Includes bibliographical references and indexes. ; Belief systems after converse / Donald R. Kinder -- Democracy with attitudes / Larry M. Bartels -- The political psychology of party identification / Herbert F. Weisberg and Steve H. Greene -- Process matters: cognitive models of candidate evaluation / Marco Steenbergen and Milton Lodge -- Policy issues and electoral democracy / Stuart Elaine Macdonald, Geroge Rabinowitz and Holly Brasher -- Elections and the dynamics of ideological representation / Michael B. MacKuen . [et al.] -- The heavenly public: what would a fully informed citizenry be like? / Robert C. Luskin -- The nature of belief in a mass public / Michael W. Traugot --- Electoral democracy during policts as usual, and unusual / John Aldrich -- Coming to grips with V.O. Key's concept of latent opinion / John Zaller. ; Mode of access: Internet.
Electoral governance is a crucial variable in securing the credibility of elections in emerging democracies, but remains largely ignored in the comparative study of democratization. This article develops some basic analytical tools to advance comparative analysis and understanding of this neglected topic. It conceptualizes electoral governance as a set of related activities that involves rule making, rule application, and rule adjudication. It identifies the provision of procedural certainty to secure the substantive uncertainty of democratic elections as the principal task of electoral governance. It argues that electoral governance, while socially and institutionally embedded, matters most during the indeterminate conditions that typically attend democratization. Finally, it outlines a research agenda that covers the comparative study of the structures as well as the processes of electoral governance.
This paper charts the development of the two institutions most central to the nature of representative democracy in South Africa: the electoral system and the National Assembly.2 It reviews how developments since 1994 have shaped the institutional context in which political parties operate and compete for power. The paper first considers how the National Assembly has developed over the past ten years, reviewing the performance of parliament and its role in the consolidation of democracy. The second part of the paper focuses on the electoral system, reviewing the debate around electoral reform and discussing changes that have been introduced since 1999. In the conclusion, we suggest what the implications of these institutional developments are for the future of representative democracy in South Africa.
Esta serie presenta un contenido adaptado a la materia de Educación para la Ciudadanía para alumnos de más de catorce años y está concebida para fomentar en las escuelas la cultura política, la responsabilidad social y moral y, la participación en la vida comunitaria. En este título, en concreto, se explica a los estudiantes el concepto y las características del sistema democrático, la división de poderes, los órganos de gobierno, el sistema electoral y la representación política a nivel local, regional, nacional y europeo en Gran Bretaña. Se acompaña de un material-recurso para el profesor. ; SC ; Biblioteca de Educación del Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte; Calle San Agustín, 5 - 3 planta; 28014 Madrid; Tel. +34917748000; biblioteca@mecd.es ; GBR
Esta serie presenta un contenido adaptado a la materia de Educación para la Ciudadanía para alumnos de más de catorce años y está concebida para fomentar en las escuelas la cultura política, la responsabilidad social y moral y, la participación en la vida comunitaria. En este título, en concreto, se explica a los estudiantes el concepto y las características del sistema democrático, la división de poderes, los órganos de gobierno, el sistema electoral y la representación política a nivel local, regional, nacional y europeo en Gran Bretaña. Se acompaña de un material-recurso para el profesor. ; SC ; Biblioteca de Educación del Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte; Calle San Agustín, 5 - 3 planta; 28014 Madrid; Tel. +34917748000; biblioteca@mecd.es ; GBR
This chapter briefly analyses relevant historical events in contemporary Basque Country with the purpose of framing the nature of the present political conflicto. It reflects on recent developments that were triggered after the signing, by the nationalist parties, of the "Pacto de LIzarra" on 12 September 1998. It also examines the results of the latest Basque elections held on 13 May 2001, and the declaration in September 2002 of the Baque Presidente, or Lehendakari, proposing a status of "free association" between the Basque Country and Spain. ; Peer reviewed
Voter confidence that votes are accurately cast, counted, and kept are at an all time low. The traditional methods of voting has proven itself time and time again to be untrustworthy and unreliable, as evidenced recently in the 2000 presidential elections. The time is now ripe to thoroughly investigate alternative methods of casting ballots as a way to restore voter confidence in the electoral system. Using the Internet to assist the electoral system has emerged as a potential option in order to remedy many defects within the electoral process. However, Internet voting is untested and less transparent than traditional voting even though Internet voting offers the promise of many benefits, such as preventing over-votes, reducing invalid votes, and increasing participation in the electoral process. This article evaluates the ability of Internet voting to improve the electoral process by comparing it against traditional methods of voting currently used. As part of the background necessary to understand electoral issues, a description of the criteria for a successful election is provided. The article also introduces and defines the different forms of Internet voting as used in the context of the article. The article reviews and substantially discredits the perceived problems with implementing Internet voting. Finally, several proposals are set forth in order to gradually introduce Internet voting into the mainstream of the electoral system.
Voter confidence that votes are accurately cast, counted, and kept are at an all time low. The traditional methods of voting has proven itself time and time again to be untrustworthy and unreliable, as evidenced recently in the 2000 presidential elections. The time is now ripe to thoroughly investigate alternative methods of casting ballots as a way to restore voter confidence in the electoral system. Using the Internet to assist the electoral system has emerged as a potential option in order to remedy many defects within the electoral process. However, Internet voting is untested and less transparent than traditional voting even though Internet voting offers the promise of many benefits, such as preventing over-votes, reducing invalid votes, and increasing participation in the electoral process. This article evaluates the ability of Internet voting to improve the electoral process by comparing it against traditional methods of voting currently used. As part of the background necessary to understand electoral issues, a description of the criteria for a successful election is provided. The article also introduces and defines the different forms of Internet voting as used in the context of the article. The article reviews and substantially discredits the perceived problems with implementing Internet voting. Finally, several proposals are set forth in order to gradually introduce Internet voting into the mainstream of the electoral system.
This article is based on a survey of popular attitudes towards the pure list system that is South Africa's proportional representation electoral system. While the reported findings are broadly positive there are some notable exceptions, located disproportionately among racial minorities and also among sizable numbers of black respondents. Pure proportional representation is unlikely to produce the values that the respondents say they most want from a voting system. The significance of the survey's findings is analysed and reasons are advanced for making changes to the electoral system. The government has opted to retain the status quo for the time being but in the longer term this could be negative for South Africa's democracy.
Resumen. El Instituto Federal Electoral ha sido poco estudiado en lo relativo a los aspectos endógenos de su actividad, en este análisis se proponen cinco elementos que se presumen son responsables de favorecer la transición a la democracia que México ha vivido desde 1990. Abstract. The Federal Electoral Institute has been little studied in relation to the endogenous aspects of its activity, in this analysis five elements are proposed that are supposed to be responsible to favor the transition to the democracy that Mexico has experienced since 1990
This paper provides a game-theoretic model of representative democracy with endogenous party formation. Coalition formation may occur before and after elections, and the expected payoffs from the after-election majority game affect incentives to form parties before the elections. In this way Duverger's hypothesis can be formally explained by the strategic behaviour of political elites. If politicians care primarily about private benefits, the equilibrium policy outcome under a proportional electoral system coincides with the median party's position. On the othoer hand, with quasilinear utility, the distance from the median voter outcome may be lower with plurality rule.
[ES] En los Estados Unidos y otros países de democracia establecida existen teorías de opción electoral (vote choice) para explicar cómo y por qué los votantes toman decisiones electorales. Éstas nos explican cómo votan los ciudadanos, incluso qué peso dan a las evaluaciones de los candidatos, la económica, y otros factores en sus decisiones de voto. Conforme América Latina se democratiza y algunas naciones en el continente cuentan con varios años de continuidad electoral, surgen preguntas con respecto a la relevancia de teorías electorales desarrolladas en las democracias más antiguas para el análisis del contexto de las nuevas democracias. Particularmente, si ciudadanos de naciones pobres que carecen de las ventajas asociadas a la riqueza económica, educación y cobertura extensiva a través de la televisión, presentan patrones de conducta electoral reconociblemente similares a aquéllos presentes en las democracias más antiguas. Este estudio aplica dos teorías electorales de las democracias antiguas a un contexto donde la democracia es nueva: Nicaragua. Éstas son la teoría de retrospección (Fiorina) y la teoría de prospección (Sniderman, Tetlock, Brody). El artículo muestra que, no obstante su pobreza y el bajo nivel educativo de muchos de sus habitantes, en las tres últimas elecciones los nicaragüenses tenían una capacidad de voto que sigue las dos teorías. Además, los votantes nicaragüenses pensaron no solamente en los candidatos y la economía sino también en el tipo de régimen, una cuestión que nunca se presentaría en Estados Unidos o en otras democracias antiguas. Los menos educados se mostraron tan capaces de utilizar prospección como los más educados. A pesar de la poca antigüedad de la democracia nicaragüense y de la relativa inexperiencia de su población, hemos descubierto una importante evidencia de la utilización de procesos evaluativos retrospectivos y prospectivos en Nicaragua en las elecciones para las cuales contamos con información estadística. La conducta electoral desarrollada para democracias establecidas es también válida para las nuevas democracias, lo cual tiene fuertes implicaciones para la democratización. ? ; [EN] Voting studies in the United States and other established democracies offer vote choice theories to explain how and why voters make electoral decisions. These theories explain what weight voters give to evaluations of candidates, the economy and other factors in making their decisions. As Latin America has democratized and some nations of that continent have now had several years of electoral continuity, the question emerges about whether vote choice theories from established democracies have relevance for today's developing democracies. In particular, it is important to know if citizens from poor nations that lack the advantages associated with wealth, education, and extensive media coverage demonstrate vote choice patterns recognizably similar to those found in older democracies. This study applies two vote choice theories from older democracies to a context where democracy is new: Nicaragua. These are the theory of retrospective voting (Fiorina) and the theory of prospective voting (Sniderman, Tetlock, Brody). The article illustrates that, despite poverty, low educational levels, and lack of extensive media coverage, in the last three elections Nicaraguans demonstrated a vote choice capacity that fits with these two theories. Moreover, Nicarguan voters considered not only the candidates and the economy but also the regime type in making their choice. This last is a question that does not emerge in established democracies. The less educated were as capable of using prospection as the more educated. Despite the newness of the Nicaraguan democracy and the relative electoral inexperience of the population, we have found important statistical evidence of the utility of retrospective and prospective theories. Electoral patterns developed for established democracies are also valid for new democracies, a finding that has important implications for democratization.
Emerging democracies may go through a sequence of positive and negative attitudes toward foreign advice on electoral systems. My experience in Estonia makes me propose such a sequence, to see from the roundtable responses whether it has any generality. Based on a sample of one, the framework most likely will not hold, but reactions to it may help to map the field. Indirectly, I will touch on the touchy issue of whether the foreign advisors have failed to give adequate advice or whether local politicians have failed to take sound advice. Of course, it is neither and both, to some degree, plus honest misunderstandings. I will examine to what extent our systematic and analytical knowledge of electoral systems enables Western political scientists to offer advice to emerging democracies, and my conclusions are rather modest. I will briefly digress from impact of political science advice for emerging democracies to the latter's impact on political science discourse, focusing on Duverger's rule.
What is the significance of ICT's for voting decisions? This chapter assesses two uses of ICT's: (1) databases of the voting records of representatives, and (2) a decision support system for party choice. It examines the information-seeking behavior of (prospective and retrospective) voters appraising either parties or individual candidates. Empirically, the significance of both ICT's for the voters' level of information seems to be limited, at least when considered separately. In combination, they provide new information that may attract the interest of more 'Downsian' voters. However, a large-scale and combined use of these ICT's may put the classical liberal model of representation under pressure.
Publicado en: A. Guelke, ed., Democracy and Ethnic Conflict, 29-51, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan, 2004. ; Territorial politics in Spain can be regarded as the expression of a mode of multiple ethnoterritorial concurrence, which relates sub-state mobilisation with the interplay among central institutions and regions, or Comunidades Autónomas (Moreno, 1995). The 'historical nationality' of the Basque Country has recently witnessed an increase in political terrorism carried out by ETA, as evidenced by party sectarian assassinations and actions throughout Spain. This course of action has further encouraged a division between Basque nationalists and autonomists regarding proposals to eradicate political violence. This paper briefly analyses relevant historical events in contemporary Basque Country with the purpose of framing the nature of the present political conflict. It reflects on recent developments that were triggered after the signing by the nationalist parties of the Pacto de Lizarra on September 12, 1998. It also examines the results of the latest Basque Elections held on May 13, 2001 and explores the future prospects for ending terrorism. ; Peer reviewed
