The article of record as published may be located at http://www.jstor.org/stable/2625234 ; The recently published lectures by Martin Wight (1913-72) on the history thought regarding international politics are of exceptional importance. points out, the lectures answer a number of questions about what Wight 'traditions' and what his own position was with regard to their validity. analysis and organizing framework capture and clarify a complex historical greater justice and lucidity than many others that have been proposed. lectures place in perspective what has been the most indisputable criticism approach-his 'Eurocentrism' and neglect of non-Western traditions-opportunitiesforfurther research building on these foundations.
This article explores an important as peel of peace movements· impact on international relations. It focuses in particular on the articulation and promotion of international legal norms by Anglo-American peace movements in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Social forces, in the form of peace movements, have, since the post-Napoleonic period, attempted with great energy and considerable success to influence norms underpinning international law. Norms promoted by these movements include constraints on stales' right to wage war and the requirement that slates attempt to resolve conflict' peacefully before using force, which over time have been embodied in treaties and agreements such as the Hague Conventions, the Covenant of the League of Nations, the 1928 Pact of Paris and the UN Charter. Additional norms promoted by peace movements include the constitutive principles or universalism (the notion that all political actors should participate in decisions about peace, security, and the improvement of international life) and equality of status (the notion that they should do so on an equal basis, and that rights should be granted to and obligations binding upon all) that provide the foundation for twentieth century global international organisations such as the League or Nations and the United Nations. Social movements have made these attempts as part of a much less successful endeavour to promote law as a means of ensuring international peace.
In an environment of increasing government expenditures financed largely viii through taxes, including a relatively visible and large residential property tax, the issue of whether property taxes are capitalized into market values is increasingly important. Property tax capitalization is the reflection of property taxes in the value of real property. The capitalization of property tax does not necessarily pose a problem; rather, problems arise when homes identical to each other have different taxes and these differentials are then capitalized into market values. These capitalized tax differentials result in large capital gains and losses to owners of real estate. This study (1) reviews existing economic theory and empirical evidence on the capitalization of property taxes, (2) develops a model of property valuation inclusive of tax effects, and (3) estimates the parameters of this model using a comprehensive data set of over 334 home sales in the Logan, Utah area. The empirical results include an estimate of the tax capitalization effect. Two closely related issues are also addressed in the study. They include: (I) changes in real estate prices, including a suggested method for measuring such change and (2) a study of property tax equity, including two specific measures of tax fairness. The conclusions are (I) tax differentials are capitalized; (2) real estate prices in the study area increased approximately 10 percent per year from 1989 to 1992; and (3) there is significant variation in assessment ratios.
Environmental issues and questions of global change are now firmly established on the international political agenda. This book provides a wide-ranging survey of the current treatment of environmental issues in international relations. This book begins by looking at the relevance of the different theoretical approaches current in international relations to the study of the environment. It analyzses a wide range of approaches from the debate between neo-realism and liberal institutionalism to the significant connections between gender and global environmental change. The book goes on to consider a range of key international processes, discussing the monitoring and implementation of environmental agreements, the place of ideology in negotiations and the role of international organisations.
Using samples of academic researchers, business executives, and government policy makers, this study empirically examined the utilization of international information (economic and business data) for global marketing competitiveness. In addition, the study examined the form of data used by each sample. The importance and form of the international data are analyzed across the samples, and implications for the results of this study are explored. Finally, conclusions are drawn.
Economic theory and empirical evidence suggest that governments might usefully intervene in high-technology competition in two ways: First, they could act as a neutral agent that creates the necessary credibility, commitment and mutual trust among private companies so as to facilitate cooperation in high-risk, high-volume R&D. Second, if — in view of the externalities involved — an element of subsidization is to be added, this could be done in a nondiscriminatory fashion. A favourable tax treatment of R&D expenditures may be the most appropriate tool to achieve this task. In practice, governments do engage in targeted industrial and technology policies, whether justified on economic grounds or not. As a consequence, the string of trade conflicts in hightech industries that began in the 1980s is unlikely to end in the near future, unless substantial reforms are undertaken in some crucial areas of the international trade order. Above all, appropriate reform steps should be made with a view to the regulations on (i) subsidies, (ii) structural impediments, and (iii) dumping and anti-dumping. To mitigate the frictions that arise from a subsidization of domestic firms, a new set of rules should be established. The rules should provide that all plans to grant or to alter existing subsidies are to be notified to and approved by the WTO. Moreover, all subsidies should be ranked according to their potential distortional effects on competition and trade. For each category, quantitative limits that constrain the provision of subsidies to a certain fraction of the subsidy base should be set. To facilitate further liberalization steps, a country should be allowed to exceed these limits, if a national subsidy program offers an open access to firms located in third markets. Besides restrictive business practices of private firms, government regulations and technical standards are the most important structural impediments to trade. Existing GATT Articles already offer a multilateral route to conflict resolution in cases of structural impediments. However, this route has not been used by complainants up to now. The so-called "non-violation" clause of Article 23 GATT provides access to a multilateral dispute settlement even if the defending country has not explicitly violated GATT rules. This route should be tested and, if necessary, improved. To reduce the potential for a protectionist abuse of existing anti-dumping regulations, explicit reference to the state of competition in the relevant exporting and importing country markets should be made in anti-dumping investigations. To meet specific anti-trust concerns in hightech competition — notably with respect to network externalities, systems leverage, standardization, and innovation cartels — one might consider adopting the Draft International Antitrust Code (DIAC) that has recently been proposed by an international group of legal experts.
This article looks at US foreign relations. The changes that occurred at the end of the 1980s brought new perspectives on theory into discussion, with realism and neorealism at the heart of the debate. The author goes on to dissect different outlooks on the redistribution of world power and the role that will fall to the US in the future, stemming from an analysis of its foreign policy in the new international environment. The author also turns his attention to the new role of international organizations, military and economic power, as well as democracy and human rights. ; El artículo presenta un análisis acerca de las relaciones internacionales norteamericanas. Los cambios producidos al final de la década de los años ochenta motivaron la discusión de nuevos enfoques teóricos. Como se verá en las siguientes páginas, son el realismo y el neorrealismo los que quedan en el centro del debate. Posteriormente, se presentan distintas perspectivas respecto a la redistribución del poder mundial y al rol que le tocará asumir en adelante a los Estados Unidos, evaluando su política exterior dentro de/nuevo contexto mundial. También se analizan aspectos como el nuevo rol de los organismos internacionales, el poder militar y el poder económico, y la democracia y los derechos humanos.
"Printed for the use of the Committee on International Relations." ; Issues cumulate from the beginning of each Congress, culminating in a final ed. ; Mode of access: Internet.
Analyses of European integration processes are still dominated by the dichotomous debate between intergovernmentalism and supranationalism. Sides are often taken in this debate based on very case-specific empirical findings. An analysis of two cases, European telecommunications and electricity policy, illustrates how misleading such generalisations can be. The former case is often used to support supranational claims, while the latter highlights the importance of intergovernmental vetos. However, further analysis reveals the very parallel supranational policy approach of the European Commission to both sectors and the resulting weakness of the dominant interpretation. An analysis using a multilevel governance approach to European integration would avoid these difficulties. ; Viele Analysen des europäischen Integrationsprozesses orientieren sich an der Theoriedebatte zwischen intergouvernementalen und supranationalen Ansätzen. Häufig fußen Stellungnahmen jedoch auf empirischen Einzelfällen, die solch weitergehende Generalisierungen kaum zulassen. Eine Analyse der europäischen Telekommunikations- und Elektrizitätspolitik dient als Basis dieser Kritik. Erstere wird oft zur Unterstützung supranationaler Erklärungsansätze herangezogen, währenddessen der zweite Fall die fortwährende Dominanz intergouvernementaler Vetos hervorhebt. Die nähere Analyse zeigt jedoch, daß diese Interpretation zu kurz greift, denn in beiden Fällen verfolgte die Europäische Kommission einen parallelen, supranationalen Politikansatz. Eine Erklärung beiderFälle mit dem Ansatz europäischer Mehrebenenpolitik vermiede diese Probleme.
