This article explores the development of international relations (IR) in Indonesia with special focus on the changing trends in its theoretical perspectives. It argues that the academic works examined reflect the ways in which Indonesia's IR scholars perceive and theorize the nature of the dynamics of external political environments and their connections to the state's foreign relations. The argument is elaborated in two related parts. The first section discusses the theoretical perspectives that developed during the Cold War period, which focuses on the propensity toward historical realism and regionalism. The second part of the discussion examines recent developments in which Cold War perspectives have been reconsidered, and in many respects modified into three new categories of theoretical thinking, namely reform, resistance, and eclecticism. The changing theoretical trends reveal that Indonesia's IR scholarship is open and innovative. The conclusion comments on the development of the Indonesia's IR.
This study considers the political aspects of the Joko Widodo government's megaproject to build an integrated marine logistic system known as the tol laut. Expanding the existing literature which gives details about the contextual obstacles faced by and the prospects for the Indonesian government to pursue its infrastructure ambitions, the study argues that notwithstanding the relevance of the tol laut for advancing the Indonesian economy, it is inevitably entangled with dynamic internal and external environments which can unfavourably distort the construction processes. This is the way of understanding the political economy of Indonesia's development issues which allows for the juxtaposition of domestic political and international relations factors as its framework of analysis. The discussion is divided into four sections. Section one explains the conceptual and methodological foundation of the study. Section two outlines the importance of the tol laut to Indonesian national economic development. Section three looks at how the current domestic political settings pose structural hurdles to Widodo's tol laut, and section four observes the effect of international relations of powerful regional actors and Jakarta's diplomatic capacity to the on-going tol laut. The concluding section summarizes the findings of the study.
Realism has been the dominant conceptual approach to studying Indonesian foreign policy. This article, however, considers realist analyses to be insucient since their emphasis on the struggle for power and security in the system of states has led to the neglect of the importance of perspectives which focus on order. To ll the gap it then intends to apply the English School perspective which focuses on the concept of international society to trace the nature and function of Indonesian foreign policy. Two cases are examined, including the Asian African Conference and Association of South East Asian Nations, to demonstrate the relevance of international society for policy ideas and action. The central argument is that the Indonesian elite worldview indicates that the creation and maintenance of order in international societies are ones which are prominent objectives legitimizing the conduct of Indonesia's external relations.
The results of previour research Wahyu (2001-2009), found the reinforce and complement the theory of Cognitive Development (Scheme) student (Extended Level Triad++) in the learning of mathematics. The purposes of the study are: 1) to generate a new theory about the Extended Level Triad++ ie levels of development schemes student to Graph Theory finer (from five levels to seven levels); 2) to determine the characteristics of the new levels of the triad (the Triad Level Extended++). In the qualitative research, data were collected from a task-based interview, then performed the data reduction, and presentation of data, as well as the next steps as set out in the flowchart prosesur collection and analysis of data, the data analysis will apply genetic decomposition analysis. Then to get a characterization of each level of the development carried out by the method-comparison analysis-fixed, by applying the theory of Glaser & Strauss, a theorizing process through four stages. The results of this study obtained in the form of advanced theory Extended Level Triad++. The theory is then summarized in a network schema development consisting of seven levels, ie the level of pre-intra, intra, semi-inter-level, international level, the level of semi-trans, trans level, and the level of extended- trans. Keywords: Extended Trans, Development Scheme, Triad Level
This paper is a revised version and an expanded version of the paper entitled 'Shares Divestment Scheme in Indonesian Mining Law'. Several cases of ICSID are cases of shares divestment, one of them is the Freeport case that offers divestment by giving the assumption of investment if the Government extends the Freeport Operational License until 2041. It violates determination of divestment share price as the value should be based on fair market price without calculating the amount of minerals. Shares divestment execution is often hampered by the determination of divestment shares' price. The purpose of the divestment arrangement was not achieved because of the price fixing issue which causes divestment failure or causes divestment delay, and the shares that were previously for the government eventually fell on private shareholders which might be owned by foreign parties. This paper is a legal research. It is intended to formulate a shares divestment scheme in the mining sector in Indonesia based on rational choice theory and public choice theory, which is expected to give a valuable contribution to the Government of the Republic of Indonesia as well as stakeholders and can be the ontological basis for laws and policies related to the investment and mining laws in Indonesia. The approaches which are used are the conceptual, statute, case and comparative approach. The primary legal materials that are used are legislation, international conventions and court decisions, while the secondary legal materials are in the form of literature and related materials.Key words: Investment law, mining law, national interest, rational choice theory, shares divestment.
Como respuesta al conflicto armado que se ha desarrollado en Libia a lo largo de 2011, la UE ha ejecutado las sanciones decididas por el Consejo de Seguridad que no implican el uso de la fuerza, ha destinado más de 150 millones de euros de ayuda humanitaria a la región, ha puesto en marcha la operación FRONTEX "EPN Hermes Extensión 2011", y ha proyectado una operación militar de apoyo a la asistencia humanitaria, la EUFOR Libia, que nunca se ha desplegado. En una perspectiva más general, las revueltas populares que se han sucedido en varios Estados del sur del Mediterráneo, entre ellos Libia, en el que se ha desembocado en una guerra civil, han certificado el fracaso de la política exterior de la UE en esta región. En efecto, durante la última década la política euromediterránea de la UE ha estado mucho más centrada en la cooperación económica y comercial —sobre todo en el campo energético— y en el control de la inmigración irregular, que en el escrupuloso respeto del ordenamiento internacional y la promoción de la democracia, el Estado de derecho y el respecto de los derechos humanos, así como el desarrollo económico y social de la población de los Estados del sur del Mediterráneo. ; As a response to the armed conflict occurred in Libya during year 2011, the EU has applied those Security Council sanctions not involving the use of force. Likewise, the EU has allocated more than E 150 million to humanitarian assistance in the region having implemented Frontex Operation «EPN Hermes Extension 2011» as well and having designed a military operation in support of humanitarian assistance there —the so-called EUFOR Libya, never deployed before. From a more general perspective, people's uprisings in several Southern Mediterranean States —which in the Libyan case has led to a civil war— have proved the failure of EU's foreign policy in the region. In fact, EU's Euro-Mediterranean Policy in the last decade has been mainly focused on financial and trade cooperation (especially in the energy field) and on irregular migration control, to the detriment of the full respect for International Law, and the promotion of democracy, the rule of Law and the respect for human rights, and the economic and social development of the peoples in Southern Mediterranean States. ; Trabajo elaborado en el marco del proyecto de investigación coordinado, concedido por el Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación, "La Política Mediterránea de la Unión Europea en perspectiva: el proceso de Barcelona, la Unión para el Mediterráneo y los intereses españoles" (DER2009-14238-C02-01).
This paper looks at how Indonesia contributes to the creation of a relatively peaceful and stable Southeast Asian region after the Cold War. It examines Jakarta's diplomacy in the South China Sea, and explains its implications for the making of the regional order. The argument is that Indonesia's impact on regional security has been apparent in its attention to the improvement of rule-based interaction among states in the region. However, recent developments have demonstrated that Indonesia's initiatives, formulated in the Indo-Pacific Cooperation Concept, are unsuccessful due to the lack of support from other ASEAN states. This paper shows that great powers politics in the troubled waters has hindered the advancement of Indonesian's orderdriven policy.
Perempuan dalam konflik / Adinda Tenriangke Muchtar -- Perdamaian dari sudut pandang feminis / A.A. Sg. Dwinta Kuntaladara -- Perkosaan perempuan dalam konflik / Fitri Bintang Timur -- Migrasi internasional dan ketidaksetaraan global / Pande K. Trimayuni -- Peningkatan arus migrasi TKW-PRT ke PEA / Mita Yesyca -- Perkawinan dalam kajian ekopolin ilmu hubungan internasional / Andy Yentriyani -- Hak perempuan adalah hak asasi manusia, perjuangan di benua Afrika / Witania Larasati dan A.A. Sg. Dwinta Kuntaladara -- Konvensi perempuan, sebuah peluang menggugat ketidakadilan berbasis gender di Iran / Septi Shilawati.
L'envelliment de la població és una qüestió que preocupa des de ja fa un temps les autoritats polítiques. D'aquí que, tant a nivell nacional com internacional, s'aposti per la promoció d'iniciatives adreçades a millorar la qualitat de vida de les persones grans. La promoció de les relacions intergeneracionals n'és una, per això dediquem aquest treball al tractament d'aquestes relacions. Aquesta contribució aporta algunes dades que aconsellen la promoció de les relacions entre generacions, i aposta pels programes intergeneracionals com un recurs per a fer-les possible. ; The issue of the aging of the population has been of concern to the political authorities for quite some time now, and there is a commitment at both national and international level to developing and implementing initiatives capable of improving the quality of life of older people. One of these initiatives is the promotion of intergenerational relationships, and in taking these as its subject, this paper puts forward data to support the promotion of closer relations between young and old, and identifies intergenerational programmes as a key resource for fostering these. ; El envejecimiento de la población es una cuestión que viene preocupando desde hace ya algún tiempo a las autoridades políticas. De ahí que, tanto a nivel nacional como internacional, se apueste por la promoción de iniciativas dirigidas a mejorar la calidad de vida de las personas mayores. La promoción de las relaciones intergeneracionales es una de ellas, de ahí que dediquemos este trabajo al tratamiento de las mismas. Esta contribución aporta algunos datos que aconsejan la promoción de las relaciones entre generaciones, y apuesta por los programas intergeneracionales como un recurso para posibilitarlas.
The existing literature on Indonesia's foreign policy has excluded the state from the category of an agent which shapes the country's external affairs. This trend certainly ignores the notion that foreign policy is a unique state activity taking place in the interface between domestic and international politics. To fill the gap, this article explores the idea about the family state and looks at its influence on the conduct of Indonesia's international relations. The argument is that the family state pursues order in international society in which sovereignty can be maintained. Indonesia plays the role of an order-maker in Southeast Asia through the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). The order-oriented actions are displayed by Jakarta's diplomacy to resolve border disputes with neighbouring countries in the region
Poverty reduction has been the top priority of the Indonesian government's developmental projects. At the age of climate change, however, the implementation of the policy faces greater challenges. Empirical observation gives rise to a question as to why do the climate change mitigation programs fail to bring about favorable effect to poverty reduction? The paper employs an intermestic approach to critically explaining the underlying problems concerning climate change and poverty reduction in Indonesia. The argument is that the political economy of climate change accelerates the existing structural factors which alienate the government from the poor people, and annihilates the moral relationships between the ruler and the ruled. To clarify this position, the discussion proceeds in two main parts. The first section outlines the significant use of the intermestic approach to analyzing the disconnection between climate change and the Indonesian government's economic policy to reduce poverty. The second section goes on to discern the structural factors which exacerbate the circumstances under which poverty reduction becomes a trivial issue in the ostensibly development policy directed to achieve economic progress. The concluding section reflects what can be learnt from the ongoing situation; on how to bring the state back into the right direction.
Global surveys indicate that massive disillusionment with economic globalisation, upheld by the liberal order, which is ignored by governments in European, Asian and Latin American countries, has paved the way for the ascent of nationalist forces. This trend is also visible in Indonesia. President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) has consolidated power against opponents who exploit nationalist, populist and religious causes. On the international front, Jakarta has been actively engaged within a variety of multilateral organisations where liberal institutionalist agendas are enforced. Therefore, it is worthwhile considering the influence of internal and external environments on Jokowi's economic policy which is getting increasingly nationalistic. This article argues that nationalist economic practices have emerged as the Jokowi government's response to domestic and international challenges which can have an impact on its perceived legitimacy. The discussion proceeds in five steps. To begin, this article presents a comparative perspective to understand the position of Indonesia in the developing international political economic context. This is followed by an overview of the definition of economic nationalism and its connections to domestic politics and foreign relations. The third section is about the Indonesian government's efforts to put economic nationalism into effect. The next two parts investigate how the inside and outside dynamics generate Jokowi's inward-looking policies. The conclusion emphasises what can be learnt from the Indonesian case.
Revolusi Iran tahun 1979 menjadi sebuah titik balik terhadap dinamika politik, budaya, dan sosial yang ada di Iran. Pemimpin revolusi, Khomeini, ingin Iran menjadi negara mandiri secara militer, salah satunya adalah membentuk milisi yang disebut Basij e-Mustafasin. Basij adalah milisi yang loyal terhadap Ayatollah yang terdiri dari masyarakat sipil. Basij telah begitu aktif terlibat dalam berbagai macam konflik yang melibatkan kepentingan Iran, seperti perang Irak-Iran 1980, perang Lebanon 2006, hingga perang sipil Suriah 2011. Menurut Paul Bucala (2017), penggunaan milisi Basij Iran dalam Perang Sipil Suriah yang terjadi dinilai tidak efektif, menghabiskan dana dan memunculkan korban yang cukup banyak, selain itu terdapat sebuah anomali dimana milisi yang seharusnya digunakan untuk bertahan di dalam teritorial negara (Calder, 1910). Namun hal ini tidak membuat Ali Khameini sebagai pemimpin agung untuk meminimalisir penggunaan milisi Basij pada Perang Sipil Suriah. Penelitian ini membuktikan bahwa terdapat konsistensi serta peningkatan dalam penggunaan milisi Basij dikarenakan budaya strategis yang mengakar dalam kultur militer Iran yaitu exporting sectarianism dan ideological army mobilization yang di sebutkan oleh Kamran Taremi (2014). Melalui hal tersebut peneliti akan menggunakan kerangka pemikiran Ole Waever tentang konstruksi sejarah sebagai identitas utama dari budaya strategis. Peneliti juga menggunakan kerangka beprikir militerisasi sipil oleh Julian Schofield (2007) untuk melihat fenomena milisi yang ada di Iran. Laporan penelitian ini kemudian menunjukkan bahwa adanya sebuah penyerapan pemahaman kolektif budaya strategis dalam perumusan kebijakan luar negeri Iran khususnya dalam bidang militer.
Interfaith dialogue has not gained a strategic place in the context of the study of international relations yet, even though its existence has practically provided new dynamics in the constellation of contemporary international relations. Not only that, interfaith dialogue also has sufficient theoretical urgency as a academics study that needs to be continuously developed. The debate between realism and idealism continues to develop in contemporary international relations studies. This development is influenced by the expansion of the meaning of actors who not only talk about state actors but also non-state actors, the expansion of the issues was originally focused on hard political issues but also focus to the discussion on low political issues, as well as how the interaction between actors with the religious discussion of these issues has created varied patterns of relations between actors in the study of international relations. This study attempts to place the phenomenon of interfaith dialogue theoretically in the study of international relations through a rational perspective, by seeking a middle ground between the realism and idealism debates. The English School approach, foreign policy, and diplomacy will try to be presented so that the theoretical position of inter-religious dialogue will become clear as a phenomenon that continues to develop in the study of international relations. The importance of this research is to provide the possibility of a wider variety of studies in the context of international relations, so that the existence of international relations as a scientific discipline can be optimized for its contribution to analyzing social phenomena across national borders that occur and growing.
This research focuses on the relation of elite H. Andiwarto with sub-elite and village community in maintaining Masra family dynasty for village head position. Masra family dynasty has run for a long time. For 150 years, Masra family descendants occupy the village head position. The survival of Masra family dynasty in the Gapurana Village Government is studied in the relation of H. Andiwarto, who is Masra descendant with sub-elite and village community to maintain Masra family descendant dynasty as a village head. This research used a qualitative method with descriptive research type. The elite theory proposed by Suzanne Keller was used to analyze the relation of elite, sub-elite, and the community. This theory has 4 (four) indicators: the governing elite, the ruling elite, the not ruling elite, and the community. Based on these indicators and the results of this research, the relation built by H. Andiwarto in maintaining Masra family dynasti consists of three relations: relation with the political elite, relation with economic elite, and relation with the social elite. The political elite's relationship is vital in maintaining the Masra family descendant dynasty. In contrast, the relation between the economic elite and the social elite supports relations for keeping the legitimacy of the village community towards Masra descendants. ; Penelitian ini berfokus pada relasi elite H. Andiwarto dengan sub-elite dan masyarakat desa dalam mempertahankan dinasti keluarga Masra untuk jabatan kepala desa. Dinasti keluarga Masra sudah berjalan sejak lama. Selama 150 tahun, keturunan keluarga Masra menduduki posisi kepala desa. Kelangsungan hidup dinasti keluarga Masra dalam Pemerintahan Desa Gapurana dikaji dalam relasi H. Andiwarto yang merupakan keturunan Masra dengan sub-elite dan masyarakat desa untuk mempertahankan dinasti keturunan keluarga Masra sebagai kepala desa. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan jenis penelitian deskriptif. Teori elite yang dikemukakan oleh Suzanne Keller digunakan untuk menganalisis relasi elite, sub-elite, dan masyarakat. Teori ini memiliki 4 (empat) indikator yaitu elite yang memerintah, elite yang berkuasa, elite yang tidak berkuasa, dan masyarakat. Berdasarkan indikator tersebut dan hasil penelitian, maka relasi yang dibangun oleh H. Andiwarto dalam mempertahankan dinasti keluarga Masra terdiri dari tiga relasi yaitu relasi dengan elite politik, relasi dengan elite ekonomi, dan relasi dengan elite sosial. Relasi elite politik merupakan relasi yang paling vital dalam mempertahankan dinasti keturunan keluarga Masra. Sebaliknya, relasi elite ekonomi dan elite sosial mendukung relasi untuk menjaga legitimasi masyarakat desa terhadap keturunan Masra.
