Suchergebnisse

U radu se obrađuje problematika odnosa načela uzajamnog priznavanja i povjerenja te provjere dvostruke kažnjivosti, koja zaokuplja veliku pozornost stručnih krugova u području međunarodne pravosudne suradnje sa težištem na kaznenim stvarima. U uvodnom dijelu rada prikazuje se struktura zakonske podloge Europske unije, potom se analizira načelo uzajamnog povjerenja kao strukturno načelo ustavnog prava EU, njegovo porijeklo i kontekst u svjetlu odluka Europskog suda za ljudska prava. Središnji dio rada problematizira načelo provjere dvostruke kažnjivosti s obzirom na različite oblike dvostruke kažnjivosti bez unificirane primjene tog pojma u pravosudnoj suradnji, a što kolidira sa načelom uzajamnog povjerenja te time dovodi do problema u međunarodnoj pravosudnoj suradnji. Potom se iznosi i odnos Republike Hrvatske prema načelu uzajamnog povjerenja s osvrtom na odluke Ustavnog suda RH i Vrhovnog suda RH te zaključno završna ocjena značaja načela uzajamnog priznavanja u međudržavnoj pravosudnoj suradnji u kaznenim stvarima. ; The paper elaborates the problems of the relation between the principle of mutual recognition and trust and the verification of double criminality, which attract great attention of experts in the field of international judicial cooperation with a focus on criminal matters. In the introductory part of the paper, the structure of the legal foundations of the European Union is shown, then the principle of mutual trust as a structural principle of the constitutional rights of the EU, its origin and context in the light of the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights. The central part of the paper inquires into the problems of the principle of double criminality in regard to the various forms of double criminality with no uniform application of its term in judicial cooperation and thus collides with the principle of mutual trust in way that leads to problems in the international judicial cooperation. Afterwards, the paper outlines the relation of the Republic of Croatia towards the principle of mutual trust with regard to the decision of the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court and concludes with the final analysis of importance of the principle of mutual recognition in transnational judicial cooperation in criminal matters.

Geneza i razvoj specijalne policije u Republici Hrvatskoj nerazdvojan je i paralelan proces sa stvaranjem, izgradnjom, razvojem i djelovanjem hrvatske države, koji svoje izvorište ima u Domovinskom ratu. Hrvatska je već dokazala odlučnost u borbi protiv terorizma, što možemo identificirati kroz nekoliko ključnih faza razvoja međunarodnih odnosa i koalicija: aktivno uključivanje u antiterorističku međunarodnu koaliciju, odnosno ulazak u Vijeće sigurnosti Ujedinjenih naroda i suradnja u okviru Europske unije, te integracija u NATO i pristupanje organizaciji Atlas, mreži specijalnih policijskih postrojbi Europske unije. Takav pristup međunarodnoj suradnji možemo promatrati u kontekstu jačanja unutarnjeg sigurnosnog sustava Republike Hrvatske, a uključivanje specijalne policije u organizaciju Atlas kao jasnu poruku integriranja Hrvatske u međunarodnu antiterorističku koaliciju. ; The genesis and development of special police units in the Republic of Croatia is an inseparable and parallel process with the creation, development and activity of the Croatian state with its origins in the Croatian War of Independence. The Republic of Croatia has already demonstrated its determination in the fight against terrorism. It can be identified through several key phases of the development of international relations and coalitions: the active participation in the anti-terrorist international coalition, i.e. the involvement in the United Nations Security Council and the cooperation within the frameworks of the European Union, the integration into NATO alliance and the accession to the Atlas Network. This approach to international cooperation can be viewed in the context of strengthening internal security system of the Republic of Croatia, while the involvement of special police units in the Atlas Network can be seen as a clear message of the integration of the Republic of Croatia in the international anti-terrorist coalition.

Nova euroatlanska civilizatorska misija u hrvatskom prostoru objašnjava se nesposobnošću hrvatske političke vlasti da sama upravlja svojim prostorom, s obzirom na unutarnje etničke netrpeljivosti i nejedinstvo te posljedični manjak samosvijesti zbog koje joj je nužna zaštita Europske unije i NATO-a. Sistemska regulacija međudržavnih odnosa u hrvatskom prostoru tako se je ponovno zatekla u škripu hrvatskog identitarnog bipolarizma, koji počiva na dvama naizgled oprečnim hrvatskim idealima (vjerskom i nacionalnom). Stoga se dobiva dojam da dvije hrvatske tendencije, pripadnost oksidentalnoj vjerskoj, ali slavenskoj zajednici naroda, ne mogu djelovati simultano, nego samo naizmjenično. Iako je upravo jednostrana, naizmjenična eksploatacija hrvatskog dualnog identiteta izvor je svih tragedija Hrvata modernog doba. ; The paper deals with the complexity of international relations regulation in the globalization context and in the cramp iron of Croatian identitarian bipolarism, by the systemic method in the path of Edgar Morin's complexity thought. The author proves that insufficient synchronization of the two opposing and complementary identities of the Croatian space, Latin and Slavophilic, is the product of systemic crisis and the producer of identity crisis. An autonomous foreign policy concept that clearly defines the boundaries of the Croatian regulation system within the European and global regulatory regime, as well as the institution of a strong president acting as an external regulator of Croatian identitarian specificity, are key preconditions for the sustainable development of the Croatian space. In the exit period of the current globalisation cycle (1990-2020), the required variation of the Croatian governing system is diminishing, and external threats are more numerous after the mutation of the Anglo-American regulation system, which defines a new direction for the forthcoming globalization cycle. Without increasing the required variation, insufficient regulation of the Croatian space leads to a new general crisis.

Djelatna uloga Međunarodnoga odbora Crvenoga križa (MOCK) do izražaja dolazi u ratnim okolnostima u provođenju aktivnosti utemeljenih na međunarodnom ratnom pravu da bi se osigurala pomoć za sve ratne stradalnike. U osiguravanju uvjeta rada tijekom Drugoga svjetskog rata MOCK je pokušao uspostaviti službene odnose sa svim zaraćenim državama, odnosno svim vojnim snagama bez obzira na to je li im bio priznat status zaraćene strane. Stoga su u radu prikazani i napori koje je MOCK uložio u pokušaje da pripadnici Narodnooslobodilačke vojske i partizanskih odreda Jugoslavije steknu službeni položaj zaraćene strane, odnosno službeni status ratnih zarobljenika, te da se na njih dosljedno primijene odredbe međunarodnoga ratnog prava. Usprkos prethodnim kontaktima MOCK je tek nakon imenovanja stalnoga predstavnika u Nezavisnoj Državi Hrvatskoj (1943.) započeo opsežne aktivnosti u korist pripadnika partizanskoga pokreta Jugoslavije, od kojih su najvažnije bile praktična primjena odredaba međunarodnoga ratnog prava na zarobljene pripadnike partizanskih jedinica te osiguravanje raznih oblika pomoći. S istom je nakanom predstavnik MOCK-a uspostavio kontakt i s Vrhovnim štabom Narodnooslobodilačke vojske i partizanskih odreda Jugoslavije, a suradnja je olakšana tek nakon potpisivanja sporazuma Tito-Šubašić, što je rezultiralo uspostavom službenih odnosa krajem 1944. godine. Na temelju izvornoga arhivskoga gradiva, objavljenih izvora i literature autor pokazuje i neke aspekte suradnje do završetka rata te u neposrednom poraću. ; The active role of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) comes to the fore in wartime circumstances, in carrying out activities based on international war law (the Geneva and Hague Conventions) regarding providing assistance to all war victims. In securing working conditions during World War II, the ICRC attempted to establish official relations with all belligerent parties regardless of whether they were or were not recognised as belligerent parties. Therefore, the author presents part of the ICRC efforts made in the process of recognising the international war law-regulated status of belligerent party to members of the People's Liberation Army and Partisan Detachments of Yugoslavia, i.e. the status of prisoners of war. Despite some earlier contacts, after the designation of a permanent representative to the Independent State of Croatia (1943), the ICRC launched extensive activities in favour of members of the Yugoslav Partisan movement, the most important of which was the practical application of the international law of war. Permanent representative Schmidlin constantly intervened in the ministries and the prime minister of the Independent State of Croatia through the Central Office of the Croatian Red Cross and as well through prominent figures in the political and social life of the State. However, although the Partisans de facto achieved the position of a belligerent party in their relations with the German military forces, this status was strongly opposed by the ISC authorities. Due to the change in the British attitude towards the Yugoslav Partisans, in the summer of 1943 the ICRC leadership ordered its permanent representative in Zagreb to establish contact with members of the People's Liberation Army of Yugoslavia as soon as possible. Very soon, Schmidlin contacted the Supreme Headquarters of the People's Liberation Army and Partisan detachments of Yugoslavia. In late November 1943, shortly after the beginning of the Allied Conference in Tehran, the ICRC leadership also received an Allied recommendation on the same subject. The existence of the Yugoslav Committee of the Red Cross in London, which had legitimacy and was the only recognised Yugoslav national Red Cross society, was a major problem in establishing relations between the ICRC and the Yugoslav Partisans. The ICRC leadership remained committed to not recognising the new societies created during the war. After the signing of the Tito-Šubašić agreement in mid-June 1944, the ICRC leadership changed its position, and representatives of the Yugoslav government and Marshal Tito sent several letters to the ICRC Permanent Delegation in London in late September and early October 1944. In those letters, they informed the ICRC leadership of the establishment of the Central Committee of the Yugoslav Red Cross on the island of Vis. At the same time, the Royal Yugoslav Red Cross Society in London was dissolved. All of this resulted in the unification of the national organisation of the Red Cross in Yugoslavia, which led to the establishment of official relations between the ICRC and Yugoslav Partisans at the end of 1944. Based on original archival sources and literature, the author points to some aspects of cooperation until the end of World War II and in the early post-war period. One of the main aspects of the ICRC's work during this period was the practical application of the provisions of the international law of war to prisoners of war in Yugoslavia. Tito himself made the same promises, though the Yugoslav Ministry of Social Policy made this conditional: they would be applied only if it was proven that captured members of the Partisan movement had been treated in the same way during the war. The treatment of prisoners of war in Yugoslavia could only be speculated about, and the authorities immediately refused to allow foreign diplomatic or ICRC representatives to gain insight into the treatment of prisoners of war. It is clear that the ICRC faced the same problems in its relations with the authorities of the Independent State of Croatia and the German Reich during the war and the Yugoslav authorities at the end of the war and in the immediate post-war period.

As an expression of China's eagerness to modernize its foreign policy in line with the modified global conditions at the start of the 21st century, a new official Chinese foreign policy doctrine has emerged -- the theory of "peaceful rise." After the top echelon of the Chinese leadership have adopted this doctrine, now it is being peddled to the international public. The fundamental tenet of the theory of "peaceful rise" is that a vigorous long-term growth of Chinese economy & China's affirmation in the arena of international relations does not represent a regional or global threat; on the contrary, China's rise may be good for its neighbors (by bringing economic opportunity & strengthening their security) & the global community in general. After the successful resolution in the 1990s of the border disputes with Russia, Kazakhstan & Tajikistan, & the settlement of the issue of the land border with Vietnam, China has directed its efforts to the resolution of the remaining territorial disputes with Japan & India. China joined the ASEAN in October 2003, a sign of the continued improvement of China's relations with the countries in this region. China has also been very keen on improving its -- primarily economic -- relations with Russia & Japan that will bring economic benefits to all the parties. It is interesting that most China's neighbors, unlike the countries of the EU & the US, have a trade surplus with China. China's most important bilateral relation, that with the US, has been marked with the strategic rapprochement of those two great powers after "September 11" concerning the fight against international terrorism, but is nevertheless still burdened with an array of troublesome issues: Taiwan, criticisms of China due to its violation of human rights & intellectual property, the huge American trade deficit with China. The main challenges to the process of China's "peaceful rise" are the following: the imbalance of its economic growth, particularly its overdependence on exports, the deteriorated relationships with Taiwan after President Chen Shui-bian, a strong advocate of Taiwan's independence, won the 2000 elections. The author concludes that the Chinese foreign policy doctrine of "peaceful rise" is a welcome effort to allay the fears that have been fueled by China's prominence & to explain its new role in international relations. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

Odgovornost međunarodnih organizacija za međunarodno protupravne čine privukla je veliku pozornost doktrine i prakse posljednjih godina, otkad je Komisija za međunarodno pravo UN-a izradila Nacrt članaka o toj materiji. U radu razmatramo osnovna rješenja Nacrta, a posebnu pozornost posvećujemo slučajevima višestruke pripisivosti te odgovornosti država za međunarodno protupravne čine međunarodne organizacije. ; The responsibility of international organizations attracted special attention in theory and practice of international law after the International Law Commission began its work on the topic in 2002. The Commission ended its work in 2011 by adopting the Draft Articles on the Responsibility of International Organization. In this contribution we give an overall review of the Draft articles with special a emphasis on the cases of multiple attribution and responsibility of states for internationally wrongful acts of international organizations. Analyzing the critical remarks raised in regard to the Draft, we concluded that they cannot diminish the successful outcome of the work of the Commission, which is, a coherent and consistent system of rules devoted to the responsibility of international organizations.

For the political principle defining the political will of fascism, survival of a national state (regardless of whether it already exists or is to be formed; in the latter case, this gives legitimacy to antagonism) is sufficient reason for the unconditional imperative of political activity. The concept of the state underlying the political activity of fascism is solely an empirical notion or a sensory concept of community. Another more paramount reason is transcendental, unfeasible, as it were. According to the same nation-building principle, another nation, within & without a particular state, is a priori suspicious, since it must be striving to create its own state by encroaching on another nation's state. Thus, this fascist political principle, which wants to turn this nationalist maxim into a constitutive principle, cannot ensure either internal (ie, a state) or external peace & perishes in a civil or world war. For antifascist activity, however, it is not central whether it takes place in this or that state. The basis of antifascism is the concept of the state that, in its most positive & purest form, came to the fore in bourgeois political thought. In it, the central concept of the state, considering the rationale for the existence of a state, is clean-cut & thus, general, although a possible historical existence of a state is empirical & particular. The fundamental motive of antifascism is not national & patriotic but primarily moral & political, & possibly (derivatively) patriotic. Which state deserves to exist is determined by external social conditions for the realization of the concept of freedom. This makes room for the formation of broader multinational unions, even federal states. The world federation is a bourgeois political ideal, whose realization represents the ultimate purpose of world history. Adapted from the source document.

In this article, the author suggests that in recent years climate change is gravely affecting the stability of the international order. The reason is not only the recklessness of the industrial sector as a source polluter, but also the lack of political will in drafting a global blueprint for creating a unique international climate regime. Even though the effects of climate change are getting worse each year, the selfish interests of states, the realpolitik in foreign policy and anarchy dominate international relations, thus representing an obstacle to creating an international climate regime. The author examines ways to overcome these obstacles to international institutionalization of climate issues by introducing three IR theory perspectives: realist, rationalist and idealist. The synthesis of these three perspectives is that the international climate regime should be decentralized; its legal acts should be drafted from inter-state agreements on specific issues, while its principles should be incorporated to the already existing international legal acts. Adapted from the source document.

Recent historical developments in the relationship between Croats & Serbs are discussed, referring to an article by V. Vujacic (Theory & Society, No. 6, 1996). The idea of an Illyrian & later a Yugoslav commonwealth of all South Slavs, originating in Croatia in the 19th century, had its legitimating psychological foundation in a "illusion of centrality," developed at the time by a part of the Croatian political & intellectual elite, a view of the preeminent position of Croatia & the Croats among all the Slav ethnic groups in the region &, therefore, of a natural central role of Croatia in the future commonwealth. In a similar way, the armed struggle of the Serbs for independence from the Ottoman empire in the 19th century & for the expansion of the Serbian State in the 19th & 20th century has generated a Serbian belief in the dominant role of Serbia & the Serbs in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, & Slovenes established in 1918, later Kingdom of Yugoslavia. These incompatible illusions are believed to be the roots of a number of political positions & decisions taken by both Croats & Serbs in the 20th century. The views of Max Weber on nationality & nationalism are discussed in relation to the problem of cooperation & conflict between Croats & Serbs in the 20th century. 6 References. Adapted from the source document.

Tema ovog diplomskog rada je razmotriti određene političke aspekte Međunarodne nogometne federacije (FIFA-e) kroz okvire institucija, njihovog međuodnosa, probleme klijentelizma i korupcije te način na koji obliku FIFA-u. Također se nastoje ispitati korijeni samog nastanka FIFA-e te razvijanja organizacije koja u sve učestalijim slučajevima izlazi izvan okvira udruge kako je službeno definirana te kroz takvo djelovanje postaje organizacijom koja igra ozbiljnu ulogu na sceni međunarodnih odnosa. FIFA kao organizacija je globalni akter te putem utjecajnih kanala oblikuje politike oko nas. Tome za zahvaliti je činjenica što je nogomet ima toliko visoku razinu popularnosti u svijetu da ga se ne može smatrati samo igrom, već katalizatorom politike. Zbog intenzivnog razvoja u relativno kratkom roku, FIFA nije razvijala svoju unutarpolitički sustav te zbog toga došla do zida zbog kojeg uništava samu sebe iskorištavanjem loše definiranih međuinstitucijskih odnosa. Ona ima različite učinke kako na nogomet, tako i na društvo što često dovodi do nesrazmjera i izrazito polariziranoj slici FIFA-e u javnosti. U ovom radu možemo razaznati zašto je FIFA toliko jedinstven pojam kada govorimo o politici i međunarodnim odnosima, s obzirom na to da je njezina moć koju legitimno posjeduje izuzetno diskutabilan pojam. Kroz definiciju političkih aspekata FIFA-e, nastojim istražiti izlazi li FIFA iz okvira udruge civilnog društva, ponajviše zbog sve učestalijih slučajeva korupcije, klijentelizma, ali i pojave organiziranog kriminala. ; The topic of this thesis is to consider certain political aspects of the International Football Federation (FIFA) through the framework of institutions, their interrelationships, problems of clientelism and corruption, and the way in which they shape FIFA. This thesis tries also to examine the roots of the very origin of FIFA and the development of an organization that in more and more cases goes outside the framework of an association as FIFA is officially defined. Through such activities, FIFA becomes ...

The conflict in Northern Ireland, whose modern phase began in 1969, is highly complex, & it is impossible to unequivocally define it. On the one hand, it is an internal conflict with the elements of ethnic, religious, & civil strife, & on the other, this is a conflict with a critical international dimension. There have been various definitions of the conflict in Northern Ireland, but one thing is certain: this is undoubtedly one of the most prolonged & bloodiest conflicts in modern Europe, in which 3,600 people have lost their lives, & 47,000 have been injured. This conflict is an amalgam of past & present events, processes, & relations from aspects of four types of relationships: between the Catholics (nationalists/republicans) & the Protestants (unionists/loyalists) in Northern Ireland itself; the London-Belfast relationship; London-Dublin & Dublin-Belfast. The analysis of this conflict shows that from the perspective of conflict theory it is one of a kind. No such theory explains this conflict completely; as a matter of fact, the conflict in Northern Ireland is covered by elements of several conflict theories. The analysis also shows that the conflict in Northern Ireland can be solved only by political means. However, due to the complexity of this conflict it is not possible to reach a single solution that would satisfy the maximalist demands of all the parties. This conflict can be resolved by means of a political compromise that would create a framework for action of all the conflicting parties, the framework that would be an end in itself, ie, a way of life & not an instrument for the realization of the original (opposing) ultimate goals of those involved in the conflict. 3 Tables, 107 References. Adapted from the source document.

Trgovina ljudima ili trafficking vrsta je transnacionalnog organiziranog kriminala koja je jako profitabilna i vrlo ju je teško iskorijeniti. Utječe na živote i sigurnost brojnih ljudi diljem svijeta, pa tako i građana Europske Unije. Ovaj rad bavi se trgovinom ljudima u svrhu prostitucije jer je seksualna eksploatacija prepoznata kao najčešći oblik eksploatacije žrtvi trafficking-a. Istražuje se relevantna legislacija o trgovini ljudima za EU, obuhvaćajući direktive Unije, konvencije Ujedinjenih naroda i Vijeća Europe te se daje pregled djelovanja FRONTEX-a i EUROPOL-a kao agencija Europske Unije koje djeluju u svrhu suzbijanja te pojave. Na kraju se sagledava tri modela zakonske regulacije prostitucije prisutne u tri države članice Unije: abolicionističke u Švedskoj, legalizacije u Nizozemskoj te prohibicionističke u Hrvatskoj. Cilj rada jest otkriti kako koji od tih modela utječe na vidljivost trgovine ljudima u svrhu prostitucije, na što je teško jasno odgovoriti zbog činjenice da je opseg ukupne trgovine ljudima nemoguće saznati zbog njenog ilegalnog karaktera i poteškoća u stvaranju konzistentne i kvalitetne zajedničke međunrodne baze podataka o ovoj pojavi. ; Trafficking in human beings is a highly profitable transnational organized crime activity that is difficult to eradicate. It makes an impact on the lives and safety of many people around the world, including the citizens of the European Union. This paper deals with trafficking in human beings for the purpose of prostitution because sexual exploitation is recognized as the most common form of exploitation of the victims of trafficking. This paper researches the relevant EU legislation on trafficking in human beings, including the EU Directives, the UN Convention and the Council of Europe Convention. It also reviews the work of FRONTEX and EUROPOL as European Union agencies acting to counteract phenomenon of trafficking. Finally, three models of legal regulation of prostitution which are present in three EU member states are being considered: ...

Czech Republic started deploying its soldiers abroad shortly after the fall of communism. However, there are still questions which need to be answered: What were the main motives for sending out these operations? Did they change in time? How strong is the political consensus in this matter? These questions are answered by conducting a content analysis of political debates in the Chamber of Deputies of the Czech Parliament from 1999 to 2009. Based on theoretically founded analytical categories, the article conducts a quantitative survey of the discourse, which is then interpreted in relation to key variables (eg., the positions of supporters & opponents of the missions, types of operations). The resulting findings reveal the motives which helped legitimize the decisions on deployments during the period under review & demonstrate the tensions which threaten to undermine the existing political consensus. Adapted from the source document.