Suchergebnisse

Can Switzerland still be seen as an extreme case of federal consensus democracy, as illustrated by Arend Lijphart (1999)? A reanalysis of Lijphart's study of the Swiss political system from 1997 to 2007 clearly demonstrates that a consensus democracy has emerged that bears strong tendencies toward adjustment and normalization of the original exceptional Swiss case to the rest of the continental European consensus democracies. Switzerland can be considered a typical, rather than extreme, case of consensus democracy. (Swiss Political Science Review / FUB)

The elections in April 2007 were marked by massive election fraud, lack of transparency, & chaotic organization. They confirmed Larry Diamond's classification of Nigeria as "electoral authoritarian". The political disaster of the 2007 elections also overshadows the positive fact that for the first time in its history, a formal constitutional transfer from one civil government to another has taken place. Independent of the manipulation of the list of candidates, the elections cannot claim democratic legitimacy. Five structural reasons are responsible for this: 1) no secret election; 2) missing verification of the election results; 3) no serial numbers on the presidential election ballots; 4) not enough ballots for the presidential election; & 5) illegal declaration of Yar'Aduas as winner of the election. These factors alone are enough to deny legitimacy to the elections. National & international election observers agreed that the elections did not even conform to an international minimum standard for democratic elections. The author concludes that the UN, USA, & EU are very interested in domestic stability in Nigeria for various reasons. References. E. Sanchez

Analyzes the role of civic actors in the political liberalization & early democratization of Chile & Mexico, arguing that civil society has made positive contributions to transformation in both countries, but more so in Mexico, where traditional political parties have determined transition process dynamics. Chile's liberalization, democratization, & democratic consolidation phases & Mexico's liberalization & initial democratization are considered. Discussion focuses on the structural constraints in which civic actors have operated, the relationship between civil society & political parties, the development of pure protest movements into cooperative actors with alternative programs, the thematic expansion of civil society (eg, from electoral transparency & human rights to environmental & minority rights issues), & indicators of both countries' future political cultures. 31 References. Adapted from the source document.

Parteiensysteme gelten dann als institutionalisiert, wenn sie starke Wurzeln in der Gesellschaft haben, stabil sind (geringe elektorale Volatilität, Fragmentierung und Polarisierung aufweisen), Legitimität genießen und ein ausreichendes organisatorisches Niveau aufweisen. Gemessen an diesen Kriterien schneidet das indische Parteiensystem besser ab, als bisherige parteikritische Studien nahelegen. Die gesellschaftliche Verankerungist hoch, aber spezifisch, die Stabilität des Parteienwettbewerbs ist beachtlich, die Polarisierung ist gering und die Fragmentierung ist im Wesentlichen eine Folge der Tatsache, dass sich unterschiedliche subnationale Parteiensysteme fast in toto im Unterhaus wiederfinden. Indische Parteien spiegeln spezifische gesellschaftliche Konfliktlinien, verstärken diese in zunehmendem Maße durch ihr eigenes Handeln, sie genügen zudem Maßstäben innerparteilicher Demokratie und Kohäsion nur sehr unzureichend. Diese Defizite sind Folge der indischen Patronagedemokratie und der sich darauf einstellenden Wählergruppen und Parteien in einer ausgesprochen pluralen, politisch immer stärker mobilisierten Gesellschaft. Sie haben jedoch durchaus auch positive Auswirkungen auf die Partizipation bisher exkludierter Gruppen. Die aus der Beobachtung westlicher, programmorientierter Parteiensysteme gewonnenen Institutionalisierungskriterien sind in Bezug auf indische Parteien daher nur begrenzt hilfreich. (Politische Vierteljahresschrift / FUB)

Die Verfasser geben einen Überblick über den Forschungs- und Serviceschwerpunkt des ZA im Bereich der empirischen Wahlforschung. Der Datenbestand auf diesem Gebiet umfasst die Wahlstudien zu den Bundestagswahlen 1949 bis 1998, das German Election Data Project, das Politbarometer der Forschungsgruppe Wahlen, Studien zu den Europawahlen 1989 und 1994, Datenbestände des International Committee for Research into Elections and Representative Democracy (ICORE) und der Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES), eine Sammlung von Parteiprogrammen bis 1988 sowie Wahlstudien, die im Kontext anderer komparativer Studien durchgeführt wurden. Mit dem Continuity Guide der Deutschen Wahlstudien wurde der Weg von einer Sammlung von Einzelstudien zum Aufbau einer kohärenten Datenbasis beschritten, die inzwischen 30 Wahlstudien mit über 9000 Variablen umfasst. (ICE)

The aim of this series of publications was to examine internal decision-making processes among German political parties. Using various case studies, the volumes in the series reveal patterns in decision-making relating to hierarchy and consensus in specific parties and across the entire political spectrum, which the concluding volume systematically brings together. How democratically do German parties make decisions and how does their organisational structure influence that process? How do they determine their goals, how do they select their political personnel and who makes strategic decisions? This procedural perspective highlights the informal dimensions of parties' inner workings, identifies centres of power between a party's leadership and its core, and clarifies the significance of a party's tendencies, wings and networks. Taking into account inner party organisational reforms and the results of the 2017 national elections, this volume endeavours to predict how German party democracy might develop in the future.

The author discusses the issue whether the internet & other electronic sources should be used for elections. Online-elections can make the electoral process not only less complex but also cheaper, thus the analysis faster & more reliable. The lower costs could, in turn, lead to a new impulse on direct-democracy-instruments. Comparing the USA, Great Britain, Germany & Switzerland the article provides information about national strategies, discourses & problems, & shows the different political & cultural settings. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

Sandzak, the region in southwest Serbia with a large Bosniak population, has been largely neglected in academic debates about the Western Balkans. This article contends that the general status & quality of democracy in Serbia, a state with a recent history of involvement in ethnic conflicts, can be examined through the lens of the relationship between the ethnic majority, the Serbs, & ethnic minorities, such as the Bosniaks. The authors argue that the case of Sandzak shows that a substantial difference exists between the formal provisions for minority protection & inclusion at the state level, adopted in the course of Europeanization, and the de facto situation of the minorities living in Sandzk. The latter is characterized by considerable political & economic isolation, frustration with the status of Sandzak within Serbia, & even by a hostile relationship towards Belgrade. This article explores the situation of the Bosniak minority since the Milosevic era, the relationship between Belgrade & Sandzak, & the profound internal divisions within the Bosniak community. It focuses on the rapidly deteriorating relationship between Sandzak & Belgrade in 2010 in the course of the electoral process for the "National Council of Bosniaks," & on the emergence of a new powerful movement among the Bosniak population led by Mufti Muamer Zukorlic. Adapted from the source document.

Gegenwärtige politische und wissenschaftliche Diskussionen um Antisemitismus in politischen Parteien fokussieren vor allem auf die Ränder des politischen Spektrums. Aus der Perspektive der Antisemitismusforschung stellt sich die Frage, inwiefern diese Wahrnehmung mit der Wirklichkeit korrespondiert. Zentrale Fragen sind unter anderem, wie sich der Antisemitismus in den unterschiedlichen politischen Parteien der Bundesrepublik artikuliert, inwiefern Unterschiede zwischen den antisemitischen Äußerungen in den einzelnen Parteien feststellbar sind, wie Parteien reagieren, wenn sich einzelne Mitglieder antisemitisch äußern, und welche Sanktionsmechanismen es gibt.Der Sammelband liefert Einschätzungen von Antisemitismus- und Parteienforscher(inne)n zu dem Thema und trägt der Erkenntnis Rechnung, dass antisemitische Äußerungen quer durch alle politischen Lager zu finden sind