Suchergebnisse

The module was administered as a post-election interview. The resulting data are provided along with voting, demographic, district and macro variables in a single dataset.

CSES Variable Table
The list of variables is being provided on the CSES Website to help in understanding what content is available from CSES, and to compare the content available in each module.

Themes:

MICRO-LEVEL DATA:

Identification and study administration variables:
weighting factors; election type; date of election 1st and 2nd round; study timing (post-election study, pre-election and post-election study, between rounds of majoritarian election); mode of interview; gender of interviewer; date questionnaire administered; primary electoral district of respondent; number of days the interview was conducted after the election; language of questionnaire.

Demography:
year and month of birth; gender; education; marital status; union membership; union membership of others in household; business association membership, farmers´ association membership; professional association membership; current employment status; main occupation; socio economic status; employment type - public or private; industrial sector; current employment status, occupation, socio economic status, employment type - public or private, and industrial sector of spouse; household income; number of persons in household; number of children in household under the age of 18; number of children in household under the age of 6; attendance at religious services; religiosity; religious denomination; language usually spoken at home; region of residence; race; ethnicity; rural or urban residence; primary electoral district; country of birth; year arrived in current country.

Survey variables:
perception of public expenditure on health, education, unemployment benefits, defense, old-age pensions, business and industry, police and law enforcement, welfare benefits; perception of improving individual standard of living, state of economy, government's action on income inequality; respondent cast a ballot at the current and the previous election; vote choice (presidential, lower house and upper house elections) at the current and the previous election; respondent cast candidate preference vote at the current and the previous election; difference who is in power and who people vote for; sympathy scale for selected parties and political leaders; assessment of parties on the left-right-scale and/or an alternative scale; self-assessment on a left-right-scale and an optional scale; satisfaction with democracy; party identification; intensity of party identification, institutional and personal contact in the electoral campaigning, in person, by mail, phone, text message, email or social networks, institutional contact by whom; political information questions; expected development of household income in the next twelve month; ownership of residence, business or property or farm or livestock, stocks or bonds, savings; likelihood to find another job within the next twelve month; spouse likelihood to find another job within the next twelve month.

DISTRICT-LEVEL DATA:
number of seats contested in electoral district; number of candidates; number of party lists; percent vote of different parties; official voter turnout in electoral district.

MACRO-LEVEL DATA:
election outcomes by parties in current (lower house/upper house) legislative election; percent of seats in lower house received by parties in current lower house/upper house election; percent of seats in upper house received by parties in current lower house/upper house election; percent of votes received by presidential candidate of parties in current elections; electoral turnout; party of the president and the prime minister before and after the election; number of portfolios held by each party in cabinet, prior to and after the most recent election; size of the cabinet after the most recent election; number of parties participating in election; ideological families of parties; left-right position of parties assigned by experts and alternative dimensions; most salient factors in the election; fairness of the election; formal complaints against national level results; election irregularities reported; scheduled and held date of election; irregularities of election date; extent of election violence and post-election violence; geographic concentration of violence; post-election protest; electoral alliances permitted during the election campaign; existing electoral alliances; requirements for joint party lists; possibility of apparentement and types of apparentement agreements; multi-party endorsements on ballot; votes cast; voting procedure; voting rounds; party lists close, open, or flexible; transferable votes; cumulated votes if more than one can be cast; compulsory voting; party threshold; unit for the threshold; freedom house rating; democracy-autocracy polity IV rating; age of the current regime; regime: type of executive; number of months since last lower house and last presidential election; electoral formula for presidential elections; electoral formula in all electoral tiers (majoritarian, proportional or mixed); for lower and upper houses was coded: number of electoral segments; linked electoral segments; dependent formulae in mixed systems; subtypes of mixed electoral systems; district magnitude (number of members elected from each district); number of secondary and tertiary electoral districts; fused vote; size of the lower house; GDP growth (annual percent); GDP per capita; inflation, GDP Deflator (annual percent); Human development index; total population; total unemployment; TI corruption perception index; international migrant stock and net migration rate; general government final consumption expenditure; public spending on education; health expenditure; military expenditure; central government debt; Gini index; internet users per 100 inhabitants; mobile phone subscriptions per 100 inhabitants; fixed telephone lines per 100 inhabitants; daily newspapers; constitutional federal structure; number of legislative chambers; electoral results data available; effective number of electoral and parliamentary parties.

The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region is often regarded as an area where it is difficult to stabilize democracy. This notion is reinforced by the fact that, in the most recent set of elections held in the region, Islamic-orientated political parties perceived to be anti-democratic have achieved important electoral victories. This article analyses these parties in the MENA region in an attempt to discern whether support is related to a preference for anti-democratic forms of government. The research takes the form of a quantitative analysis using survey data and results indicate that electoral support for Islamic political parties is in fact driven by a rejection of the present state configuration, which in turn leads to a demand for religion to exert greater influence on the state.

The expansion of telecommunication and progress of electronic media constitute important elements of our times. The recent worldwide convergence of information and communication technologies (ICT) and dynamic development of the mass media is leading to noticeable changes in the functioning of contemporary states and societies. Currently, modern technologies play more and more important roles and filter down to almost every field of contemporary human life. It results in the growth of online interactions that can be observed by the inconceivable increase in the number of people with home PCs and Internet access. The proof of it is undoubtedly the emergence and use of concepts such as e-society, e-banking, e-services, e-government, e-government, e-participation and e-democracy. The newly coined word e-democracy evidences that modern technologies have also been widely used in politics. Without any doubt in most countries all actors of political market (politicians, political parties, servants in political/public sector, media) use modern forms of communication with the society. Most of these modern technologies progress the processes of getting and sending information to the citizens, communication with the electorate, and also – which seems to be the biggest advantage – electoral procedures. Thanks to implementation of ICT the interaction between politicians and electorate are improved. The main goal of this text is to analyze electronic voting (e-voting) as one of the important forms of electronic democracy in terms of security aspects. The author of this paper aimed at answering the questions of security of electronic voting as an additional form of participation in elections and referenda.

Capitalist democracies are paradoxical: while their political system is premised on equality, their economic system is based on the promise of inequality. On one hand, capitalism is concerned with wealth creation and consumer welfare. On the other hand, democracy is concerned with the voters' equal say in the composition of the government. But what if a merger that will likely benefit consumers militates against equality in the electoral process? In order to address this tension between concentrations in the economic sphere and equality in the electoral process, I propose in this article a political antitrust concerned with the marketplace of speech in elections. The article is organised as follows. Section II argues that there was a historical relationship between party funding and competition laws in countries such as the United States, Germany and Brazil. Section III argues that recent scholarship on political antitrust has been concerned with the indirect influence of economic power over the political democratic process. Section IV suggests a framework for the regulation of direct influence; more precisely the economic power's influence over the electoral process. I conclude that a political antitrust centred on economic power's influence over elections is promising to capitalist democracies because (i) it may be useful to complement party funding law and media regulation in the protection of political democracy; and (ii) it can be largely harmonised with typical competition law.

Looking at the history of democracies in the developed world, I show that electoral systems derive from the decisions the ruling parties make to maximize their representation according to the following conditions. As long as the electoral arena does not change and the current electoral regime benefits the ruling parties, the electoral system is not altered. As the electoral arena changes (due to the entry of new voters or a change in voters' preferences), the ruling parties modify the electoral system, depending on the emergence of new parties and the coordinating capacities of the old parties. When the new parties are strong, the old parties shift from plurality/majority to proportional representation if no old party enjoys a dominant position, but they do not do this if there is a dominant old party. When new entrants are weak, a system of nonproportional representation is maintained, regardless of the structure of the old party system. (American Political Science Review / FUB)

What are the subnational variations of violence against voters? This article studies the effect of land concentration on electoral violence in the context of armed conflict in Colombia. My central argument is that electoral violence tends to be higher in municipalities where landowners are a relevant social actor. More concretely, in areas where violent groups dispute territorial control, higher levels of land inequality – a proxy for landowner prominence – have a positive effect on electoral violence. However, actors do not make the simple choice between violence or no violence but may also resort to fraudulent tactics. Because electoral fraud requires greater cooperation and coordination with the state, I argue that violent groups with stronger links to state officials and political elites are more likely to engage in fraudulent tactics compared to anti-government actors. To estimate the effect of land inequality on electoral coercion and fraud, I exploit the levels of soil quality as an instrumental variable for land concentration in Colombia between 2002 and 2011. This article contributes to the literature on the politics of land inequality; elections and electoral manipulation; and the use of violence in democratic settings.

Abstract There is global concern about the impact that 'fake news' has on democratic decision-making processes. Democratic decision-making needs to be well informed and voters need a minimum of confidence in the information they receive about competitors. The Internet has increased the availability of information, but has allowed new ways of manipulating it to emerge. In recent electoral experiences, social media has increased the impact of misinformation on democracy. These experiences have shown us that Internet governance during the election campaign is an urgent issue. A laissez-faire approach to the electoral process is a threat to democracy because it allows all kinds of cheating. Institutions responsible for ensuring the integrity of elections need to try democratic resources to constrain competitors to behave responsibly. It is important to know the concrete experience of a country that has suffered the attack of disinformation campaigns during an election period, studying the action of the body responsible for organizing this process. This article discusses the guarantee of the electoral process based on the case study of the 2018 Brazilian election.

Indonesia is a politically stable electoral democracy with Freedom House scores at two for political rights and three for civil liberties (on a seven-point scale with one as the highest rating). According to these ratings, the country is the most democratic in Southeast Asia. The human rights situation has improved markedly since the downfall of President Suharto and the authoritarian New Order administration in 1998. Violent conflicts in Poso and the Moluccas have been settled, and the peace agreement with the guerrilla movement in Aceh has been successful as well. Civilian control over the military has been expanded. Elections to parliament, to the presidency, and since 2005 the so-called pilkada (direct elections for governors, district chiefs and mayors), have so far been conducted mostly successfully. In line with this, the latest legislative and presidential elections, on 9 April and 8 July 2009 respectively, were mostly peaceful and considered by observers to be "free and fair". Parties and parliaments are now at the center of political power, thereby signifying one of the most profound changes in comparison with Suharto's New Order (1966-1998). Yet Indonesia's democracy remains elitist. Politicians in provincial and district parliaments are often unfamiliar with the concept of a legitimate and organized parliamentary opposition. Corruption, collusion and nepotism, all typical characteristics of the New Order, have been re-established in new forms. Voters' links to social milieus and political parties continue to weaken.

After seventeen years as dictator of Chile, in 1990 Augusto Pinochet ceremoniously handed the presidential sash to the leader of his legal opposition to formalize the peaceful transition to civilian rule in that country. Among the many idiosyncrasies of this extraordinary transfer of political power, the most memorable is the month-long, nationally televised campaign of uncensored political advertising known as the Franja de Propaganda Electoral—the "Official Space for Electoral Propaganda." Produced by Pinochet's supporters and the legal opposition, the 1988 Franja campaign set out to encourage voters to participate in a plebiscite that would define the democratic future of Chile. Harry L. Simón Salazar presents a valuable historical account, new empirical research, and a unique theoretical analysis of the televised Franja campaign to examine how it helped the Chilean people reconcile the irreconcilable and stabilize a contradictory relationship between what was politically implausible and what was represented as true and viable in a space of mediated political culture. This contribution to the field of political communication research will be useful for scholars, students, and a general public interested in Latin American history and democracy, as well as researchers of media, communication theory, and cultural studies. Television, Democracy, and the Mediatization of Chilean Politics also helps inform a more critical understanding of contemporary hyper-mediated political movements such as the Arab Spring, Occupy Wall Street, Black Lives Matter, and the particularly germane phenomenon of Trumpism

La vida política democrática se basa en el ejercicio del poder sobre la base de un sistema representativo, en el que periódicamente los ciudadanos otorgan su confianza a un grupo de personas organizado (partido político o coalición) para la administración de la cosa pública. Tal ejercicio político, trascendental en la vida democrática, son las elecciones, donde se espera que los ciudadanos se pronuncien libremente ante distintas opciones que se les ofrecen. Para llevar esas propuestas a los ciudadanos, antes del ejercicio del voto, son indispensables unas campañas de comunicación que, de una u otra manera, están reguladas por la ley o la costumbre en todos los sistemas democráticos. Éstas son las campañas electorales, en cuyo diseño se tienen en cuenta las más variadas estrategias de comunicación y de persuasión, entre tradicionales y modernas, que buscan orientar o persuadir a los electores, con discursos e imágenes, que demanda del periodismo político los más variados recursos que no siempre se manejan con criterio y responsabilidad ; The political organization of democracy is based on a representative system in which citizens periodically place their trust in the hands of an organized group of people (a coalition or a political party) for the administration of public life. During political elections, which are of crucial importance in a democracy, it is expected that citizens freely take a stand in relation to the different opinions they are presented with. In order for these proposals to be brought to citizens before they vote, it is necessary for communicational campaigns -regulated by law or tradition- to be developed. These political campaigns are constructed making use of many kinds of innovative and traditional strategies of communication and persuasion (which include written documents and images) and they seek to either persuade or inform voters. To these ends, political journalism makes use of various resources that are not always managed responsibly