outside the party overpowered them with their large, unrestricted donations. For example, American Crossroads and American Crossroads GPS, two organizations set up by political wonk Karl Rove spent at least $75 million on key House races. And although Labor unions in some cases matched that number in support of Democrats, the main difference lies in the fact that Labor unions do it openly, while the other "non-profit', "advocacy" groups operate anonymously. By law, they do not have to disclose their donors to the Federal Election Commission. Although it is true that most money is candidate- driven or party- driven and is therefore regulated, the rest, so called "soft money" that doesn't go directly to a candidate's campaign is now completely unregulated. As the tide turned decisively against the Democrats in the last two weeks before the election, Obama took aim at the anonymous flood of money by outside groups on behalf of Republican candidates, saying that it corrupts the process and provides an unfair advantage to their opponents. Along that same line of thought, many Democrats have claimed that the big winners of the election were not Tea Partiers and the GOP, but Big Oil, pharmaceutical corporations and insurance companies who have the most to lose from the President's reform agenda. Republicans prevailed in 75% of the House races in which they spent more than Democrats. But they were not so fortunate in the Senate, where the money impact was less or in some instances, even backfired.Money alone cannot sway an election, of course. But anonymous money can be much more effective in creating political furors over false information, for which there is no responsibility and little deniability, since the source is unknown. This is why revealing the source is important for the integrity of the democratic process. People need to know whose interests the newly-elected Congress will be representing. The huge number and clout of these undisclosed campaign financiers is arguably the most antithetical trait of a government of the people, by the people, for the people. Even more so in a year of populist anti-incumbent mood and new blood coming to Washington directly from the grassroots, to do away with appropriations, deny access to interest groups and balance the budget based on the best interests of, who else, but the American people?Indeed, to add plausibility to the above argument, money appeared to be much less effective when voters knew where it came from. A case in point is that of the self-funded millionaire candidates. Republican candidate Meg Whitman, former eBay CEO running for governor of California, spent $ 140 million of her own money (the most expensive race of all times and at all levels) and lost to District Attorney Jerry Brown (a former Democratic governor was has beaten two gubernatorial records in his lifetime, being the youngest governor when he was first elected in 1974 and the oldest one today). Similarly, Republican Linda McMahon, former CEO of the World Wrestling Federation, who was running for a Senate seat in Connecticut, also lost in spite of having spent 46 million of her own money. And the list goes on and on, with few exceptions. Of the 32 candidates who spent more than a million of their own money in a federal race, only 4 won.But this election is not only important for the obvious reasons, namely, that it may deny President Obama a second term and give a free hand for Republicans to repeal everything the White House has accomplished in these two years. There is another less conspicuous but not less relevant issue at stake. At the same time as they were voting for Congress representatives and some Senate seats, Americans in several states were also electing new governors and new state legislators. Republicans won 11 state governorships and seized 18 state legislatures that were previously in Democratic hands. These newly elected Republican state legislatures and governors will have the power of re-districting, that is, of re-drawing new political district boundaries of about 200 House districts in 2011. This is an opportunity that comes on the year after a federal Census, which is held every ten years, and that each party covets, since it enables the incumbent party to reshape the political landscape at the national level for a generation. Redistricting (or its corrupted form, "gerrymandering") is an obvious vice of the "Winner Takes All" electoral system and one that not many are interesting in reforming, since both parties take advantage of it when in power. In sum, the huge amounts of money strategically invested in this 2010 mid-term election delivered a Republican tsunami that affected all levels of government, put the next re-districting cycle safely in Republican hands and rebuilt party capacity for the near future. In the meantime, on Sunday night all pundits' eyes were on Sarah Palin's new reality show on The Learning Channel, "Sarah Palin's Alaska", where she goes hunting and fishing with her family and makes intriguing, but no doubt, very deep remarks about " Mamma Grizzly" and her protective instincts, as bear cubs pounce around in the creek to catch their salmon. She also quips about building a 14-foot fence to prevent her nosy neighbor from intruding into her life and cleverly draws a parallel between her fence and "how to secure our borders". Ready to fall asleep, I suddenly startled myself with the thought that this was the first broadcast episode of a presidential primary already underway.Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia
El 5 de diciembre de 1958, se promulgó la vigente Ley de Universidades autónoma, consecuencia de un consenso político por el llamado Espíritu Unitario del 23 de Enero, representado por académicos independientes y de los partidos políticos existentes, que consideraron las distintas corrientes del pensamiento universitario: medieval comunitario, autónomo, claustral e inviolable; napoleónico, estadal, dedicado sólo a la docencia para formar profesionales; inglés liberal y francés para el cultivo de la personalidad y el espíritu de los estudiantes; alemán reflejo de la ciencia; el norteamericano pragmático dedicado a la ciencia para el desarrollo y cordobés de elección de sus autoridades y cogobierno. La Comisión Universitaria elaboró una Ley en lugar de un Estatuto Universitario. Acogió la figura de un establecimiento público corporativo distinto a un instituto autónomo, gremio profesional o academia; un pacto social para una convivencia en libertad y respeto ideológico basado en la autoridad intelectual y no en disciplina u obediencia debida. Abrió la alternativa para nuevas estructuras experimentales, incluida la departamentalización universitaria. Asumió los regímenes de seguridad social, electoral, disciplinaria y de fomento. Sólo faltaron referencias a los estudios de postgrado. ; On December 5 th, 1958, the actual Law of Autonomous Universities was enacted. this happened as a result of a political consensus called the Unitary Spirit of January 23 th, represented by independent academics and existing political parties, who considered the different currents of university thought such as: medieval community, autonomous, claustral and in violable; Napoleonic, stadal, dedicated only to the training of professionals. Liberal English and French were taught to cultivate the personality and spirit of the students. German as a reflection of science; the American pragmatic dedicated to the science for the development, and the Cordovan of the election of its authorities and the co government. The University Commission drafted a Law and not a University Statute. It welcomed the figure of a corporate public establishment, not an autonomous institute, professional association or academy; a social pact for coexistence in freedom and ideological respect based on intellectual authority and not on discipline or due obedience. It opened the alternative for new experimental structures, including university departmen talization. It assumed the social security, electoral, disciplinary and promotion regimes. Only references to postgraduate studies were lacking. ; 367-377 ; rrondonmorales@gmail.com ; Cuatrimestral ; www.human.ula.ve/adocente/educere www.redalyc.com
En 1955 se produjo un nuevo quiebre institucional en Argentina, que provocó el final del llamado "peronismo histórico" (1946-1955). A partir de entonces, la autodenominada Revolución Libertadora (1955-1958) quedó asociada indisolublemente a la exclusión política mediante la proscripción electoral del partido justicialista, sus ex funcionarios y el líder mismo. En la Patagonia la Dictadura Militar puso entre paréntesis la creación de nuevas provincias dispuesta por el peronismo. Al igual que en el resto de las provincias, el gobierno de facto ordenó la adopción de medidas tendientes a perseguir, investigar y juzgar las actividades del partido peronista y de sus principales funcionarios en el marco del proceso de desperonización impulsado desde el gobierno de facto. En ese sentido la acción de las comisiones y sub comisiones Investigadoras provinciales se materializó en una multiplicidad de denuncias, detenciones y cesantías que demuestran la trama del poder anudada en los ex territorios nacionales del sur, con una sociedad movilizada que colaboró activamente con la intervención federal como parte del aval al pacto proscriptivo, evidenciando la escasa valencia del concepto democracia como rasgo dominante. ; In 1955 there was a new institutional breakdown in Argentina that caused the end of the "historical Peronism" (1946-1955). Since then, the self-appointed Liberating Revolution (1955-1958) remained indissolubly associated to the political exclusion by the electoral proscription of the Peronist party, its former officials and the leader himself. In Patagonia the Military Dictatorship bracketed the creation of new provinces disposed by Peronism. Just like in the other provinces the illegally government ordered the adoption of measures to pursue, investigate and prosecute the activities of the Peronist party and its principal officials under the "desperonización" process promoted by the illegal government. In this sense the action of committees and sub provincial commissions of inquiry materialized in a multitude of complaints, arrests and dismissals that show the plot of power in the former national tied southern territories, with a mobilized society that actively collaborated with the federal intervention as part of the endorsement of the pact proscriptive, evidencing the low valence of democracy as a dominant trait concept. ; Fil: Ruffini, Martha Esther. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Quilmes. Departamento de Ciencias Sociales. Centro de Estudios de la Argentina Rural; Argentina
Resumen: Cuando la política de apertura electoral que encaró el presidente Roberto M. Ortiz (1938-1942) a fines de los años treinta se vio consolidada en 1940, un importante suceso político ocurrió: el presidente, debido a problemas de salud, debió pedir licencia a partir de agosto y abandonar transitoriamente la presidencia. A medida que se consolidó la autoridad de su vicepresidente conservador, Ramón Castillo, Ortiz siguió interviniendo con declaraciones públicas en el desarrollo de los acontecimientos políticos más trascendentales. En febrero de 1941, algunos senadores oficialistas propusieron una comisión para conocer el estado de salud "real" del enfermo presidente y neutralizar su influencia. El objetivo secreto de esta iniciativa parlamentaria era reclamar supremacía senatorial para un eventual caso constitucional que pudiese plantearse por un retorno forzado, y recopilar suficiente información para juzgarlo en un eventual juicio político por inhabilidad. La comisión sobre la salud del presidente demostró -pese a que no tuvo concreta resolución- que Ortiz poseía una severa e irreversible ceguera que le impediría retornar al poder. En este sentido, el proyecto conservador y fraudulento de su vicepresidente se vio fortalecido y el Senado tuvo la oportunidad de reclamar poderes de investigación propios ; Abstract: When the democratization policy faced by President Roberto M. Ortiz (1938-1942) was established in 1940, a major political event occurred: the president had to leave due to health problems, and to abandon the presidency temporarily since August. When the authority of his conservative Vice President Ramon Castillo was being consolidated, Ortiz continued to intervene on the development of the most important political events with public statements. In February 1941, some senators proposed a commission to know the "real" status of the President's health in order to neutralize his influence. The secret aim of this parliamentary initiative was claiming senatorial supremacy for a possible constitutional case raised by a forced return of Ortiz, and to collect enough information, for a possible impeachment by disability. The commission on the president's health -despite it had no concrete resolution- showed that Ortiz had a severe and irreversible blindness that would prevent him from returning to power. In this sense, the fraudulent conservative project of his Vice president was strengthened and the Senate had the opportunity to claim own research powers
El Informe de 2018 de la Comisión al Parlamento Europeo, al Consejo,
al Comité Económico y Social Europeo y al Comité de las Regiones, sobre la
aplicación de la Directiva 94/80/CE por la que se fijan las modalidades de ejercicio
del derecho de sufragio activo y pasivo en las elecciones locales, COM (2018)
44 final, ha puesto de manifiesto como cada vez más los ciudadanos de la Unión
Europea hacen uso de su derecho de libre circulación y residencia en otros estados
miembros, de forma que se calcula que existen 14 millones de ciudadanos
europeos desplazados en edad de votar. Sin embargo, los niveles de inscripción
electoral de estos ciudadanos en las elecciones locales siguen siendo muy poco
significativos y su participación en los comicios locales se mantiene en índices
extremadamente bajos. Estos datos reflejan que un porcentaje muy alto de estos
ciudadanos no pueden ejercer sus derechos electorales, ni en su país de origen, ni
en aquel en el que están desplazados, excluyendo por completo su participación
democrática. Ello resulta especialmente paradójico en un ámbito, la UE, que propugna
la democracia como uno de sus valores y atribuye a los derechos electorales
la condición de derechos fundamentales.
En este trabajo se abordan los límites del estatuto de la ciudadanía para garantizar
la plena participación de los ciudadanos europeos en los asuntos públicos
del país de residencia y los condicionantes jurídicos que influyen en el ejercicio
efectivo de tales derechos en el ámbito interno de los estados, proponiendo una reformulación de los mismos capaz de otorgar un sello distintivo al estatuto de la
ciudadanía en lo que se refiere a los derechos inherentes a la participación política
en el país de residencia. Toki-hauteskundeetan parte hartzeko sufragio aktiboaren eta
pasiboaren eskubidea egikaritzeko modalitateak finkatzen dituen 94/80/EE Zuzentaraua
aplikatzeari dagokionez, COM (2018) 44 (azkena), Europako Parlamentuarentzat,
Kontseiluarentzat, Europako Ekonomia eta Gizarte Komitearentzat eta Eskualdeetako
Lantaldearentzat Batzordeak 2018an egindako txostenaren arabera,
geroz eta Europar Batasuneko herritar gehiagok baliatzen du zirkulazio librerako
eta estatu kideetan bizitzeko eskubidea. Hala, 14 milioi europar dira bizilekua aldatu
eta bozkatzeko adina dutenak. Hala ere, herritar horietatik gutxi batzuk baino
ez daude oraindik ere toki-hauteskundeetarako erroldatuta eta horien parte-hartzea
toki-hauteskundeetan benetan maila baxuetan dago. Datu horiek adierazten dute
hiritar horien ehuneko altu batek ezin dituela hauteskunde eskubideak baliatu, ez
jatorrizko herrialdean ezta lekualdatutako herrialdean, eta horrenbestez, horien
parte-hartze demokratikoa guztiz baztertzen da. Hori bereziki paradoxikoa da EBen,
demokrazia balore bezala aldarrikatzen baita eta hauteskunde eskubideei oinarrizko
eskubide izaera ematen baitzaie.
Lan honetan herritarren estatutuaren mugak jorratzen dira, europarrek bizileku
duten herrialdeetako gai publikoetan parte hartzen dutela bermatzeko, eta jorratu
egiten dira, halaber, eskubide horiek benetan baliatzeko orduan estatuen barne-esparruan
eragina duten baldintza juridikoak. Eta horiek berriz formulatzea proposatu
da, bizileku den herrialdeetako parte-hartze politikoarekin lotutako eskubideei
dagokienez herritarren estatutuari zigilu bereizgarria eman ahal izateko. The 2018 Report of the Commission to the European Parliament,
Council, Economic Social Committee of the Regions on the application of Directive
94/80/CE on the right to vote and to stand as a candidate in municipal elections,
COM (2018) 44 final, has shown how an increasing number of citizens from the
European Union make use of their right to free movement and residence in
other member states, so that it is estimated that there are 14 millions of moving
European citizens of voting age. However, the levels of electoral registration in
local elections are quite insignificant and their participation in local polls remain
extremely low. These figures reflect that a very high proportion of these citizens
cannot exercise their electoral rights, neither at their home countries nor at the
country where they moved, so disqualifying them from democratic participation.
That is specially paradoxical in a field, the EU, that has advocated for democracy
as one of its core values and that considers electoral rights fundamental rights.
This work deals with the limits of the citizenship status in order to guarantee the
full involvement of European citizens in public affairs of their country of residence
and the legal constraints that influence on the effective exercise of such rights
within the domestic sphere of states by proposing a reformulation of them that is
able of granting a distinctive status to citizenship as far as those inherent rights to
political participation at the country of residence are concerned.
En octubre de 1927 se constituyó la Asamblea Nacional de la Dictadura de Primo de Rivera, un órgano político de carácter consultivo que debía elaborar una nueva Constitución española. Dieciséis mujeres formaron parte de la Asamblea durante su período de funcionamiento (hasta el 15 de febrero de 1930), aunque sólo once participaron de manera activa en sus plenos y comisiones. El análisis de sus intervenciones y la realización de un balance de sus logros normativos permiten disponer de más datos para discernir si esta llegada de las primeras mujeres a la sede parlamentaria, pese a no haber sido votadas democráticamente, contribuyó de manera efectiva al avance de los derechos de las mujeres, o si por el contrario formaron parte de un engranaje estratégico de carácter propagandístico y electoralista. ; In October 1927, the National Assembly of the Primo de Rivera Dictatorship was created. It was a consultative political body that was in charge to prepare a new Spanish Constitution. Sixteen women were part of the Assembly during its period of operation (until February 15, 1930), although only eleven actively participated in its plenary sessions and commissions. The analysis of their interventions and the assessment of their normative achievements allow us to have more data to discern whether this arrival of the first women to the parliamentary seat, despite not having been democratically voted, effectively contributed to the advancement of the women's rights, or if, on the contrary, they were part of a strategic gear of a propagandistic and electoral nature.
