Suchergebnisse

Independent or autonomous electoral commissions emerged in Africa in the mid-1990s with the democratic aim of resolving crises surrounding the organization of elections. They are institutions legally responsible for all or part of the electoral process. They are either political, technical or mixed and are seen as a solution to the lack of transparency in electoral processes. Mali and Guinea have chosen political electoral commissions. While the presence of political parties in these commissions is a guarantee of transparency and credibility of the elections, opening the electoral commissions to political parties runs the risk of reproducing political rivalries within them. The creation of electoral management bodies has taken place in the context of various crises and political intrigues. In theory, all legal instruments governing the organization of elections recognize and guarantee free and transparent elections. However, in practice, the texts and institutions are used and manipulated, thereby undermining the confidence of political actors in an overly politicized electoral administration. The quality of electoral processes remains suspect because of the weakness or partiality of its members or simply the communalization of elections. Elections become the means by which the political system is perpetuated for years and electoral fraud the systemic regulator. We are no longer in the crises inherent in the absence of elections, but in the crises linked to rigged elections. The vote as a tool for the designation of elites at the disposal of the citizens is weakened and the possible control devices do not allow the containment of the multiple frauds orchestrated during the polls. ; Les commissions électorales indépendantes ou autonomes sont apparues en Afrique à la moitié des années 1990 dans le but démocratique de résoudre les crises autour de l'organisation d'élections. Ce sont des institutions juridiquement responsables de l'ensemble ou d'une partie du processus électoral. Elles sont soit politiques, ...

Independent or autonomous electoral commissions emerged in Africa in the mid-1990s with the democratic aim of resolving crises surrounding the organization of elections. They are institutions legally responsible for all or part of the electoral process. They are either political, technical or mixed and are seen as a solution to the lack of transparency in electoral processes. Mali and Guinea have chosen political electoral commissions. While the presence of political parties in these commissions is a guarantee of transparency and credibility of the elections, opening the electoral commissions to political parties runs the risk of reproducing political rivalries within them. The creation of electoral management bodies has taken place in the context of various crises and political intrigues. In theory, all legal instruments governing the organization of elections recognize and guarantee free and transparent elections. However, in practice, the texts and institutions are used and manipulated, thereby undermining the confidence of political actors in an overly politicized electoral administration. The quality of electoral processes remains suspect because of the weakness or partiality of its members or simply the communalization of elections. Elections become the means by which the political system is perpetuated for years and electoral fraud the systemic regulator. We are no longer in the crises inherent in the absence of elections, but in the crises linked to rigged elections. The vote as a tool for the designation of elites at the disposal of the citizens is weakened and the possible control devices do not allow the containment of the multiple frauds orchestrated during the polls. ; Les commissions électorales indépendantes ou autonomes sont apparues en Afrique à la moitié des années 1990 dans le but démocratique de résoudre les crises autour de l'organisation d'élections. Ce sont des institutions juridiquement responsables de l'ensemble ou d'une partie du processus électoral. Elles sont soit politiques, ...

Independent or autonomous electoral commissions emerged in Africa in the mid-1990s with the democratic aim of resolving crises surrounding the organization of elections. They are institutions legally responsible for all or part of the electoral process. They are either political, technical or mixed and are seen as a solution to the lack of transparency in electoral processes. Mali and Guinea have chosen political electoral commissions. While the presence of political parties in these commissions is a guarantee of transparency and credibility of the elections, opening the electoral commissions to political parties runs the risk of reproducing political rivalries within them. The creation of electoral management bodies has taken place in the context of various crises and political intrigues. In theory, all legal instruments governing the organization of elections recognize and guarantee free and transparent elections. However, in practice, the texts and institutions are used and manipulated, thereby undermining the confidence of political actors in an overly politicized electoral administration. The quality of electoral processes remains suspect because of the weakness or partiality of its members or simply the communalization of elections. Elections become the means by which the political system is perpetuated for years and electoral fraud the systemic regulator. We are no longer in the crises inherent in the absence of elections, but in the crises linked to rigged elections. The vote as a tool for the designation of elites at the disposal of the citizens is weakened and the possible control devices do not allow the containment of the multiple frauds orchestrated during the polls. ; Les commissions électorales indépendantes ou autonomes sont apparues en Afrique à la moitié des années 1990 dans le but démocratique de résoudre les crises autour de l'organisation d'élections. Ce sont des institutions juridiquement responsables de l'ensemble ou d'une partie du processus électoral. Elles sont soit politiques, ...

From a constitutional perspective, two objectives were at the origin of the idea to have the Presidential candidates for the European Commission selected by European party leaders. The principal idea was to provide European political parties with an important task and thus to convince citizens that they have a choice on the next European political agenda and that there is more to the EU than summits of heads of state or government. Derived from this it was hoped that turnout in the 2014 elections would benefit from the increased attention given to the electoral campaign. Decreasing voter participation in European elections has been a recurring theme in European studies and the theory of the EU's political legitimacy, while electoral studies have provided some limited guidance how to make the European elections a "first-order" event. As overall turnout in 2014 barely budged compared to the 2009 elections, the goal to stimulate citizens' interest was attained only in some Member States. The paper will defend the proposition that one crucial factor to change this is a more influential role of European political parties, requiring a solid institutionalisation, notably through the new party statute agreed at the end of the 7th parliamentary term. In this context, some national case law impinging on European electoral procedure is discussed as an important constraint for giving Euro-parties stronger roots in national politics. On the basis of an assessment of the innovations introduced for the 2014 elections, such as the competitive appointment of candidates for the Commission presidency, the paper will also scrutinise the viability of further efforts to mobilise the European electorate in times of constitutional fatigue, diversity of national traditions and Eurosceptic political entrepreneurs.

Democracy has always been an activity practiced by many. Various popular revolutions had been enforced in order to achieve the most suitable form of democracy through time and space. Hence, the 1936 reforms enforced by the French Popular Front in France were also dispatched in the former colonies. Ivorians created then some political parties that were headed by the PDCI until March 30, 1990. In 1999, the first bloodless state coup was registered and Bédié was overthrown by Gen. Robert Guei. In October 2000, Guei was also removed from power through a mass popular uprising. Meanwhile, in September 2002, the country was divided into a northern Muslim bastion and a southern Christian headquarters, when Gbagbo was on official visit to Italy. The Linas-Marcoussis, Pretoria and Ouagadougou agreements, led to new elections out of which the Constitutional Council proclaimed Gbagbo President while the Independent Electoral Commission legitimated Ouattara. The country fell once more into collapse. Gbagbo was then arrested on April 11, 2011 and sent to the Haye on November 29, where Blé Goudé joined him on March 23, 2014, and their trial is still on nowadays. Since the old days up till now, democracy seems to be a utopia among Ivoirians. ; La démocratie, selon le temps et l'espace, a été le commun de différentes civilisations. Plusieurs mouvements populaires ont été menés, afin de forger une véritable démocratie. Les réformes de 1936 du Front populaire en France permirent à la Côte d'Ivoire de fonder une classe politique et le PDCI tout seul dirigea le territoire jusqu'au 30 mars 1990. En 1999, Bédié fut renversé du pouvoir et remplacé par le Général Guei qui lui fut chassé du pouvoir confisqué par un mouvement de masse populaire, en octobre 2000. En septembre 2002, une attaque est lancée pendant que Gbagbo était en visite officielle en Italie. Le pays fut divisé en un nord musulman, et un sud chrétien. À la suite des accords de Linas-Marcoussis, de Prétoria et de Ouagadougou, des élections eurent lieu en 2010 et deux ...

Democracy has always been an activity practiced by many. Various popular revolutions had been enforced in order to achieve the most suitable form of democracy through time and space. Hence, the 1936 reforms enforced by the French Popular Front in France were also dispatched in the former colonies. Ivorians created then some political parties that were headed by the PDCI until March 30, 1990. In 1999, the first bloodless state coup was registered and Bédié was overthrown by Gen. Robert Guei. In October 2000, Guei was also removed from power through a mass popular uprising. Meanwhile, in September 2002, the country was divided into a northern Muslim bastion and a southern Christian headquarters, when Gbagbo was on official visit to Italy. The Linas-Marcoussis, Pretoria and Ouagadougou agreements, led to new elections out of which the Constitutional Council proclaimed Gbagbo President while the Independent Electoral Commission legitimated Ouattara. The country fell once more into collapse. Gbagbo was then arrested on April 11, 2011 and sent to the Haye on November 29, where Blé Goudé joined him on March 23, 2014, and their trial is still on nowadays. Since the old days up till now, democracy seems to be a utopia among Ivoirians. ; La démocratie, selon le temps et l'espace, a été le commun de différentes civilisations. Plusieurs mouvements populaires ont été menés, afin de forger une véritable démocratie. Les réformes de 1936 du Front populaire en France permirent à la Côte d'Ivoire de fonder une classe politique et le PDCI tout seul dirigea le territoire jusqu'au 30 mars 1990. En 1999, Bédié fut renversé du pouvoir et remplacé par le Général Guei qui lui fut chassé du pouvoir confisqué par un mouvement de masse populaire, en octobre 2000. En septembre 2002, une attaque est lancée pendant que Gbagbo était en visite officielle en Italie. Le pays fut divisé en un nord musulman, et un sud chrétien. À la suite des accords de Linas-Marcoussis, de Prétoria et de Ouagadougou, des élections eurent lieu en 2010 et deux ...

Democracy has always been an activity practiced by many. Various popular revolutions had been enforced in order to achieve the most suitable form of democracy through time and space. Hence, the 1936 reforms enforced by the French Popular Front in France were also dispatched in the former colonies. Ivorians created then some political parties that were headed by the PDCI until March 30, 1990. In 1999, the first bloodless state coup was registered and Bédié was overthrown by Gen. Robert Guei. In October 2000, Guei was also removed from power through a mass popular uprising. Meanwhile, in September 2002, the country was divided into a northern Muslim bastion and a southern Christian headquarters, when Gbagbo was on official visit to Italy. The Linas-Marcoussis, Pretoria and Ouagadougou agreements, led to new elections out of which the Constitutional Council proclaimed Gbagbo President while the Independent Electoral Commission legitimated Ouattara. The country fell once more into collapse. Gbagbo was then arrested on April 11, 2011 and sent to the Haye on November 29, where Blé Goudé joined him on March 23, 2014, and their trial is still on nowadays. Since the old days up till now, democracy seems to be a utopia among Ivoirians. ; La démocratie, selon le temps et l'espace, a été le commun de différentes civilisations. Plusieurs mouvements populaires ont été menés, afin de forger une véritable démocratie. Les réformes de 1936 du Front populaire en France permirent à la Côte d'Ivoire de fonder une classe politique et le PDCI tout seul dirigea le territoire jusqu'au 30 mars 1990. En 1999, Bédié fut renversé du pouvoir et remplacé par le Général Guei qui lui fut chassé du pouvoir confisqué par un mouvement de masse populaire, en octobre 2000. En septembre 2002, une attaque est lancée pendant que Gbagbo était en visite officielle en Italie. Le pays fut divisé en un nord musulman, et un sud chrétien. À la suite des accords de Linas-Marcoussis, de Prétoria et de Ouagadougou, des élections eurent lieu en 2010 et deux ...

The consolidation of the new liberal order in Portugal cannot be separated from electoral practices. Since 1820, elections, whose form varied throughout the nineteenth century, constituted a regular practice of citizenship. Within the constitutional monarchy in the years up to the establishment of the Republic in 1910, elections fulfilled three functions: the legitimation of power, social control and a rotation of elites. The period 1820-51 is particularly fruitful for such a study as eleven legislative elections took place, as well as other supplementary elections, and those of 1828. The latter were organized according to the traditional model. The issue of who had the right to vote originated one of the major political and cultural debates of the constitutional monarchy. Towards mid-century, the issue of universal suffrage was raised again with some vigor in parliamentary debates. One in particular took place in the Chamber of Deputies in 1848-49 following the presentation by an elected commission of a proposed electoral law. However, during the period 1820-51, before the "Regeneration", elections not only represented a way of legitimizing power, but also a pretext for the systematic examination of governments ant their majorities. This meant that, far from helping to discipline and pacify political life, the elections fostered anarchy and violence.

International audience ; Reading the Tunisian Constitution of January 27, 2014, it can be seen that many independent public authorities have been constitutionalized. Alongside the Supreme Judicial Council and the Constitutional Court, there are now mentioned, in a specific chapter of the Constitution, five independent bodies. One might be tempted to analyze the constitutionalization of these authorities as the triumph of a democracy of impartiality, the fruit of the consensus of Tunisian constituents now acquired with respect for "international standards" of the rule of law and democracy. The Venice Commission did not fail to welcome the creation of independent constitutional bodies in its comments on the final draft of the constitution. It made certain recommendations aimed at strengthening their independence, in particular through a sufficiently diversified composition, based on the skills of its members, on the diversity of their geographical origin and the parity between men and women. Ultimately, the Tunisian independent public authorities are part of a process fueled by dynamics of depoliticization and politicization correlated to the political situation. Initially conceived as tools carrying neutrality, impartiality and expertise, intended to reduce the "political burden" of certain issues perceived as vital by political actors marked by relationships of distrust, they find themselves accused of serving such or such partisan interest and become objects of conflict. ; La lecture de la Constitution tunisienne du 27 janvier 2014 permet de constater que bon nombre d'autorités publiques indépendantes ont été constitutionnalisées. Aux côtés du Conseil supérieur de la magistrature et de la Cour constitutionnelle, se trouvent désormais mentionnées, dans un chapitre spécifique de la Constitution, cinq instances indépendantes . On pourrait être tenté d'analyser la constitutionalisation de ces autorités comme le triomphe d'une démocratie d'impartialité, fruit du consensus de constituants tunisiens désormais acquis ...

International audience ; Reading the Tunisian Constitution of January 27, 2014, it can be seen that many independent public authorities have been constitutionalized. Alongside the Supreme Judicial Council and the Constitutional Court, there are now mentioned, in a specific chapter of the Constitution, five independent bodies. One might be tempted to analyze the constitutionalization of these authorities as the triumph of a democracy of impartiality, the fruit of the consensus of Tunisian constituents now acquired with respect for "international standards" of the rule of law and democracy. The Venice Commission did not fail to welcome the creation of independent constitutional bodies in its comments on the final draft of the constitution. It made certain recommendations aimed at strengthening their independence, in particular through a sufficiently diversified composition, based on the skills of its members, on the diversity of their geographical origin and the parity between men and women. Ultimately, the Tunisian independent public authorities are part of a process fueled by dynamics of depoliticization and politicization correlated to the political situation. Initially conceived as tools carrying neutrality, impartiality and expertise, intended to reduce the "political burden" of certain issues perceived as vital by political actors marked by relationships of distrust, they find themselves accused of serving such or such partisan interest and become objects of conflict. ; La lecture de la Constitution tunisienne du 27 janvier 2014 permet de constater que bon nombre d'autorités publiques indépendantes ont été constitutionnalisées. Aux côtés du Conseil supérieur de la magistrature et de la Cour constitutionnelle, se trouvent désormais mentionnées, dans un chapitre spécifique de la Constitution, cinq instances indépendantes . On pourrait être tenté d'analyser la constitutionalisation de ces autorités comme le triomphe d'une démocratie d'impartialité, fruit du consensus de constituants tunisiens désormais acquis ...

Voting in India : electoral symbols, party system and non-individual voting - The high rate of illiteracy in India has led that democracy (which has had ten legislative elections since independence) to work out an électoral procedure based on the use of symbols : the voting act consists in checking on the ballot the symbol corresponding to the candidate and the political group of one's choice in the voting booth. This System has had many secondary effects, since the definitive attribution of symbols to parties obtaining a certain number of votes on the national or regional level has contributed to the institutionalization of the party system. Beyond the use of symbols, the Election Commission has endeavored to surround the voting act with the maximum of possible guarantees in order to ensure secrecy and to preserve it from outside influences so as to fulfil the conditions for rational and individual voting. The sophistication of the measures taken seems however, on one hand, to lag behind the concrete forms of exercising the suffrage, as the voters tend to select their candidates collectively (at the religions community or the subcaste level) ; on the other hand, it lags behind the real challenge, that of the rise of violence around voting places. ; Le taux élevé d'analphabétisme en Inde a conduit cette démocratie (qui a organisé dix élections générales depuis l'indépendance) à élaborer une procédure électorale reposant sur l'usage de symboles : l'acte de vote consiste à cocher dans l'isoloir le symbole correspondant au candidat et à la formation politique de son choix. Ce dispositif a eu des effets induits importants puisque l'attribution définitive d'un symbole aux partis réunissant un certain nombre de voix au niveau national ou régional a contribué à institutionnaliser le système des partis. Au-delà du recours aux symboles, la commission électorale s'est efforcée d'entourer l'acte de vote du plus grand nombre de garanties possibles pour assurer le secret du vote et le préserver des influences extérieures, de ...

Voting in India : electoral symbols, party system and non-individual voting - The high rate of illiteracy in India has led that democracy (which has had ten legislative elections since independence) to work out an électoral procedure based on the use of symbols : the voting act consists in checking on the ballot the symbol corresponding to the candidate and the political group of one's choice in the voting booth. This System has had many secondary effects, since the definitive attribution of symbols to parties obtaining a certain number of votes on the national or regional level has contributed to the institutionalization of the party system. Beyond the use of symbols, the Election Commission has endeavored to surround the voting act with the maximum of possible guarantees in order to ensure secrecy and to preserve it from outside influences so as to fulfil the conditions for rational and individual voting. The sophistication of the measures taken seems however, on one hand, to lag behind the concrete forms of exercising the suffrage, as the voters tend to select their candidates collectively (at the religions community or the subcaste level) ; on the other hand, it lags behind the real challenge, that of the rise of violence around voting places. ; Le taux élevé d'analphabétisme en Inde a conduit cette démocratie (qui a organisé dix élections générales depuis l'indépendance) à élaborer une procédure électorale reposant sur l'usage de symboles : l'acte de vote consiste à cocher dans l'isoloir le symbole correspondant au candidat et à la formation politique de son choix. Ce dispositif a eu des effets induits importants puisque l'attribution définitive d'un symbole aux partis réunissant un certain nombre de voix au niveau national ou régional a contribué à institutionnaliser le système des partis. Au-delà du recours aux symboles, la commission électorale s'est efforcée d'entourer l'acte de vote du plus grand nombre de garanties possibles pour assurer le secret du vote et le préserver des influences extérieures, de manière à réunir les conditions d'un vote rationnel et individuel. La sophistication des mesures prises paraît toutefois en décalage, d'une part, avec les formes concrètes de l'exercice du suffrage, les électeurs tendant à sélectionner leur candidat de façon collective (au niveau de la communauté religieuse ou de la sous-caste), d'autre part avec le vrai défi que constitue la montée des violences autour des bureaux de vote.

Depuis 1992 le modèle de changement politique retenu par les autorités politiques djiboutiennes n'a pas aboutit à une alternance au pouvoir. L'introduction de la compétition électorale ni l'apparition d'une Commission Electorale Nationale Indépendante en 2002 n'ont aboutit à l'apparition d'un régime politique où l'opposition dispose d'un statut. Les réformes constitutionnelles ultérieures et surtout la suppression de la norme limitant les mandats présidentiels en 2010 ont renforcé plus le pouvoir du président qu'une réelle évolution du système vers un régime où il y a la libre expression et le respect de l'opposition politique, qui a eu ses premiers députés lors des dernières élections législatives en février dernier. Cependant la situation socioéconomique a beaucoup changé avec l'accroissement des in- vestissements étrangers, provenant des pays d'Asie et du monde arabe par la transformation du Port de Djibouti en hub régional. ; Desde 1992, o modelo de políticas de mudanças tomadas pelas autoridades de Djibouti não levaram a uma mudança no poder. A introdução da competição eleitoral ou o desenvolvimento de uma Comissão Eleitoral Nacional Independente em 2002, elevou ao surgimento de um sistema politico onde a oposição não tem um status. As reformas constitucionais posteriores, especialmente, a remoção da norma limitando o mandato presidencial em 2010 têm fortalecido o poder do presidente mais do que uma evolução política, teve seus primeiros membros nas últimas eleições parlamentares, em fevereiro de 2013. No entanto, a situação socio-econômica mudou drasticamente como aumento do investimento estrangeiro de países asiáticos e do mundo árabe, tranformando o Porto de Djibouti um pólo regional.

In terms of their political trajectories, MEPs occupy positions at the boundaries of various political spaces, the European, the national and the local. Consequently, most of them operate in several electoral districts at the same time. As intermediaries, they can make themselves known as representatives of the nation-states and, simultaneously, reinforce their position in the local political space. In this way, they reduce uncertainties always very important for reelection at the parliamentary european level. In their activities, MEPs join various political territories and participate in the collective construction of a European political space. In this European political space, European political goods are exchanged between MEPs and local political actors. These political goods can be information on European issues, on institutions or financing, advice and help concerning structural funds, etc. The actions of MEPs also consist in defending the interests of the territories they represent in the European assembly. In their turn, these specific political links condition the MEPs practices inside and outside the European political space. ; L'accélération du processus d'intégration européenne depuis la fin des années 1980 a contribué à faire émerger un espace de gouvernance caractérisé par des modes opératoires spécifiques (Mény, Muller, Quermonne, 1995). Le Parlement européen (PE) est l'un des principaux bénéficiaires des traités qui se sont succédés à partir des années 1980. L'Acte Unique Européen (1986), le Traité sur l'Union Européenne (1991) puis le traité d'Amsterdam (1997) étendent en effet ses domaines d'actions et créent de nouvelles procédures qui instituent un espace de négociation plus complexe entre le PE, la Commission et le Conseil. Le PE se voit alors attribuer pour un certain nombre de secteurs communautaires un véritable statut de colégislateur (Kreppel, 2000).

National audience. In the half of 2002 Madagascar experienced a serious political crisis arising from the challenge to the results of the presidential elections of 16 December 2001. The mayor of Tananarive, Marc Ravalomanana, was largely the winner of the Hautes Terres and declared himself President of the Republic of Madagascar, believing that he had won the first round even though the official results required a second round. It builds on mass demonstrations, especially in the capital. The outgoing President, Didier Ratsiraka, moved to Tamatave and organised, through road dams and the destruction of bridges, the asph yx ie des Hautes Terres and, in particular, Tananarive. The political crisis is therefore accompanied by a social and economic crisis. The export industries in the free zone have been particularly affected and growth has been called into question. The lack of basic necessities and medicines and the cessation of economic activities, increasing unemployment, have aggravated the poverty of an already largely impoverished population. The crisis finally ended in favour of President Ravalomanana, who gradually extended his authority throughout the country and was recognised by a long reluctant international community. It had an economic impact on Mauritius, which had invested in the free zone, and saw the emergence of regional political mediation through the Indian Ocean Commission. ; National audience Au cours du l" semestre 2002, Madagascar a connu une grave crise politique née de la contestation des résultats des élections présidentielles du 16 décembre 2001. Largement vainqueur sur les Hautes Terres, le Maire de Tananarive, Marc Ravalomanana, s'est proclamé Président de la République de Madagascar, estimant l'avoir emporté dès le premier tour alors que les résultats officiels en exigeaient un second. Il s'appuie sur les manifestations de masse, notamment dans la capitale. Le Président sortant, Didier Ratsiraka s'installe à Tamatave et organise, par des barrages routiers et la destruction de ponts, ...