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This article is devoted to the issues of electoral rights of women and their participation in public administration. The history of the development of women's voting right and their involvement in political processes is considered based on international norms and experience of foreign countries. Particular attention is paid to regulatory documents on the protection of the rights and freedom, the legitimate interests of women in the Republic of Uzbekistan. Moreover, the author analyzed the features and results of new reforms in Uzbekistan carried out in the economic, social, political spheres to increase the role of girls and women, as well as changing gender dynamics in the Parliament. In addition, the scientific work presents some proposals for enhancing the socio-political activity of females, strengthening their role in managing the state and society.

In the collective monograph "Election in the context of Crimea: the 2016-2018 election cycle and prospects for a political transition", edited by V. Fyodorov, experts from the Russia Public Opinion Research Center analyze the evolution of Russian people's political behavior during the years 2016-2018, while revealing the prospects and risks for subsequent election cycles. Major sociological evaluations of the latest electoral campaigns served as a basis for analyzing the electoral landscape. The authors note that elections in Russia are held under a political system with limited competition, which doesn't create any possibility for an array of alternative choices. Sociological studies show that all of the latest election cycles in Russia were conducted in the typical spirit of Weber's plebiscitary democracy, while the main source of public trust in society is the political leader's personality, legitimized in a paternalistic fashion. Russian people do not consider elections within the logic of rational behavior and usefulness, or personal benefit and potential gains for the country as a whole. In public consciousness overcoming economic issues is not linked to developing democratic institutions. Most people distrust the opposition, made apparent by the failed election boycott proposed by the non-system opposition, by meager signal voting etc. This collective monograph highlights the basic foundations for a "post-Crimea consensus" – rallying around a strong leader figure, intensifying patriotic attitudes within the context of returning the Crimea and in the face of western sanctions. While studying mass consciousness, the authors highlight an "intermediate" state of the value environment, which is characterized by ideological divides and separations, the main of which divides the conservative majority and the liberal minority. Such ambiguity in the realm of values provides equal grounds for stating that we are dealing with both a "post-Crimea consensus" and a "post-Crimea divide". The "post-Crimea consensus" served not only as a means of consolidation, but also as a means of isolation and exclusion. The monograph also considers the emotional component's effect on electoral choice. The book pays careful attention to issues with political forecasting, as well as techniques and methods used in political forecasting, which allows for highlighting the subsequent course and trends in electoral processes.

Обосновывается необходимость создания эффективной избирательной системы как регулирующего механизма государственного управления. Приведены признаки неэффективности всеобщих равных прямых выборов с минимальным количеством цензов пассивного и активного избирательного права. Показано отсутствие развития избирательных систем; представлены аргументы необходимости их развития с позиции теории автоматического управления. Предложены направления возможного совершенствования избирательных систем. ; The paper substantiates the need to create an open electoral system as a regulatory mechanism for public administration and introduces the signs of ineffectiveness of universal equal votes of voters. The lack of development of electoral systems is shown; the arguments for the necessity of their development are presented. The author has proposed the directions of possible improvement of electoral systems.

In our modern world electoral sociology, which is under constant scrutiny by the general public, as well as members of the media, in many ways shapes the image of sociology as a scientific discipline. Today sociology is often represented by media reports about the results of public opinion polls on the subject of politics and electoral affairs. Meanwhile a certain other trend is apparent: the high expectations imposed on electoral studies, as well as on their verifiability and efficiency, encourage the further development of sociological research and sociology in general. Scientific studies on electoral processes are defined by the convergence of various schools and paradigms of research, which implies an overlapping of different approaches and methods. This article presents the stages of electoral sociology's development, from "straw polls" to contemporary theories of electoral behavior (the straw poll stage, electoral sociology in the 1930's and 1940's, ecological analysis in electoral sociology, the behavioral approach, the sociological theory on electoral behavior, the socio-psychological theory of electoral behavior, the theory of instrumental rationality), which in modern electoral sociology are known as "post-Gallup" theories. The author reveals the main characteristics of each stage of modern electoral sociology's development, while highlighting its achievements and value, and giving a comprehensive analysis of modern theories of electoral behavior, with regards to issues located on the line between political sociology and sociology of law. Among these issues special consideration is given to elections as a political phenomenon, the political culture and political attitudes of the electorate, features of voting systems, political mechanisms and electoral technologies.

The aim of the article is to identify and analyze the specifics of the previous election campaigns in modern Russia. The author identifies a group of factors that determine the characteristics of the electoral process. The article describes the characteristics of the political forces participating in the electoral process, the peculiarities of functioning of the electoral system.Key words: electoral system, electoral cycle, electoral campaign, electoral process, majority system, proportional system, mixed system, State Duma, political parties. ; Целью статьи являются выявление и анализ специфики предыдущих выборных кампаний в современной России. Автор выделяет группы факторов, обусловливающих особенности электорального процесса. Дана характеристика политических сил–участниц электорального процесса, выявлены особенности функционирующей избирательной системы. Ключевые слова: избирательная система, электоральный цикл, выборная кампания, электоральный процесс, мажоритарная система, пропорциональная система, смешанная система, Государственная дума, политические партии.

Dynamics of economical, political and social factors of electoral campaign are analysed. The problem of ensuring security of elections within the framework of modern electoral process is dealt with.The paper gives examples of influencing the public opinion in the course of the electoral process, for example, psychological influence, information and political manipulations are described. ; Анализируется динамика экономических, политических, социальных факторов предвыборной кампании. Рассматривается проблема обеспечения безопасности выборов в рамках современного избирательного процесса.Даются примеры воздействия на общественное мнение в ходе избирательного процесса, такие как психологическое воздействие, описываются информационные и политические манипуляции.

Author reveals the features of the political culture of the electorate in Russia and Germany. Through the comparative survey he finds gender differences in political consciousness and the voting behavior. Author analyzes the reasons for the limited participation of women in Russian political life and provides some recommendations
for improving the democratization process of the political sphere.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the content of an electoral culture, taking into account the specifics of its development in the Russian Federation. For Russia as for a democratic state, the level of its electoral culture is of great importance. The current situation of the electoral culture is characterized by its deficit among subjects of electoral legal relations. The lack of awareness of citizens about their rights, as voters, about the activities of election commissions, which is of a mass character, is a threat to the observance of the rights and legitimate interests of citizens in this sphere, and in society as a whole ; Статья посвящена анализу содержания избирательной культуры с учетом особенностей ее развития в Российской Федерации. Для России как для демократического государства большое значение имеет уровень его избирательной культуры. Современное положение избирательной культуры характеризуется ее дефицитом среди субъектов избирательных правоотношений. Неосведомленность граждан об их правах как избирателей, о деятельности избирательных комиссий, носящая массовый характер, представляет собой угрозу соблюдению прав и законных интересов граждан в данной сфере и в обществе в целом.

The article considers electoral behaviour as one of the forms of participation of citizens in political life in connection with the need to choose specific authorities of different levels. The analysis of electoral behaviour was carried out within the framework of the system of determination of human activity. The author sees the determination system as a set of factors that constantly act on an individual or group and have the logic of their deployment in time and space. This approach to the study of electoral behaviour allows us to consider the relationship between external factors (economic, political, cultural, etcetera) and internal (goals, value orientations and attitudes implemented in electoral selection. The paper shows that the population behaviour during the election company is determined mainly by external factors since it is forced in nature and is formed mainly under the influence of manipulative technologies and is not the result of a motivated choice of applicants for legislative power. In addition, the executive power has significantly decreased interest in the active participation of citizens in elections at both local and federal levels in connection with the abolition of the turnout threshold, the "against all" column, as well as a combination of socio-economic factors. There is no need for voters to participate more actively in elections. What guides a significant part of voters is the necessity to come to the polling station and cast their vote for someone. At the same time, it is not necessary to have complete information about the programs of candidates, the experience of their work, the availability of knowledge necessary for qualified work on the adoption of laws that ensure an acceleration of the pace of resolving current problems of improving the material standard of living of the population, and the development of spiritual culture. ; В данной статье электоральное поведение анализируется как одна из форм участия граждан в политической жизни общества в связи с необходимостью выбора конкретных органов власти. Анализ электорального поведения проводился в рамках системы детерминации человеческой деятельности. Система детерминации понимается как совокупность факторов, постоянно действующих на индивида или группу и имеющих логику своего развертывания во времени и пространстве. Данный подход к изучению электорального поведения позволяет рассмотреть взаимосвязь между внешними (экономическими, политическими, культурными и т. д.) и внутренними (целями, ценностными ориентациями и установками, которые реализуются в процессе электорального выбора) факторами. Показано, что поведение населения во время избирательной кампании детерминировано преимущественно внешними факторами, так как носит вынужденный характер и формируется преимущественно под воздействием манипулятивных технологий, а не является следствием мотивированного выбора претендентов на законодательную власть. Тем более что у исполнительной власти существенно снизился интерес в активном участии граждан в выборах как местного, так и федерального уровня в связи с отменой порога явки, графы «против всех», а также совокупностью факторов социально-экономического характера. У избирателей не формируется потребность, побуждающая к более активному участию в выборах. Значительная часть избирателей руководствуется внешней необходимостью, заключающейся в том, что надо прийти на избирательный участок и за кого-то отдать свой голос. При этом не обязательно иметь полную информацию о программах кандидатов, опыте их работы, наличии знаний, нужных для квалифицированной работы по принятию законов, обеспечивающих ускорение темпов разрешения актуальных проблем повышения материального уровня жизни населения, развития духовной культуры.

The electoral system includes an overview of juridical, articulated and prioritized norms, having as object of regulation the right to choose deputies and senators in representative bodies of power, the right to be chosen in these bodies and, in those cases where such a possibility is provided, the right to revoke the elected ones, as well as the principles of ballot, the organization, the elections and the establishment of voting results. Person's political emancipation, watched in geographical, social and historical plan, marked a higher level in the improvement of humanity, becoming one of the basic pieces of social and human values.

The article presents the analysis of regional features of populist rhetoric realization as the basis of electorate mobilization. The motivational characteristics of electoral preferences are established, the strategy of populist policy in the Russian Federation is determined. The populist rhetoric defines policy as moral and ethical fight between the people and oligarchy. In electoral political space of modern Russia populism is considered in a negative connotation, it has manipulative impact on public consciousness of Russians, it forms political expectations and electoral preferences. In the analysis of regional electoral process it is necessary to consider a phenomenon of patronclient relations being a factor of electoral preferences which ensures the platform for forming the relations of domination, supremacy and subordination. In Russian electoral political space there are patriarchal, traditional, client-oriented, protest and marginal types of electoral behavior. The patriarchal (Republics of the North Caucasus, Siberia) and traditional (Saint Petersburg, Belgorod region) types create the conditions for populism use as it is easier for populists to win electorate of the senior generation which are committed to traditional values and customs. The political behavior of electorate is characterized by orientation to populist slogans of political leaders which are addressed to the axiological and emotional sphere. Expectations of the median Russian voter stipulate the tendency towards the perception of populism. The populist policy testifies to weakness of democratic institutes and deconsolidation of the public in an assessment of heuristic potential of populism. Populism in modern Russia is not articulated yet, and it does not represent complete ideology or the developed type of subjectivity. This phenomenon is often identified with the national will.

Since 2004, a lot of innovations have appeared in the Russian election legislation, and over the past few years, some of the previous standards have been radically changed, and subsequently returned almost intact. These changes reflected not so much the socio-economic processes taking place in the country, but rather an attempt by the authorities to form a stable political structure in the state and to strengthen the system of government authorities. Elections to the State Duma of the V and VII convocations (2007 and 2016 respectively) were conducted according to different electoral laws, but their results differ little from each other. In the article, some, most important, innovations introduced into the electoral process were subjected to analysis since 2004. Also, regularities, paradoxes, pluses and minuses of this process are allocated.

The object of the study are representatives of Russian political elite and their electorate in social networks. The aim of the study is to assess the impact on the electoral potential of politicians of their online communications with their audiences. The main quantitative indicators of the presence and activity of the Russian public politicians on Facebook, Instagram and Youtube, successful interaction forms between government representatives and the society, indexes of popularity, activity, audience loyalty, as well as visual features of the accounts' content were analysed. Feedback in the accounts of current politicians was assessed, including containing critical discourse. According to the results of the study, the author concluded that the creation of a full-fledged feedback channel with a potential electorate positively affects the image of a public politician, allows reducing the feedback amount with negative comments, is a successful interaction form between a politician and the electorate and increases his electoral potential. However, the Russian politicians are not sufficiently prepared to establish communication with the potential electorate via social media. ; Объектом исследования являются представители российской политической элиты и их электорат в социальных сетях. Цель исследования – оценка влияния на электоральный потенциал политиков их интернет-коммуникаций со своей аудиторией. Анализировались основные количественные показатели присутствия и активности российских публичных политиков в Facebook, Instagram и Youtube, успешные формы взаимодействия между представителями власти и обществом, индексы популярности, активности, лояльности аудитории, а также визуальные особенности контента аккаунтов. Оценивалась обратная связь в аккаунтах действующих политиков, в том числе содержащая критический дискурс. По итогам исследования сделаны выводы, что создание полноценного канала обратной связи с потенциальным электоратом положительно влияет на образ публичного политика, позволяет уменьшать количество ...

Установлено, что специфика политологического подхода к изучению феномена оппозиции заключается в том, что он делает акцент на основных атрибутивных характеристиках оппозиции как носителя протестных, «альтернативных» интересов, а именно на ее организованности и стремлении к обретению власти как средству их реализации. Связь политического участия и политической оппозиции носит двойственный характер. С одной стороны, политическая оппозиция выступает одним из институтов участия, неким посредником, благодаря которому граждане получают возможность участвовать в политической жизни страны, с другой – оппозиция является одним из групповых агентов участия. Основным каналом приобретения политического капитала для оппозиционных субъектов является электоральный процесс как период наибольшей интенсификации политической жизни страны, проявления гражданами своих политических ориентаций.

Таким образом, авторами статьи обозначен политологический дискурс к изучению оппозиции как субъекта политики и определены детерминанты участия политической оппозиции в электоральном процессе (характер политического режима, социокультурный контекст, состояние конкурентной среды, параметры самоидентификации субъектов политики). Доказано, что субъектность политической оппозиции в рамках электорального процесса проявляется в формировании консолидированного «негативного консенсуса» по отношению к власти с целью мобилизации протестных настроений населения. При формировании единой электоральной стратегии действий оппозиция использует информационные возможности с целью артикуляции «новой» повестки дня и организации различного рода уличных акций.

Е.В. Ефанова обозначила подходы к операционализации феномена «оппозиция», систематизировала типы политической оппозиции. Н.Ю. Веремеев определил характеристики оппозиции как субъекта электорального процесса, раскрыл факторы участия политической оппозиции в выборах.