Suchergebnisse

Celem serii czterech badań eksploracyjnych i konfirmacyjnych przeprowadzonych w latach 2009, 2011, 2015 i 2017 była identyfikacja struktury postrzegania elektoratów partii politycznych i opracowanie narzędzia do pomiaru tej struktury. Ustalono, że elektoraty partii politycznych są postrzegane przez pryzmat trzech wymiarów osobowości (Uczciwość, Konfliktowość i Podatność na manipulację), światopoglądu i ideologii (Konserwatyzm, Lewicowość vs. Prawicowość) oraz wymiaru oceniającego (Zacofanie vs. Nowoczesność). W badaniach potwierdzono równoważność konfiguracyjną i metryczną struktury postrzegania elektoratów różnych partii oraz ich wartość w wyjaśnianiu preferencji wyborczych. Opracowany model strukturalny oraz walory psychometryczne kwestionariusza otwierają nowe możliwości systematycznych badań empirycznych uwarunkowań zachowań wyborczych. ; The aim of the paper is to establish the structure of the voter's perception of the electorates of various political parties. We conducted an exploratory and confirmatory study using the data collected from voters in 2009, 2011, 2015 and 2017. The structure involved aspects related to human personality traits (Honesty, Disagreeableness, and Susceptibility to Manipulation), worldview and ideology (Conservatism, Left Wing vs. Right Wing), and evaluation (Backwardness vs. Modernity). The study revealed the configural and metric invariance of the structure of the voter's perception of political party electorates. These aspects explain political preferences at an individual level. This is a contribution to current literature that links the voter's perception of electorates to political preferences by presenting a six-factor model established on a valid and reliable psychometric inventory. The model opens up new opportunities for systematic empirical research that will advance our knowledge of the voter's behavior.

The aim of the paper is to establish the structure of the voter's perception of the electorates of various political parties. We conducted an exploratory and confirmatory study using the data collected from voters in 2009, 2011, 2015 and 2017. The structure involved aspects related to human personality traits (Honesty, Disagreeableness, and Susceptibility to Manipulation), worldview and ideology (Conservatism, Left Wing vs. Right Wing), and evaluation (Backwardness vs. Modernity). The study revealed the configural and metric invariance of the structure of the voter's perception of political party electorates. These aspects explain political preferences at an individual level. This is a contribution to current literature that links the voter's perception of electorates to political preferences by presenting a six-factor model established on a valid and reliable psychometric inventory. The model opens up new opportunities for systematic empirical research that will advance our knowledge of the voter's behavior. ; Celem serii czterech badań eksploracyjnych i konfirmacyjnych przeprowadzonych w latach 2009, 2011, 2015 i 2017 była identyfikacja struktury postrzegania elektoratów partii politycznych i opracowanie narzędzia do pomiaru tej struktury. Ustalono, że elektoraty partii politycznych są postrzegane przez pryzmat trzech wymiarów osobowości (Uczciwość, Konfliktowość i Podatność na manipulację), światopoglądu i ideologii (Konserwatyzm, Lewicowość vs. Prawicowość) oraz wymiaru oceniającego (Zacofanie vs. Nowoczesność). W badaniach potwierdzono równoważność konfiguracyjną i metryczną struktury postrzegania elektoratów różnych partii oraz ich wartość w wyjaśnianiu preferencji wyborczych. Opracowany model strukturalny oraz walory psychometryczne kwestionariusza otwierają nowe możliwości systematycznych badań empirycznych uwarunkowań zachowań wyborczych.

Celem artykułu jest pokazanie wielości i różnorodności partii węgier¬skich funkcjonujących w latach 1990-1998 w systemie partyjnym Słowacji, a zatem przed powstaniem w 1998 r. Partii Węgierskiej Koalicji - Strana mad'arskej koalicie (SMK). Tekst ten koncentruje się na odpowiedzi na pytania: 1) kim byli ich liderzy i elita partyjna - czy można mówić o ciągłości personalnej reprezentacji mniejszości od 1990; oraz 2) kto głosował na poszczególne partie mniejszości węgierskiej. Wąt¬kiem marginalnym, będzie refleksja na temat, jakie miejsce zajmowały analizowane partie w układzie rywalizacyjnym. Tekst też próbuje odpowiedź na pytanie, czy po¬wstanie SMK oznaczało intensyfikację konfliktu narodowościowego w słowackim systemie partyjnym. ; The aim of the article is to show the multiplicity and diversity of Hungarian ethnic parties existing in the years 1990-1998 within the party system of Slovakia, before the emergence of the Hungarian Coalition Party - Strana mad'arskej koalicie (SMK) in 1998. This text focuses on answering the following questions: (1) who were the parties' leaders and elites, and whether it is justified to talk about the continuity of personal representation of minorities since 1990; and (2) who voted for different Hun¬garian minority parties and whether their unification into the SMK brought with it an electoral bonus. An additional aspect of this is the position of the analyzed parties in the competitive system. The text also tries to answer the question of whether the creation of the SMK led to an intensification of the national split within the Slovakian party system.

Celem artykułu jest pokazanie wielości i różnorodności partii węgier­skich funkcjonujących w latach 1990-1998 w systemie partyjnym Słowacji, a zatem przed powstaniem w 1998 r. Partii Węgierskiej Koalicji - Strana mad'arskej koalicie (SMK). Tekst ten koncentruje się na odpowiedzi na pytania: 1) kim byli ich liderzy i elita partyjna - czy można mówić o ciągłości personalnej reprezentacji mniejszości od 1990; oraz 2) kto głosował na poszczególne partie mniejszości węgierskiej. Wąt­kiem marginalnym, będzie refleksja na temat, jakie miejsce zajmowały analizowane partie w układzie rywalizacyjnym. Tekst też próbuje odpowiedź na pytanie, czy po­wstanie SMK oznaczało intensyfikację konfliktu narodowościowego w słowackim systemie partyjnym. ; The aim of the article is to show the multiplicity and diversity of Hungarian ethnic parties existing in the years 1990-1998 within the party system of Slovakia, before the emergence of the Hungarian Coalition Party - Strana mad'arskej koalicie (SMK) in 1998. This text focuses on answering the following questions: (1) who were the parties' leaders and elites, and whether it is justified to talk about the continuity of personal representation of minorities since 1990; and (2) who voted for different Hun­garian minority parties and whether their unification into the SMK brought with it an electoral bonus. An additional aspect of this is the position of the analyzed parties in the competitive system. The text also tries to answer the question of whether the creation of the SMK led to an intensification of the national split within the Slovakian party system.

Since 2005, political life in Poland has been largely dominated by a dispute between two parties: Civic Platform (PO) and Law and Justice (PiS). This dispute is not just a rivalry between party leaders on political programs. It is rather a confrontation of the antagonistic views of the voters and supporters of both parties. The unsuccessful talks between the leadership groups of both parties, which did not lead to the formation of a coalition government in 2005 are often referred as a symbolic beginning of this conflict. The intensity of this dispute, prompts the observers of public and political life to formulatea thesis about two metaphoric Polands, two tribes that are alien to each other. Authors of the scientific and journalistic analyses of this phenomenon often point out the differences in demographic and social characteristics of the electorates of both parties. However, these differences are less important than dissimilarities in views and opinions of PO and PiS supporters on events, phenomena and persons relevant to party identities. The media also play a crucial role in supporting and reproducing different views of supporters of both parties. The purpose of this paper is to present a characteristics of the supporters of both parties and to analyze the evolution of their political likes and dislikes in the last several years. The conclusions are based on a analysis of the data collected in the years 2001–2019 by the Public Opinion Research Center (CBOS) and by other researchers. ; Od 2005 roku życie polityczne w Polsce w znaczącym stopniu zdominowane jest przez spór dwóch partii: Platformy Obywatelskiej (PO) oraz Prawa i Sprawiedliwości (PiS). Spór ten nie jest tylko rywalizacją liderów i członków partii na programy polityczne. To konfrontacja antagonistycznych światopoglądów wyborców oraz sympatyków obu partii. Jej symbolicznym początkiem są nieudane rozmowy między gremiami przywódczymi obu partii, które nie doprowadziły do powstania koalicyjnego rządu w 2005 roku. Intensywność sporu, toczonego w wielu środowiskach, skłania obserwatorów życia publicznego do formułowania tezy o dwóch metaforycznych Polskach, o dwóch obcych sobie plemionach. Autorzy naukowych i publicystycznych analiz tego fenomenu często wskazują na różnice w zakresie cech demograficznych i społecznych, jakimi charakteryzują się elektoraty obu partii. Odmienności te mają jednak drugorzędne znaczenie w stosunku do różnic w poglądach zwolenników PO i PiS na temat wydarzeń, problemów, zjawisk i osób istotnych dla partyjnych tożsamości. Istotną rolę w podtrzymywaniu i reprodukcji odmiennych światopoglądów sympatyków obu partii odgrywają media. Celem tekstu jest dokonanie charakterystyki cech oraz podzielanych poglądów sympatyków obu partii oraz analiza ewolucji ich sympatii i antypatii politycznych w ostatnich kilkunastu latach. Wnioski formułowane są na podstawie wtórnej analizy danych zebranych w latach 2001–2019 przez Centrum Badania Opinii Społecznej oraz przez innych badaczy.

In the article profiles of polish political parties electorates in parliamentary election 2019 was analysed, as well as flows of voters and changes in voting in different sociodemographic groups. In the first part was analysed how the Poles voted in parliamentary elections 2019 by the division of different groups of electorate. In the second part was analysed flow of voters between different political parties in the parliamentary and presidential elections in 2015 and in the EU parliamentary elections in 2019 and parliamentary elections 2019.

Since the end of the last century Mexico has experienced a profound proces of political and electoral change which was reflected in its transition from a dominant party authoritarian regime to a competitive multiparty system. This paper has two parts and a concluding section. The first part focuses on major changes in a number of relevant dimensions of the Mexican party system, including electoral competitiveness, party fractionalisation, electoral volatility, nationalisation, and the aggregate distribution of partisan loyalties among the electorate (macropartisanship) over the last three decades. The analysis is based on aggregate electoral data at the national and the district level, as well as on data from surveys of public opinion. The paper shows important changes in the structure and behaviour of the Mexican electorate, such as increasing partisan de-alignment as well as growing competitiveness, fractionalisation, and nationalisation of the party system. The second part is a brief review of the factors driving the process of political and electoral change in Mexico.

Since the end of the last century Mexico has experienced a profound proces of political and electoral change which was reflected in its transition from a dominant party authoritarian regime to a competitive multiparty system. This paper has two parts and a concluding section. The first part focuses on major changes in a number of relevant dimensions of the Mexican party system, including electoral competitiveness, party fractionalisation, electoral volatility, nationalisation, and the aggregate distribution of partisan loyalties among the electorate (macropartisanship) over the last three decades. The analysis is based on aggregate electoral data at the national and the district level, as well as on data from surveys of public opinion. The paper shows important changes in the structure and behaviour of the Mexican electorate, such as increasing partisan de-alignment as well as growing competitiveness, fractionalisation, and nationalisation of the party system. The second part is a brief review of the factors driving the process of political and electoral change in Mexico.

Among the numerous functions of political parties, the role of creating the governance system is highly significant. It manifests itself in the ability of political parties to establish permanent relations with the other parties and in this way provides the essence of a party system. The purpose of the present paper is to demonstrate the role the Law and Justice party (PiS) plays in the creation of the governance system. Since 2005, PiS has been one of the two dominant political parties struggling to win the parliamentary and presidential elections. In order to determine the scope of this party's influence on the shape of the party system, their achievements in elections, parliament and Cabinet activity need to be analyzed. Such a quantitative analysis allows us to grasp PiS's development trends in political competition. The paper discusses the reasons for their electoral success in 2005 as well as their defeat in 2007 and the aftermath of both these elections for the party's competition to the government. The achievements of PiS confirm that this party has won the status of a party that structures the political competition, a status that has not been lost irrespective of the five elections at different levels that the party has lost. PiS has successfully adopted the postulates of the Left in terms of the economy and social issues, whereas it has maintained the image of a right-wing party in terms of the shape of the state and its moral foundations. PiS has managed to form an electorate that differs from other parties' electorates in terms of its social and demographic properties as well as its political attitudes, which reinforces the position of PiS in the electoral struggle. Yet PiS has failed to establish a permanent coalition government. The elimination of Self-Defence (Samoobrona) and the League of Polish Families (LPR) from the Sejm has practically deprived PiS of any coalition potential, or has at least significantly reduced this potential. This, coupled with a continuously growing negative electorate, may turn out to constitute the main obstacle to PiS regaining power.

Among the numerous functions of political parties, the role of creating the governance system is highly significant. It manifests itself in the ability of political parties to establish permanent relations with the other parties and in this way provides the essence of a party system. The purpose of the present paper is to demonstrate the role the Law and Justice party (PiS) plays in the creation of the governance system. Since 2005, PiS has been one of the two dominant political parties struggling to win the parliamentary and presidential elections. In order to determine the scope of this party's influence on the shape of the party system, their achievements in elections, parliament and Cabinet activity need to be analyzed. Such a quantitative analysis allows us to grasp PiS's development trends in political competition. The paper discusses the reasons for their electoral success in 2005 as well as their defeat in 2007 and the aftermath of both these elections for the party's competition to the government. The achievements of PiS confirm that this party has won the status of a party that structures the political competition, a status that has not been lost irrespective of the five elections at different levels that the party has lost. PiS has successfully adopted the postulates of the Left in terms of the economy and social issues, whereas it has maintained the image of a right-wing party in terms of the shape of the state and its moral foundations. PiS has managed to form an electorate that differs from other parties' electorates in terms of its social and demographic properties as well as its political attitudes, which reinforces the position of PiS in the electoral struggle. Yet PiS has failed to establish a permanent coalition government. The elimination of Self-Defence (Samoobrona) and the League of Polish Families (LPR) from the Sejm has practically deprived PiS of any coalition potential, or has at least significantly reduced this potential. This, coupled with a continuously growing negative electorate, may turn out to constitute the main obstacle to PiS regaining power.

The current left-right dichotomy permanently organizes the perception of politics by the Polish society. This thesis is confirmed both in academic discourse as well as in the results of public opinion polls. In that context, it becomes extremely important to determine the understanding of the left and the right in relation to the electoral preferences of the Poles. The thesis and the hypotheses were verified in a process of analyzing the variables obtained in the present study, carried out in 2008–2015 on a representative sample of the adults. The results partially confirm the thesis. Compatibility between the understanding the left-right dichotomy and the characteristics of the doctrines depends on the electoral preferences of the respondents, but not for followers of all analyzed batches. The most consistency and compatibility with the model of doctrinal understanding of these concepts can be found in the preferences of the Democratic Left Alliance electorate. In the Law and Justice electorate, the understanding of the analyzed concepts is incomplete and only partially consistent with the declared right wing preferences, whereas, the biggest ideological disorientation can be noted among supporters of the Civic Platform. Undoubtedly, the voters' perception of the political scene through the lens of the divisionbetween the left and the right is still effectiveand valid.

The current left-right dichotomy permanently organizes the perception of politics by the Polish society. This thesis is confirmed both in academic discourse as well as in the results of public opinion polls. In that context, it becomes extremely important to determine the understanding of the left and the right in relation to the electoral preferences of the Poles. The thesis and the hypotheses were verified in a process of analyzing the variables obtained in the present study, carried out in 2008–2015 on a representative sample of the adults. The results partially confirm the thesis. Compatibility between the understanding the left-right dichotomy and the characteristics of the doctrines depends on the electoral preferences of the respondents, but not for followers of all analyzed batches. The most consistency and compatibility with the model of doctrinal understanding of these concepts can be found in the preferences of the Democratic Left Alliance electorate. In the Law and Justice electorate, the understanding of the analyzed concepts is incomplete and only partially consistent with the declared right wing preferences, whereas, the biggest ideological disorientation can be noted among supporters of the Civic Platform. Undoubtedly, the voters' perception of the political scene through the lens of the divisionbetween the left and the right is still effectiveand valid.

The activization of political parties, stimulated both by the authorities and opposition, and the use of 'new' methods that had not been used before, were an inseparable element of the events of the so-called 'Tulip Revolution'. This time, the political games of the salon were supplemented by the activity aimed at establishing connections with the electorate. The establishment of youth organizations, working with people and active presence in the media and the Internet became an element of political practice. The ultimate success of the opposition parties was that they broke political apathy and stimulated the belief that changes can be achieved via the (passive or active) involvement of the entire community in political events. Yet this was virtually the only success which turned out to be only temporary and did not significantly outlive the 'Tulip Revolution'. ; The activization of political parties, stimulated both by the authorities and opposition, and the use of 'new' methods that had not been used before, were an inseparable element of the events of the so-called 'Tulip Revolution'. This time, the political games of the salon were supplemented by the activity aimed at establishing connections with the electorate. The establishment of youth organizations, working with people and active presence in the media and the Internet became an element of political practice. The ultimate success of the opposition parties was that they broke political apathy and stimulated the belief that changes can be achieved via the (passive or active) involvement of the entire community in political events. Yet this was virtually the only success which turned out to be only temporary and did not significantly outlive the 'Tulip Revolution'.

This paper is devoted to the analysis of the socio-political changes that occurred in Poland in 2016 as a result of the outbreak of the so-called black protests. The protests, which later became known as the All-Poland Women's Strike, were activated several times in the following years, as a result of subsequent events related to the provisions regulating the right to abortion in Poland. The empirical findings contained in this text result from the analysis of statistical data (CBOS reports), dedicated to the research of political party electorates, which was carried out in 2015, 2017 and 2021. Moreover, the article presents own research conducted in the period from April to July 2021 using the method of analysis of the content published on social media by entities established after 2016. The results of the research confirm that the outbreak and the subsequent periodic activation of protests, supported by the activities of entities promoting the right to abortion, initiated two significant changes in Poland. The first is the clear polarization of political party electorates regarding the right to abortion, and the second is the intensification of the discourse on the very right to abortion, introducing new arguments regarding termination of pregnancy to the agenda (as well as other topics related to the situation of women and broadly understood sex education). Both of the indicated outcomes resulted in the phenomenon of abortion being visible in the public discourse, especially in social media. The following analysis is part of the trend of social research devoted to the importance of socio-political protests in democratic countries and the role of social media as an immanent tool used in the activity of new social movements.

The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and interpretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate. ; The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and interpretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate.