Suchergebnisse

On the evening of 14 May 1989, hours after Argentina had held its first elections for a presidential succession in 60 years, the atmosphere at the Buenos Aires headquarters of the Unión del Centro Democrático(UCEDE) was lugubrious. The electoral news flowing into the computer terminals harbingered a resounding victoiy for Carlos Menem, the Peronist presidential candidate, and a remote third place showing of 6% for Alvaro Alsogaray, the presidential candidate of the young conservative party. Even in the capital city of Buenos Aires, where the UCEDE had led in the polls for congressional elections right up to election day, it trailed in third place. Would-be congressmen wandered the headquarters floor bewildered.

A few weeks after Argentina had held elections on 14 May 1989, the UCEDE, with a mere 6% of the national vote, had become a highly visible member of the configuration of forces that would shape the politics of the Peronist government of Carlos Menem. This essay examines the efforts of the party to become the new face of conservatism in Argentine democratic politics

Examines the efforts of the Unión del Centro Democrático (UCEDE) to become the new face of conservatism in Argentine democratic politics; 1980s, chiefly.

AbstractIn the absence of ideality, communities—and indeed Congress and the Justice Department—have taken action to enhance the "representativeness" of local policy‐making bodies. In spite of widespread preference for the single‐member district over the at‐large system where inequitable representation can be demonstrated historically, electoral reformers have other options with proven track records. This article reviews the various electoral systems with which communities have experimented during this century and offers some alternatives to "winner takes all".

Political parties in Venezuela have historically played a mediating role between the state and the working class and also between labor and the private sector. Indeed, the political party system has been widely credited in the literature with sustaining the rather remarkable electoral democracy in Venezuela since 1958. Yet structural change in the world oil market and the Venezuelan economy in the early 1970s combined with the dynamics of past state-labor-party relations have produced an expanded role for the state in the economy as well as in the system of industrial relations. New patterns of interest mediation have emerged that have facilitated the adjustment of the democratic regime to changing political and economic conditions, thus helping to ensure its survival.

SINCE 1984, THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT HAS GAINED INCREASED POWER AND WEIGHT WITHIN THE INSTITUTIONAL SYSTEM OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY. THUS, DIRECT ELECTIONS COULD BE EXPECTED TO BE OF GREATER IMPORT IN 1989 THAN THEY WERE IN 1984 OR 1979. IN FACT, HOWEVER, DIRECT ELECTIONS ARE INCAPABLE OF YIELDING THE VERDICT OF THE ELECTORATE ON THE FUTURE OF THE COMMUNITY. THIS IS NOT ONLY BECAUSE THEY ARE, ALTHOUGH IN FORM TRANSNATIONAL, IN REALITY A SUMMATION OF TWELVE SEPARATE NATIONAL CONTESTS; BUT ALSO BECAUSE OF THE VERY NATURE OF THE PARTY SYSTEMS IN THE MEMBER STATES AND THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT WHICH SERVE TO OBSCURE RATHER THAN ARTICULATE THE ISSUES INVOLVED IN EUROPEAN INTEGRATION.

Analysis of electoral absenteeism in Spanish general elections, 1977-89; motivational, spatial, and demographic correlates.

Despite the central importance of elections to representative democracy, there is no systematic study available of how exactly the parties wage their election campaigns. Examining recent elections in nine countries across three continents, there case studies, all following a common framework, are written by national experts and are based on detailed interviewing and research of the parties. The book includes a lengthy introduction; a comparative study on campaign 'effects'; and a detailed conclusion

This text is designed to give students a comprehensive view of the British electoral system. Its innovative comparative and theoretical approach will provide a link between courses in British politics, comparative politics and political theory. The book looks at electoral systems in relation to democratic theory and examines the justification for modern electoral rules. It compares parliamentary elections with various other kinds of election, and it looks at the differences between British experience and that of other countries. Andrew Reeve and Alan Ware aim to inform the debate about whet.

THIS ARTICLE PRESENTS AND TESTS TWO ARGUMENTS ABOUT HOW THE DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS OF THE UNITED STATES INFLUENCE ARMS CONTROL BARGAINING. PRINCIPAL-AGENT MODELS OF ELECTIONS WITH RETROSPECTIVE VOTERS FORM THE BASIS OF A FORMAL MODEL LINKING ELECTIONS AND ARMS CONTROL. IT IMPLIES THAT THE UNITED STATES OFFERS ADDITIONAL CONCESSIONS AS ECONOMIC CONDITIONS DETERIORATE, BUT ALSO THAT THIS EFFECT DECLINES AS CONDITIONS GET WORSE. CONGRESS' CONTROL OF THE DEFENSE BUDGET PROVIDES A WAY TO AFFECT THE SOVIETS' RESERVATION LEVEL FOR NEGOTIATIONS. BUT IF THE SOVIETS ANTICIPATE CONGRESSIONAL ACTIONS, THE ONLY EFFECTS ARE REDUCED SOVIET CONCESSIONS IMMEDIATELY BEFORE CRITICAL VOTES ON DEFENSE AND A RESPONSE TO THE OUTCOME OF THE VOTE. AN EMPIRICAL EXAMINATION OF U.S. AND SOVIET BARGAINING BEHAVIOR DURING THE 1970S SUPPORTS THESE HYPOTHESES. THE UNITED STATES INCREASES ITS CONCESSIONS AS INFLATION HEIGHTENS. THE SOVIETS REDUCE THEIR CONCESSIONS DURING PERIODS WITH CRITICAL VOTES ON DEFENSE IN CONGRESS, OFFER ADDITIONAL CONCESSIONS AFTER PRO-DEFENSE VOTES PASS, AND OFFER FEWER CONCESSIONS AFTER PRO-DEFENSE MEASURES FAIL.