Rasprava o izborima i izbornim sustavima zapravo je rasprava o tome kakvi mogu biti učinci predstavništva u demokratskim političkim sustavima. Razumijevanje te poveznice nije moguće bez poznavanja tehničkih detalja od kojih su satkani izborni sustavi. Unatoč nepostojanju općeprihvatljivoga pojmovnog okvira i postojanju kompleksnosti različitih definicijskih pristupa i interpretacijskih polazišta, i o izborima i o izbornim sustavima, postignuto je suglasje o tome da se izbori vežu uz predstavničku demokraciju te da predstavljaju njezinu središnju instituciju, a da izborni sustavi predstavljaju načine na koje birači mogu izraziti svoje preferencije kroz glasove, te mogućnosti kako se ti glasovi mogu pretvoriti u zastupničke mandate. Kakvu izbornu strategiju, uobličenu u izbornom modelu, primijeniti? Kako kombinirati strukturne elemente izbornih sustava da bi se postigli priželjkivani politički učinci? Pitanja su na koje odgovor može dati samo dobro poznavanje složene izborne problematike koja je u dodiru s ukupnim krajolikom političkog: institucijama, procesima i sadržajima. ; Discussion about elections and electoral systems is in fact discussion about the effects of representative bodies in democratic political systems. Understanding of that link is not possible without knowing technical details used for forming electoral systems. Despite nonexistence of generally accepted conceptual framework and complexity of different definition approaches and interpretation bases of both elections and electoral systems, there is an agreement that elections are related to representative democracy and they represent its central institution, while electoral systems represent the ways in which voters can express their preferences through their votes and possibilities how those voices can be turned into representative mandates. Which elections strategy, formed in electoral model, should be applied? How to combine structural elements of electoral systems in order to achieve hoped-for political effects? Those are the question which could be answered only by good knowledge of the complex electoral problem area which is in contact with total political landscape: institutions, processes and contents.
The significance of positive political theory is recognized in the text, placing special emphasis on the theories of public choice & voting. The main reasons for the study of political, particularly electoral, processes from the viewpoint of positive theory are enumerated. The author further questions certain fundamental postulates of normative theories of democracy & their lack of viability. He goes on to analyze the phenomenon of the so-called electoral or voting paradoxes & their possible influence on electoral results &, ultimately, on democratic norms themselves. The existence of voting paradoxes & their theoretical rationale is considered unequivocal & is mathematically proved. The author also reviews the most significant works on voting paradoxes & the theory of public choice. 3 Figures, 31 References. Adapted from the source document.
Rad se bavi istraživanjem učinaka personalizacije izbornog sustava prije svega na političke stranke i kandidate za zastupnike. Pod personalizacijom izbornog sustava smatra se uvođenje mehanizama u izborni sustav koji osiguravaju veću ulogu birača u izboru njihovih parlamentarnih zastupnika. U radu su predstavljene četiri gusto opisane studije slučaja koje su služile kao temelj za testiranje temeljne i pomoćnih hipoteza. Rad sadrži fokusiranu poredbenu analizu dometa personalizacije izbornog sustava u odnosu na tri ključna slučaja (Austrija, Nizozemska i Finska), kao i u odnosu na kontrolni slučaj Kosovo. U radu je dokazano da snažni personalizirani izborni sustavi, koji imaju najveće vrijednosti personalizacije, odnosno izmjerene vrijednosti utjecaja dva institucionalna potičuća mehanizma koji su predstavljali nezavisne varijable ovog istraživanja (a. preferencijsko glasovanje unutar razmjernog sustava stranačkih lista i b. procedura selekcije kandidata), dovode do personalizacije političkih stranaka na razini zastupnika. Kroz dokazivanje pomoćnih hipoteza ispraćeni su učinci personalizacije izbornog sustava na političke stranke, kandidate/zastupnike, birače odnosno stranački/politički sustav. U radu predstavljeni nalazi fokusirane poredbene analize potvrđuju da snažna personalizacija izbornog sustava vodi personalizaciji izborne kampanje te smanjenoj ulozi političkih stranaka u političkom životu. Smanjena uloga stranaka u kampanjama otvara prostor jačanju uloge konkretnih donatora. Poslanici postaju nezavisniji u odnosu na stranku, ali s druge strane otvoreni za utjecaje donatora svojih kampanja. Nemogućnost opoziva, odnosno tekovina da je zastupnik, a ne stranka vlasnik mandata, dodatno ojačava poziciju zastupnika, a slabi poziciju stranke. Pozicija zastupnika jača, kao i birača koji imaju u snažno personaliziranim izbornim sustavima mogućnost presudnog utjecanja na to tko će ih zastupati u parlamentu, odnosno na koga će privremeno prenijeti suverenitet kao njegovi nositelji. Finski primjer najbolje pokazuje utjecaj snažne personalizacije izbornog sustava na političke stranke, kandidate i birače u konsolidiranoj demokraciji. Slučaj Kosova kao kontrolni slučaj govori da ukoliko izostane prevlast osobnog u odnosu na stranačko u unutarstranačkim procesima, učinci snažnog preferencijskog sustava bit će umanjeni. Izostanak vladavine prava utječe na ravnopravnost kandidata u predizbornim kampanjama, ali snažno preferencijsko glasovanje umanjuje negativne efekte izostanka demokratskih procedura unutar stranke te potiče daljnju demokratsku konsolidaciju u nekonsolidiranim demokracijama. ; The doctoral dissertation deals with research into the effects of personalization of the electoral system primarily on political parties and candidates for deputies. The personalization of the electoral system means the introduction of mechanisms in the electoral system that ensure a greater role for voters in the election of their parliamentary representatives. I define the electoral system as a "set of laws and party rules governing electoral competition between and within the parties" (Cox 1997: 38). This wider definition of the electoral system gives us space to build a more complete picture of the electoral system's impact on political parties, candidates and voters as main actors in the electoral process. The focus of the research is the relationship between personal and party representation. In order to conduct a more comprehensive analysis of the effects of personalization on political parties, the research framework is narrowed down to list proportional electoral systems with preferential voting. Contemporary liberal democracy is characterized by a highly personalized politics. Governments are more recognizable by their leaders than by the parties that are the basis of their constitution. This personalization trend is not characteristic exclusively of presidential systems, but has become a feature of parliamentary political systems. In addition to personalization of the party at the leader level, there is also the personalization of politics at the level of members of parliament (MPs). In this paper, we only use the term 'personalization of a party' in reference to personalization at the level of the MP. We will not deal with the question of the presidentialization of political parties. Under the personalization of a political party at the level of MPs, we mean strengthening the position of deputies in the intra-party decision-making process. Thanks to the introduction of preferential voting in list proportional list systems, the group of electoral systems in which voters play an important role in the selection of their representatives has significantly expanded. Historically speaking, the representative position has been strengthened by the accepted attitude that the MP, not the party, is the 'owner of the mandate'; preferential voting supports this. This paper deals with the personalization of politics at the level of the representative—the political party. That is to say, it explores the question of to what degree personalization of the electoral system affects the political party, its intra- and its inter-party dimension. Moreover, the paper deals with personal and party representation, an area that is a new field of interest for political scientists. Through this relationship, I explore the effect of electoral systems on political parties, candidates and voters. in developing this work, I was guided by the results achieved by Katz (1980, 1986) and Marsh 9 (1985) who first dealt with this issue. In his book A Theory of Parties and Electoral Systems (1980), Katz took his first steps in the research of preferential systems. Five years later, Marsh (1985) was dealing with differences between the preferential systems in Europe. In their works, Katz and Marsh set forth the first hypotheses about the effects of preferential voting. Although there has been a growing interest in research in this area over the last decade, no significant progress has yet been made. Karvonen (2004) made a significant step in systematizing the hypotheses of Katz and Marsh, and he added some more points. In his last paper on this subject (2011), Karvonen was working within the same group of hypotheses, which were open to further research. They are the basis of this research, with additional contributions. A major impetus for this work was one of the most influential articles in this field, 'Incentives to Cultivate a Personal Vote: A Rank Ordering of Electoral Formulas' by Carey and Shugart (1995), which examines the question of the influence of electoral systems on the candidate's electoral strategies—that is, how electoral systems influence the pre-election roles of parties and their candidates. The authors developed three variables: (1) lack of party leadership control over access to and rank in ballots; (2) degree to which candidates are elected on individual votes independent of copartisans; and (3) whether voters cast a single intra-party vote instead of multiple votes or a party-level vote. By combining these three variables, there are up to thirteen combinations. This approach set me up to explore the impact that personalization creates when it comes to the relationship between the MP candidate and the party, or the MP and the party. Most authors agree that the introduction of personalization of the electoral system significantly affects interparty relations, which are sometimes reflected in a high degree of autonomy in campaigning and even in the collection and spending of funds for funding of their personal campaign. The bidding of candidates from the same party exercises a strong influence on intra-party relations, and it often happens that rival relations within the parties remain in the shadow of rival relations between the parties.
Mijenjaju li se stavovi građana o demokraciji u uvjetima povećane institucionalne nestabilnosti i promjena u stranačkom sustavu u Hrvatskoj u posljednjih nekoliko godina? Nastojeći odgovoriti na to pitanje, autori polaze od koncepta političke potpore demokraciji kakav je izvorno zamislio David Easton, a nadogradili su ga i operacionalizirali Russel Dalton i Pippa Norris. U članku se analiziraju odnos difuzne i specifične potpore demokraciji u Hrvatskoj od 1999. do 2018. i utjecaj na ponašanje birača u oblicima glasovanja za etablirane stranke (lojalnost), nove i marginalne stranke (glas) te apstinencije (izlazak). Analiza obuhvaća sedam vremenskih točaka anketnih istraživanja izbora od 1999. do 2018. i nadovezuje se na druga istraživanja potpore demokraciji u Hrvatskoj. Rezultati potvrđuju da se s vremenom produbio jaz između normativne potpore i zadovoljstva funkcioniranjem demokracije, što se ogleda u povećanju broja kritičkih demokrata i nezadovoljnih autokrata. Premda su obje skupine još razmjerno ravnomjerno raspoređene među etabliranima i novim strankama, ima naznaka da nezadovoljni autokrati sve češće biraju "glas" umjesto "izlaska". Pritom, ukupna slika unutarnje strukture potpore demokraciji nakon 2015. sve više nalikuje na stanje prije velikih institucionalnih promjena 2000, što pridaje posebnu dimenziju političkim promjenama 2015. i 2016. i otvara pitanje o utjecaju uspjeha novih političkih aktera na potporu demokraciji u Hrvatskoj. ; Have the attitudes of citizens on democracy changed under increased institutional instability and party system changes in Croatia in recent years? In an attempt to answer that question, the authors start with the concept of support for democracy as originally conceived by David Easton, and later further elaborated on by Russel Dalton and Pippa Norris. This article provides an analysis of the relationship between diffuse and specific support for democracy in Croatia between 1999 and 2018 and its impact on voting behaviour including casting a ballot for the established parties (loyalty), for the new and protest parties (vote) or abstention (exit). The analysis involves seven time points in electoral survey research between 1999 and 2018 in Croatia and is complementary to other research on support for democracy in the country. The results confirm that the gap between normative support and the satisfaction with how democracy works increases over time, which is also evident from the increase in the number of critical (dissatisfied) democrats, but also of dissatisfied autocrats. Although both groups are still rather evenly represented among the established and the new political parties, there are indications that the dissatisfied autocrats will more often than not opt for the vote rather than the exit. At the same time, the overall picture of the post-2015 internal structure of democratic support increasingly resembles the pre-2000 era, when major institutional changes took place, giving an added dimension to the political changes of 2015 and 2016 and sparking the question of the future impact that new political actors will have on the support for democracy.
The collapse of the traditional social ties, the advance of the mass media & the advent of political marketing have altered the structure & the direction of electoral campaigns. Present-day media-mediated electoral campaigns are hotly debated. On one side are those who claim that campaigns simplify political reality, manipulate voters, encourage voting apathy & in the long run contribute to democratic deficit. On the other side are those who claim that campaigns had to adapt to the new communication environment, that only the attractive, media-honed campaigns can attract voters' attention & that the majority of campaigns on the whole are a positive influence on electoral participation & voters' familiarity with political processes. This paper is an attempt to present the arguments of both sides & to answer how & to what extent electoral campaigns affect the democratic process. References. Adapted from the source document.
Having in mind the long evolution of constitutions & constitutional politics & the universal appeal of the process of the interplay between virtue & demagogy that occurs during presidential elections, the author touches on several topics. The first are the standard "dogmatic" comparative provisions regarding the election of the head of state which the author looks into through the constitutional-legal prism of the so called selection effect. As the institution of the president of the republic exists in many constitutions & is thus among the most significant institutionalized aspects of political & social life of every country, the author focuses on the extent in which that institution in the electoral context contributes to the affirmation of republicanism, democracy & public sphere. The author concludes that the election of presidents & the effects of electoral selection, among other things, affect the process of political integration that ought -- to not only in Croatia but everywhere & due to a plethora of reasons -- promote the universally accepted ontological principles of contemporary constitutional-democratic state. Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.
According to the regularly conducted polls by "Globus," political rating of HDZ significantly increased after the military actions "Flash" & "Storm" while those of liberals & other parties decreased. On the basis of certain assumptions, the author concludes that this does not indicate a radical change in political attitudes & orientations of the electoral body; the changes have been caused by political conjuncture. The research has shown that political attitudes are halfway between traditionalism & modernism & that the prospects for the development of democracy in Croatia once peace has been established are notable. Adapted from the source document.
One of the focuses of the study of parties at the end of the 20th century has been the organizational structure & the relations within political parties, including the nominating procedures for the selection of candidates for general elections. The manner in which parties fulfill their recruiting function &, eventually, the quality of the political & the governing elite in a "party" state directly depends on these procedures. Typologically there are differences between the nominating procedures in the US (regulated by federal laws) & those in European political parties (regulated by party documents). The author describes major forms of American pre-elections & European procedures for candidates' selection. She analyzes the nominating procedures in the Croatian legislation & the statutes of Croatian parliamentary parties. Her conclusion is that the laws on parties & the selection of candidates are entirely left to the parties whose statutes without exception envisage very centralized, exclusive & nondemocratic procedures of candidates' selection. 1 Table, 25 References. Adapted from the source document.
The author elaborates on two central assumptions. The first (based on comparative survey results from ten postcommunist countries) is that there is a marked positive correlation between the residue of "communist legacy" in people's & the electoral success of leftist parties. Since that legacy in Croatia (& the Czech Republic) has been weakest, this is going to be an aggravating circumstance for SDP in their struggle for power. The second assumption is that the politics of leftist parties that could come to power is to shuttle between two extremes: the restoration of real-socialism in a modified form & the social-democratic model of Sweden or at least Germany. According to the author, the key agents of such politics are "neotraditionalism" & "political capitalism", both from the former system. Adapted from the source document.
The studies of the third wave of democratization have shown the necessity for a more precise differentiation of forms of democracy, since the definition of democracy exclusively on the basis of pluralist elections has proved lacking. The author also thinks that the instruments of quantitative evaluation of democracies (e.g. the very popular Freedom House index) are not sufficient, primarily because the quantification is not theoretically sound enough & includes a huge dose of arbitrariness. Contrary to this, the author spells Out his concept of embedded & defective democracy. Starting from the terminological suggestion by Philippe Schmitter & the systemic-theoretical description of Niklas Luhmann's intrasystemic communication, the functionally embedded democracy can be defined as a relationship of interdependence & mutual support of five partial regimes of democracy: electoral regime, political freedoms, civil rights, horizontal accountability & the real governing power. Apart from these five partial regimes, whose stable interrelationship is a prerequisite for the internal embeddedness of democracy, there are some external democracy-fostering conditions: the high level of socio-economic development, the integration into the democratically-oriented international economic & political alliances & the vital civil society. The author puts particular emphasis on the importance of the latter since it is not a part of the democratic political system but a way of organizing a non-state sphere of individual & group activity for the protection of individual rights, safeguarding the rule of law, the political socialization & the institutionalization of the public as the medium of democratic self-reflexion. & finally, the main types of defective democracy are outlined -- the exclusive, the domain, the nonliberal & the delegative -- as well as the key reasons underlying these deficits. 3 Tables, 1 Figure, 60 References. Adapted from the source document.
The authors analyze the evolution & the strength of the political parties as actors in the processes of democratic transition & consolidation in Hungary. Their starting point is that the political parties in transitional countries are faced with the same rivals in the political arena as the parties in the West: powerful interest groups, the increasing market competition, the supranational media, & the state administration. The authors conclude that the parties in Hungary, though not as stable & as developed, are nevertheless dominant in shaping & controlling the political processes in that country. The reason for that primarily lies in the fact that the party system systematically generates very competitive elections, clear alternations of the parties in power, & a strong link between the electoral outcomes & the government composition. Being in the position to shape the contemporary political & social transformation of their countries, these political parties find themselves in an excellent position to sui generis set up party systems in their societies. 4 Tables, 51 References. Adapted from the source document.
Demokracija se obično shvaća kao organizirani oblik vlasti koji karakterizira vladavina naroda. Velik broj građana vjeruje u demokraciju kao najpoželjniji oblik vlasti. S druge pak strane, sve je više prisutno nezadovoljstvo građana, razočarenje u demokratske institucije i sve manje povjerenje u izabranu vlast. Kroz ovaj rad nastojala se dati šira slika ovog problema te ukazati na teoretske probleme demokracije, ali i one u stvarnim demokratskim sustavima. Teoretski temelji rada osnivaju se na radovima teoretičara kao što su Robert Dahl, David Held i Joseph Schumpeter. Nedostaci demokracije, ali i njen potencijalni novi smjer prikazan je kroz primjere Turske i Katalonije. Jednakim demokratskim mehanizmom, a s potpuno različitim interesima i Turska i Katalonija udaljile su se od zamišljenog demokratskog ideala te su na taj način poslužile kao koristan primjer za potkrjepljivanje iznesenih tvrdnji u cijelom radu. Ovi primjeri ukazuju i na krizu demokracije, ali i na njen novi smjer u suvremenim političkim sustavima. Demokracija možda u svojoj suštini i nije toliko loša već je problematična njena primjena u stvarnim uvjetima koji stalno zahtijevaju prilagodbu postojećem stanju, rješavanje novih prepreka i problema. ; Democracy as a broad term is usually understood as an organised form of governance characterised by the rule of people. The majority of the citizens believes in democracy to be the best possible and the most desirable form of governance. On the other hand, discontent and disappointment in the democratic institutions as well as distrust in the elected officials has been more and more prominent. The bigger picture of this problem is described throughout this thesis. The main goal was to highlight the problems with the theoretical idea of democracy but also the problems within actual democratic systems in the modern era. Theoretical foundations of this thesis are based on the works of authors like Robert Dahl, David Held and Joseph Schumpeter. Using the examples of recent political events in Turkey and ...
Demokracija se obično shvaća kao organizirani oblik vlasti koji karakterizira vladavina naroda. Velik broj građana vjeruje u demokraciju kao najpoželjniji oblik vlasti. S druge pak strane, sve je više prisutno nezadovoljstvo građana, razočarenje u demokratske institucije i sve manje povjerenje u izabranu vlast. Kroz ovaj rad nastojala se dati šira slika ovog problema te ukazati na teoretske probleme demokracije, ali i one u stvarnim demokratskim sustavima. Teoretski temelji rada osnivaju se na radovima teoretičara kao što su Robert Dahl, David Held i Joseph Schumpeter. Nedostaci demokracije, ali i njen potencijalni novi smjer prikazan je kroz primjere Turske i Katalonije. Jednakim demokratskim mehanizmom, a s potpuno različitim interesima i Turska i Katalonija udaljile su se od zamišljenog demokratskog ideala te su na taj način poslužile kao koristan primjer za potkrjepljivanje iznesenih tvrdnji u cijelom radu. Ovi primjeri ukazuju i na krizu demokracije, ali i na njen novi smjer u suvremenim političkim sustavima. Demokracija možda u svojoj suštini i nije toliko loša već je problematična njena primjena u stvarnim uvjetima koji stalno zahtijevaju prilagodbu postojećem stanju, rješavanje novih prepreka i problema. ; Democracy as a broad term is usually understood as an organised form of governance characterised by the rule of people. The majority of the citizens believes in democracy to be the best possible and the most desirable form of governance. On the other hand, discontent and disappointment in the democratic institutions as well as distrust in the elected officials has been more and more prominent. The bigger picture of this problem is described throughout this thesis. The main goal was to highlight the problems with the theoretical idea of democracy but also the problems within actual democratic systems in the modern era. Theoretical foundations of this thesis are based on the works of authors like Robert Dahl, David Held and Joseph Schumpeter. Using the examples of recent political events in Turkey and ...
Iako je važnost izbora za demokraciju neupitna, savršen izborni sustav ne postoji. Različite vrste izbornih sustava pokušavaju preslikati sliku društva u zakonodavna i izvršna tijela no, istovremeno, njihovi su politički učinci jednako različiti te, vrlo često, na meti kritika. Tako je temeljni cilj rada istražiti političke učinke elementa izbornog sustava Hrvatske u vezi kojeg se nezadovoljstvo iskazuje nakon svake izborne godine, a najvećim se krivcem redovito smatra Victor D'Hondt, tj. njegova metoda pretvaranja glasova u mandate. Na temeljno istraživačko pitanje rada (Koliko je Victor d'Hondt zapravo kriv? - kriv u smislu odnošenja prema razini razmjernosti) odgovor je ponuđen u obliku simulacijske analize parlamentarnih izbora u Hrvatskoj od 2000. do 2016. godine gdje se, pomoću stvarno izraženih glasova birača, uspoređuju izborni rezultati dobiveni D'Hondtovom metodom pretvaranja glasova u mandate te izborni rezultati dobiveni korištenjem Sainte-Laguëove i modificirane Sainte-Laguëove metode (metode smatranima najrazmjernijima). Također, pomoću stvarno izraženih glasova birača na parlamentarnim izborima od 2000. do 2016. godine ponuđena je simulacijska analiza izbora prema modelu cijela zemlja jedna izborna jedinica (at-large sustav). Nakon prikaza simulacijskih analiza te sagledavanja Gallagherovog indeksa nerazmjernosti, zaključuje se kako ne postoji dovoljno snažna potreba za promjenom postojeće metode pretvaranja glasova u mandate (iako razina razmjernosti bila minimalno povećana), te se upućuje na promašenost zahtijeva za organizacijom cjelokupnog područja Hrvatske u jednu, objedinjenu izbornu jedinicu. Na kraju, ponuđene su smjernice za potencijalne promjene izbornog sustava koje su vezane uz ostale elemente izbornog zakonodavstva Hrvatske – ponajviše uz cjelokupnu izmjenu izbornih jedinica te dodatnog unaprjeđenja preferencijskoga glasovanja. ; Even though the importance of elections for a democracy is unquestionable, a perfect electoral system does not exist. Diverse types of electoral systems try ...
There are varied institutional forms (formal and informal) in which electoral (political) subjects take part in elections. Elections for assemblies show that the actions of such subjects are differently motivated, and also that their approach during conflict or cooperation in the realization of their wishes is different. Thus conflict situations, »election scandals«, occur sporadically. Such conflicts are an expression and a result of contradictory desires and actions of the participants. The significance and effect of an electoral conflict is conditioned and determined by the (political) significance of the elections themselves, not only in the sense that they are formally one of the basic constitutive elements of the political system, but first and foremost because they are the form in which citizens are active in politics. Following the procedure in election the author has tried to reveal the basic actors in electoral conflicts, the content of their conflict and the form it takes. In the author's opinion it is wrong to pass an a priori judgement of the character and value of electoral »cases« (negative judgements have usually been passed), the foundation of the conflict and the character and orientation of the persons involved, who do not seek for affirmation of their political value in the strength of arguments and objective achievement. We can understand and solve the ambivalent character of such conflicts, and the political behavior of their participants, only after studying the case. There will be a smaller number of »cases« and electoral conflicts, and they will be less complicated, the more consistently we free ourselves from varied formal-legal and political restraints, and the more society takes on the characteristics of self-managing and democratic socialism. Conflicts of this type are not the result of democracy. They are the result of its insufficient development or presence, thus making it subject to misunderstanding, searching and abuse.
